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Medieval History - Husky - 07-19-2010

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Medieval History - ramana - 07-19-2010

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Medieval History - Guest - 07-21-2010

Some question(mark)s concerning Mughal architecture



Part I. Who really commissioned I'timad-ud-Daulah's mansion?



1. Introduction

This article is intended to put some question marks on Mughal architecture by principally investigating the "authorship" (of the building from scratch) of the mausoleum of Mirza Ghiyas Beg I’timad-ud-Daulah by his daughter Nur Jahan in part I.



The impression we get about Mughal royalty in standard works is that while the royal Mughal men were engaged in warfare and government, (some of) their women showed keen interest in and commissioned building and garden projects from scratch. For instance Hamida Begam was involved with Humayun’s Rauza, Mehr-un-Nisa ‘Nur Jahan’ with her father’s mausoleum, Sarais, gardens like Shalimar, etc.



True as this may be in a sense, in general, there is the more intricate question to what they really did commission and what they did design really. Just a notification by a authorized(= biased) court writer, thus in service of the same royal family, is not sufficient evidence. We have to look and investigate exactly what the real contributions were of the royal ladies.



The white-marbled mausoleum of the Persian I’timad-ud-Daulah, is a marvellous building. Some consider this building as the precursor to the mausoleum of his granddaughter Arjumand Banu ‘Mumtaz’. Some today even affectionately call it the ‘Baby Taj’ to refer to its connection with the Taj Mahal.

This mausoleum of Mirza Ghiyas Beg, standing in the middle of a quadripartite garden, is said to have been commissioned and/or designed by empress Nur Jahan. Reading any standard work will give this kind of information: “I'timad al-Daula (Emperor's Pillar) was the title bestowed upon Mirza Ghiyas Beg by Emperor Jehangir. Of Persian descent, Mirza Ghiyas Beg became the first treasurer and then the prime minister (wazir) under Emperor Jehangir. His daughter, Nur Jahan, later married the Emperor and commissioned the mausoleum to honor the memory of her father upon his death in 1622.” 1

Writers like Ellison Banks Findley go even farther and not only attribute the commissioning of the building to her, but also the design and thus making her into an important contributor of Mughal architecture. 2



But, when looking at important references in a contemporary source, there appears to be a serious problem with this. These references within this source, published in two versions by different authors and translated in English, have been totally overlooked and misjudged by all (standard works and) historians.

This eye-witness is Pelsaert, an employer of the Dutch factory in Agra. His writings include the Kroniek and the Remonstrantie. Both works were completed roughly in 1626. His patron, Van den Broecke has sent these notes with additions to Holland in 1628. The Flemish De Laet's De Imperio Magni Mogolis (The Empire of the Great Mogols), published this as second part as Fragmentum Historiae Indicae in 1631.

J.S. Hoyland published De Laet's work from Latin into English, but he didn't highlight significant notes with reference to the mausoleum, Agra city, etc.



Quoting from Pelsaert’s original works in Dutch, we get a better picture of some of these more important passages or quotes compared to Hoyland’s work on De Laet. Joannes de Laet has translated the notes of Van den Broecke, which are based almost entirely on Pelsaert’s, in Latin. His work, again, is translated in English. That is why I have concentrated mainly on Pelsaert’s works.



Before moving to the next paragraph concerning the mausoleum, a special note on the Dutch words 'hoff' and 'huys/huis' in Pelsaert’s writings: the first are Havelis or mansions with a (pleasure) garden. The second word particularly refers to the Haveli or mansion itself. See his definition of ‘hoff’ (The plural of ‘hoff’ is ‘hoven’): “ … have lots of extremely beautiful garden palaces, who not only contain charming trees, but also buildings, ...”. 3



2. Garden palace of I'timad-ud-Daulah

Pelsaert’s Remonstrantie, describing Agra city and all the palaces of nobles on the banks of the Yamuna river, to the north of the castle area, gives this information on I'timaduddaulah's garden palace: “... ; Asaf Khan's extremely beautiful and costly garden palace, lord of 8.000 horses; [the garden palace of] I'timaduddaulah, lord of 5.000 horses; ...” 4

The information in brackets is added by me to understand the second sentence better. For, it is an enumeration of the owners of garden palaces on the riverbank with reference also of their court rank. This description fits in a time when I’timad-ud-Daulah’s son, Abul Hasan ‘Asaf Khan IV’, was in a powerful position due to the marriage of his sister with the former ruler Jahangir and especially with the new ruler Shahjahan, who was married to his daughter Arjumand Banu ‘Mumtaz-uz-Zamani’.

The quote reminds of I’timad-ud-Daulah having a garden palace on the river bank of the Yamuna.



On the location of this garden palace, the Kroniek has this to say (this was around Nau Roz 1020 AH = march 21st 1611): “... and he went every evening by boat to the house/palace of I'timaduddaulah because of her, staying the whole night and he came back to the castle (Red Fort) in the morning to make the preparations (for a marriage).” 5



Pelsaert provides us with another clue. The garden palace has to be reached by boat from the castle (Red Fort). But, was this garden mansion on the western bank at the side of the castle or was it on the eastern bank?

Pelsaert gives two important references about the location, and also about the identity of the mansion. The 1st reference is in the Kroniek, where he states: “In which year I'timaduddaulah, the supreme vazir of the king, has died and has been buried in his garden palace on the other side of the river.” 6 Pelsaert, here, not only locates I’timad-ud-Daulah’s garden palace on the other side of the river, he also identifies this former garden palace with his recent mausoleum! The 2nd one is from the Remonstrantie: “ … have lots of extremely beautiful garden palaces, who not only contain charming trees, but also buildings, like the garden mansion of Sultan Parwez, the garden mansion of Nur Jahan Begam, the garden mansion of I'timaduddaulah, who was the father of Asaf Khan and the queen, in which he is also buried; ...”. 7

This settles this question of the location and identity. The pleasure pavilion complex with garden is the same as the mausoleum of the last owner named I'timad-ud-Daulah. The mansion turned later into a mausoleum did already exist during his lifetime from at least 1611 on, when Jahangir visited him regularly there for a marriage proposal. I'timad may have obtained the existing mansion between 1607 and 1611. Nowhere is stated that I'timad-ud-Daulah had commissioned his mansion! Obviously, it is as old as Akbar's regnal period, or perhaps older.

Thus, it raises important and new questions.



Obviously, when Nur Jahan did not design the mansion containing the cenotaph her father (and her mother, which was imitated in the Taj Mahal destroying the balance), which puts serious doubts to this contribution of her to Mughal architecture, who did commission its building. This, perhaps also puts question marks on other so-called contributions of her to architecture. What, then did she really contribute to the project turning the pleasure mansion with garden into a Rauza or garden tomb?



A note on the word Rauda or Rauza for a tomb, which literally means a garden. The Mughals had a preference for a burial in a tomb in the middle of a garden. In order to turn a pleasure mansion with garden into a tomb in a garden, some cosmetic changes had to be commissioned. The tomb itself within the complex with more buildings had to be planned to be placed centrally in a garden. Auxilliary buildings and decorations expressing too much pleasures of the mortal nobility when alive had to be demolished. Everything else expressing the worldly and serene beauty for a deceased could be retained or added. And every sign of power, richness and decadence had to be shown to the world.

This involved a lot of money, labour, and labourers. Costs of new materials (costly marble from Rajasthan or Gujarat), transportation of new material and of old material, transportational means, hiring chief masons, sculptors, calligraphers and common labourers, etc., who could create without destroying the origal design of the existing mansion; a construction plan and execution of the new empty and filled cenotaphs, cosmetic changes after the taste of the deceased, repairing jobs, maintenance of mausoleum and garden, etc. And she was not alone with this kind of repairing projects.



In general, there were two types of repairing projects for creating either mausoleums or mansions. The first involved the changing of existing mansions (of pleasure) during lifetime into mausoleums after death. The Remonstrantie clearly states that “ (garden mansions) …, when being a pleasure ground during lifetime, after death, they became tombs ...” 8

The second was a customary occurrence amongst royal members and some other nobility, to be granted or to having bought an existing mansion of a former eminent court official, and to arrange some cosmetical changes according to the personal taste, allowance and/or funds. See for instance how Sultan Khushrau got his palace: “To my son Khusrau a lakh of rupees was presented that he might build up for himself the house of Mun‘im Khān,* the (former) Khānkhānān, outside the fort.” 9

Thus, this reference of the Tuzuk substantiates this important fact that existing palaces or mansions were being used afterwards by the next owner and that these could be repaired or redecorated, according to their budgets. In this case 500.000 or 1 lakh or rupees was being used for repairing (rearranging or redecorating) the Haveli of the former Khankhana according to his own taste.

The mausoleum of I'timad-ud-Daulah clearly was the first type of a repairing project by Nur Jahan: decorated embellishments of motives here and there, and destruction of iconic features and auxilliary objects and buildings.



This brings us to the costs of this repairing project of Nur Jahan. Pelsaert gives the figure of turning the garden mansion into a garden mausoleum as already 3,5 lakh rupias at the time of making notes, and adds that it will exceed upto 10 lakh in the end. 10 The repairing allowance of Sultan Khushrau to his new preexisting palace was 1 lakh. Nur Jahan had spent more than thrice that amount, which hints at not only the repairing (redecorating, but also destroying and removing elements) process that had costed much money, but its maintenace does also add much to raise the expenses.



3. Conclusion

It is clear from the references in Pelsaert's works, a contemporary source, that Nur Jahan did not build the garden mansion, neither her father. He got into possession of an already existent riverside mansion complex with garden. She, thus, also cannot be claimed to have contributed to that part of Mughal architecture. Her only part was that she had commissioned to turn an already existing mansion of pleasure complex with garden into one of grief. Many of the Muslim and especially Mughal buildings (of nobles and saints) were changed in a similar fashion. Her role involved a repairing project, involving some (minor) cosmetical changes.



At what time this mansion was built and by whom remains a mystery. Perhaps it was built during Akbar, perhaps during the Afghans or even before, who knows? That Agra on both sides of the riverbanks was an important city, before Akbar and even before the Afghans, can also be deduced from Pelsaert's reference to and description of the eastern bank, hinting at the Afghan and pre-Afghan periods. But, it is also Jahangir's Tuzuk which substabtiates this. This will be dealt with in another part of the article.



The Khurasani (= actually Irani) claims of this mansion dates from roughly around 1611: The Khurasani faction got importance in the Jahangiri period after 1611, when he got married to Mehr-un-Nisa ‘Nur Mahal’, whose name of a mere ‘Lady of the Harem’ turned into that of a royal lady, now called ‘Nur Jahan’ Begam. At least at that time the mansion must have got into possession of her father, who was raised from the status of a prisoner for stealing royal money and being the father of a son who wanted to kill Jahangir. The dignity and truthfulness of this powerful, influential and intriguing 'junta-like' Khurasani or Irani family is questionable with these acts: stealing from the state, involved in plots to get rid of Jahangir through his blinded son (for which the involved Khurasani were executed and almost also Nur Jahan's father), again involved in plotting against Jahangir through the other son, getting hold of mansions of others (Raja Man Singh's palace and garden), etc.

But, Jahangir's motives are even more questionable: Getting rid of his war mate, the husband of Mehr-un-Nisa, and giving her traitor family high positions just to get married to her. Jahangir, strangely (or obviously?) doesn't mention his marriage in 1611 in his Tuzuk.



The white-marble “Baby Taj’ constructional plan, a mansion with four corner towers attached to the mansion, is thus not Nur Jahan's work, and thus also not her design and her project starting with constructing from scratch from 1622 on, so it definitely is not an achievement and contribution of her to Mughal architecture! This is a very important conclusion, amazingly overlooked (or perhaps ignored) by historians, with perhaps some far reaching implications.

And this is not the only question mark of this Mughal period. There are many more, almost all coming from the original court works and their writers!



In the next part, I will concentrate on more question marks concerning the so-called "Saracenic" (pre-)Mughal Muslim construction and architecture of Agra and its vicinity, based upon primary sources, which again have been overlooked.



If any question mark concerning a claim is so obviously wrong and crystal clear as in this case, that nonsensical claim should be removed immediately from standard works.



Notes

1. From Archnet: http://archnet.org/l...sp?site_id=7544

2. Findley, E.B.: Nur Jahan, Empress of Mughal India, 1993, New York. Oxford University Press, p. 228

3. Pelsaert, Francisco: De Geschriften van Francisco Pelsaert over Mughal Indie, 1627; Kroniek en Remonstrantie, 1979, ’s-Gravenhage. Publisher: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers bv. Published by D.H.A. Kolff and H.W. van Santen, page 250 (Kroniek: pp. 59-242, Remonstrantie: pp. 243-335.)

The Dutch original, part of the reference in note 7, is: “ … hebben uyttermaten veel schoone hoven, die niet alleen playserich van geboomte, maer niettemin van gebousel sijn, ...”.

4. idem, page 248. The Dutch original is: “... ; Assoffs Chan sijn uyttermaten schoon ende costelijck hoff, heer van 8.000 peerden; [het hoff van] Ethemam Daulatt, heer van 5.000 peerden; ...”.

5. idem, page 134. The Dutch original is: “.... ende ginck alle avonden te water met een schuyt in huis van Ethemadaulatt om haerent wille, blijvende daer den heelen nacht ende des morgens quam wederom te water int casteel om alle voorvallende saecken te regelen.”

6. idem, page 157. The Dutch original is: “In welck jaer Ethemadaulatt den oppersten whasier des coningx overleden is ende in sijnen hoff, die aen de overkant van de rivier staet, begraven.”.

7. idem, page 250. The Dutch original is: “ … hebben uyttermaten veel schoone hoven, die niet alleen playserich van geboomte, maer niettemin van gebousel sijn, als den hoff van Solthan Perwes, den hoff van Nour Ziahan Begem, den hoff van Ethemaddaulatt, vader van Asoff Chan ende de coninginne geweest, waar ook in begraven ligt; ...”.

8. idem, page 250. The Dutch original is: “ (hoven) …, want verstrect haer in hun leven tot vermaeck ende, doodt sijnde, tot begraeffenisse, ....”.

9. The Tūzuk-i-Jahangīrī Or Memoirs Of Jahāngīr by Alexander Rogers and Henry Beveridge, 1909–1914, London. Royal Asiatic Society. Also at: http://persian.packhum.org/persian/books,

10. Pelsaert, page 250.


Medieval History - Guest - 07-22-2010

Some lost styles or schools of Indian architecture. This is based upon treatises like the Samarangana Sutradhara, Aparajitaprccha, Shilparatna, etc.



Indian architecture involves Vastu (architecture), Shilpa (sculpture and Chitra (painting). The Sthapati was not only an architect-mason, but also an engineer and townplanner. Around him were several guilds or Shrenis of other Sthapatis, Sutragrahins, Takshakas and Vardhakis.



Vastushastra is more than only temple architecture. It involves:

1. city, town, village and fort architecture (suburbs were called Shakha-nagara)

2. civil and public art and architecture (Veshma and Sabha)

3. palace art and architecture (Rajaveshma: rich and with royals had their NivAsa = residence and VilAsa = pleasure mansions)

4. temple art and architecture (Prasada)

And each had its distinct and overlapping and also regional styles. Where are those mansions, not only the varied temples, but also the palatial ones? How come that everything of the middle ages and later is Muslim or branded as such?



According to the Vastushastras till the rule of the Delhi Sultans, there were many schools and regional styles of architecture.



In temple architecture, we learn from the standard works that we have principally a Nagara, Dravida and a mixed style, called Vesara. But there were many more:

DrAviDa (Deccan and S.India), Latina (or LATa), VAvAta (or VArATa, Berar), SAndhAra, BhUmija, Mishra (mixed), ValabhI (Gujarat), Napumsaka, SimhAvalokana, DAruja, NAgara (N.Indian). There is also a VairATa style (Alwar) of temple construction.



The principle Palace architecture styles from a selected point of view (eastern, central and southern India, probably referring to the more traditional or orthodox styles) are: PAncAlI (doab), MAgadhI (S.Bihar), VAngI (Bengal), KAlingI(Orissa), ShaurasenI (Hindi speaking area, variants of Braj Bhasha) and DrAviDI (Deccan and south).



Both temples and palaces could have overlapping styles. The Panchayatana construction can be seen in Khajurahu, the palatial ones are Humayun's rauza and the Taj Mahal.

Mansions can have (n)one to many domes or Chhatris. In that case we have Ekaratna, Triratna and Pancaratna. Pancaratna was already recognized by Babur as a Hindustani style.



With reference to the dome styles, we have the following different styles: Kaurava (Haryana), PancAla (central doab), Vaideha (N.Bihar), MAgadha (S.Bihar), Kaushala (E.UP), KAlinga (Orissa), KAshya (Banaras), VArATa (Berar), Kaulaka (?), Shandila(close to Kannauj?)), Shaurasena (Mathura), GAndhAra NW), Avantika (Malwa), KAshmIra, GAngeya (Bengal?).

The domes, also called StUpikA (derived from the stupa shape), ShikhA and ANDa, must have contained also a bulbous shape.



Mandapas were of different shapes, square(caturashra), round (vrttanta), but also octagonal (ashtashra), etc. The same shapes for supporting pillars, pillars/towers in walls (bhitt-stambhas) and monolithic pillars/towers (dhvajastambhas and manastambhas, dipamanastambhas).

Temples did have a monolithic tower/pillar, but the Digambaras already had their Samava-Sharanas with a Manastambha at each direction, giving four monolithic towers or pillars in front of the sacred Hall. Bauddha temples, especially in Gandhara before the Guptas may have had 4 monolithic towers topped with lions surrounding the Hall too, but then positioned like the Taj Mahal towers. At least their sculpture does show this in two miniature models. See: Gandhara, 2nd century CE, has 4 lion-crowned Stambhas surrounding the Stupa on a platform. http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/04/StupaWithPillarsGandhara2ndCentury.jpg

An stylistical miniature example: Model of a stupa (Buddhist shrine), ca. 4th century, Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara, Bronze; H. 22 3/4 in. (57.8 cm), W. 7 1/2 in. (19.1 cm). Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Donald J. Bruckmann, 1985 (1985.387ab) Source of description: Model of a stupa (Buddhist shrine) [Pakistan, ancient region of Gandhara] (1985.387ab) | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art



Material used, could be wood, bricks and stones. Marble (sphatika = originally crystall quartz) was also known, at least the stonecutters and mines from Gujarat and Rajasthan were very famous. For construction two techniques were also used, which were Sudhashila (sudha = plaster) and Vajralepa (adamantine glue coating). When both were combined it was also called Vajralepa.

White radiance of temples through plaster was called Sattvika, red radiance was Rajasika and black was Tamasika. There was a white temple dedicated to Surya, according to the Mandasor inscription of 473 C.E. with the phrase "the temple resembling a mountain shines white", in line 16. (Indian Antiquary, vol. xv, p. 196)

The Lakshmana temple in Khajurahu was also white plastered 'like the peaks of the mountains of snow'. (inscription of 1011 C.E.)



The Garbhamana system of measuring divides the sacred plot in nine divisions, called Ashtapada or Padashta. This is the real origin at least from Gupta times of the Hasht Bihisht concept in architecture, wrongly ascribed by some modern authors to Persians and as a concept used by Mughals, but this last word can be found nowhere in literature before Amir Khushro of India. And that too in a non-architecture use. Ashtapada in Garbhamana method denotes 8 Padas or squares surrounding a central one. Every Pada has its own Vasu and Vastupurusha. Every 8 major Pada, further divided, gives 32 minor Padas, represented by 32 Devatas; the central 9th major Pada, the Brahmasthana is represented by the 33th Devata.

One Mandapa using eight courts and 12 peristyle pillars (Barahkhambha or Barahdari) around a central Pada with 4 pillars is the Navaranga mansion. Perhaps the ancient Palace of Vasantasena as described in the Mrcchakatikam with 8 great courts and a garden is also arranged as a grand Ashtapada. But, I am not sure about this. Even though it is described in an ancient Sanskrit play, it must be based upon a real grand mansion complex of a wealthy person in Ujjain. An example of the old Malwa school of architecture.



Many types of laid-out gardens attached to mansions are described, collectively called KAnana.

Many types of Yantras are described, especially the ones supplying waters being used for the gardens, fountains, etc.



City planning included different shapes, like square (caturashra), rectangular (ayatana) like the Taj Mahal, round (vrttanta), semicircular or bow-shaped (Karmuka, like an Arddha-Chandra) like the Agra Red Fort and a citadel above the Delhi Red Fort, etc.

According to one authority, a metropolis (Nagara) could have a capital city (Rajadhani), with a secondary city (Pattana) attached to it, all with their suburbas (Shakha-Nagaras), including quarters for merchants/traders, artisans, soldiers, etc.



In short, Indian Vastu architecture is grossly misunderstood and one-sided described. And its value coupled to indigenous and Rajput architecture and creativity before and during the Sultanate and Mughal period is enormously underestimated, by giving its credits to the newly created and non-existent Pathan and Saracenic architecture and overestimated Timurid and Mughal architecture, even though they have their own beauty. But if claims or credits for creation can discredited through primary sources, what then is Mughal architecture? The real credit in any way should be given rightly to Indian architects, masons, sculptors, carpenters, common labourers and their shastras and creative minds.


Medieval History - Guest - 07-30-2010

Part II, III and IV of the article are in progress.

Part II concentrates on features of Mughal architecture vs its ancient Indian occurrences: (white) marble, (four)towers, bulbous domes, true (pointed, vaulted and muqarna-like!) arches, four entrance gates, symmetrical plannings and plots, based upon 64 (2x32, 4x16 or 8x8) and 81 (9x9) squares.

Part III is raising huge question marks on the authorship by Mughals of 3 Mughal metropoli: Delhi, Fatehpur Sikri and Agra.

Part IV is intended to gather all the obvious question marks concerning the Taj Mahal building.



Hopefully, the article will cause some stimulation to have another, fresh look at the primary sources concerning the Indian history of the 2nd millennium C.E. This part of our history needs some major corrections. Dr. Ram Gopal Misra has done an excellent job with his monograph titled "Indian Resistance to Early Muslim Invaders Upto 1206 A.D.", quoted by another great pillar, Sita Ram Goel.

As for the credits of Indian art, architecture, cityplanning, etc. much work needs to be done, to clear real indigenous (especially Shaiva, Bauddha, Jaina and Vaishnava) achievements from too much pro-Muslim academic appeasing, propaganda and funding actions. If somebody is rightly the creator of some achievement, he surely must get the praise. But if not, that should be mentioned clearly and the false claim must be exposed.

Unfortunately, negative Muslim actions, such as unhuman atrocities for booty and beauty, are grossly ignored or wished and washed away. On the other hand, any (self-pro)claimed positive action or creation, is exponentially expressed and repeated by the pro-Muslim lobbies.

Even though it is admitted of some that they were terroristic tyrants, their care for and creation of the beauty and beautiful gets the overhand. A mass murderer is a mass murderer, no matter how beautiful his poetry is. Period.

It is time to call a spade a spade in academia and outside.



The claims of the Sultans/Padishahs are concerned with the following items of architecture:

- cities

- forts,

- mosques

- palaces

- other works (irrigation, etc.)



Method of research next article

While collecting information and writing the parts of the article, I was stuck by the information which I read in the translated original works at the packhum site. This prompted me to gather textual evidence concerning temple destruction and conversion into mosques. The method which appeared to me is to organize the quotes according to certain formulae, with three progressing fases:



A. 1. destruction: standard formulae for destroying and transporting idol pieces to older mosques

2. conversion: standard formulae for converting certain temples to mosques



B.1. destruction: standard formulae for destroying and transporting idol pieces to older mosques

2. destroying = creating: standard formulae for destroying certain temples to mosques, and creating new mosques on the same spot



C.1. destruction: standard formulae for destroying and transporting idol pieces to older mosques

2. "creating": standard formulae for creating mosques, without reference to a previous temple on the spot.



Periods of violating temples, roughly in the following order:

I. Rise of Islamic raids

A. Arab period

B. Ghaznavid period (Tajikized Turks)



II. Delhi Sultanate

A. 1200-1400 Till Timur (Tajikized Turks)

B. 1400-1526 Till Babur (Tajikized Pathans)



III. Mughal Sultanate

A. 1526-1556 Babur (Tajikized Turko-Mongols)

B. 1556-1707 Greater Mughals (Indianised Turko-Mongols)



A disease called Babur's amnesia

One word on the praise for Babur's autobiography. His work is too much praised, mostly for giving many minute details and seemingly showing honesty with weaker character descriptions. But for a person describing so many minute details, his rather selective amnesia, besides missing pages on important events, is amazing. (the Timurid atrocities of Babur's failed previous conquering attempts are vividly described in the Guru Granth Sahib, comparable to Timur's, Mahmud Ghaznavi's and Muhammad bin Sam's pre-Tarain I and II attempts.)

Babur's selective amnesia is not only a heriditary disease, but has also epidemic consequences with academic victims. It is hard to communicate anything sane with these whose sanity isn't cured in the sanatory of objectiveness, for, their curing curators are being rewarded through funds founded with hostile filantropical foundations.



Not only he fails to describe achievements for instance with reference to waterworks, irrigation, etc. by Hindus, which is understandable seen from the perspective of his disdain of almost everything Hind-i and Hind-u, but he also fails to see what for instance the Delhi Sultans had claimed to have been created in this respect, like the irrigation works of the Delhi Sultan Feroz Shah.

In this respect he is clearly the descendant of the 'Hitler' of Central-Asia, one of the topmost war criminals ever. Timur looked down upon Hindus as well as upon Indianized Muslim Pathans and Turks and their achievements. His descandant Babur was not different. Babur had to swallow some of his Central-Asian pride, when he saw the amazing constructions of pre-Mughal Hindu Rajas (especially Gwalior, Sikri). But he had to downplay everything achieved during the Delhi Sultanate period, especially of Rajput or (claimed to be by) indigenous Pathan structures.

One has to take into account that for Mughals, and thus also for Babur, the Pathans of the soil and some Indianized Pathans from the NW were the competitors for his imperialistic policy. Hindus were considered as Kafir, even though there were many Hindus in his army. But Pathans were looked upon as unreliable allies and also adversaries. There still were Lodi claimants for a Delhi throne alive, there still were Lodis and other Pathans in the Purab. And most Pathans of the soil also disliked the Mughals.



Timurid style's Indian roots, base and influences

Timur started with his dream of creating particularly through his captured Indian masons and material something never seen before, only after his Indian campaing when he saw Indian buildings, one of which was a domed marble building with four towers, which he tried to copy in Samarkand.

If scholars start writing about Timurid architecture, why do they ignore the Indianness within Timurid architecture from the very start. Central-Asian Timurid architecture owes its basics to imported(=captured) and local(=pre-Timurid) Indian ideas. Before any Timurid idea entered the subcontinent, it had already a considerable Indian stamp. This Indianized Central-Asian architecture further fused with subcontinental Indian schools, so how much non-Indian is this Timurid>Mughal architecture? Whatever Persian element (like the oblong or square form of the entrance halls of mansions) was incorporated, it was from the pre-Mughal schools developed in Gujarat, Bangal and Deccan.



The Timurids > Mughals were great in claiming great achievements as theirs. The tradition of dreaming of projects and "creations which none had ever witness before" was started with Timur himself. For this dream it didn't matter they had to twist history, chronicles, etc. At least Timur (through particularly through his biographer Ahmad ibn Arabshah) admitted that he employed Indian masons and tried to copy an Indian building.

And who was powerful enough to oppose or take the effort to correct the Timurid Mughals on these points, supported by a host of powerful alienated Rajput Rajas.



Not a part of the article, but certainly a point to get sufficient attention is the role of Hindu Rajas and generals, besides fanatical Hindus converted to the Islam, from the Hindu Kush deep into India, in helping Muslim conquerors and raiders:

Mahmud Ghaznavi had several Hindu generals or commanders, like Tilak Rai. With these Hindu commanders (must have been from the eares from the Hindu Kush to Sindh) he conquered the western and northern countries, possibly also employed to conquer the Indus area.

The greatest raider of the Delhi Sultanate, Alauddin Khilji had his Malik Kafur, a converted Hindu eunuch, besides Hindu Rajas from the Deccan and south who helped him in destroying competing Hindu Rajas. (Muslim divide-and-rule) Babur, like the Pathans before him, too had Hindu troops and commanders.



Muslim success from abroad was due to at least these important points:

1. the Muslim king was already an accomplished, skilled and merciless conqueror in Afghanistan.

2. his army was a well-trained professional, merciless conquering army

3. system of trusted military bond or guards of mamluks or ghilman (plural of ghulam = slaves, often castrated sex slaves: earlier captured Arab or Turki and later Hindu young and handsome lads, like Malik Kafur and Khushrau Khan) One wonders what role the forcefully kidnapped and employed sons (and their captured mothers, aunties and sisters in the harem) of defeated Rajas had in the court of Mughals. Were they also subjected to a Ghilman status? This was a Muslim system of military homosexual bonds used by Abbasid Arabs, Turks, etc. Some of these Ghilman could get very powerful positions.

4. payment of the huge army with loot: allowing beauty (male, female) and booty as a reward

5. the leader played his Ghazi and Jihad trunc cards: the army was extra determined to conquer and destroy Kafir territories: Ghazi trunc card.

6. the alienated recruits had a nothing to loose mentality in foreign territory

7. introducing new military techniques or devices (canon), essential for surprise effects and initial success

8. clever divide-and-rule policy with competing indian rulers etc.

9. It is much easier to defend mountainous and less populated areas than the densely populated and plain territories, like the Ganga-Yamuna Valley

etc.



Especially through surprise attacks of blood thirsty looters and rapers, these armies were successful. With never-ending fresh Muslim recruits from the south, west and northwest (Africans, Arabs, Persians, Turks, Mughals) and converted from India, the peaks of military successes of the Delhi Sultans gave the appearance as if it was one line of hegemony.

But after these initial and other successes the invaders hardly controlled the conquered or rather raided areas outside their forts. The only way for Muslims to deal with brave Hindu resistence was through terror and trying to demoralize the valorous opponents by capturing or kidnapping female and male members of the family and putting them in harems. But, even though many Hindus surrendered to these tactics, there were always many still resisting the terror attacks.



Hinducaust, Hinduclast and Hindughost

As the west remembers the Holocaust of Jewish people in WWII, the world forgets that Hindus are subjected to an unprecedented Horrorcaust better called a Hinducaust causing the mass murder (burning) of Hindus through horrific actions, from the rise of Muslim terror till now.

The British couldn't physically kill all the Hindus, therefore they started with their Hinduclast policy: breaking down Hindu morale and psyche. To balance this they started with their Hindughost or GhostHindu propaganda: creating a new "Hindu" ghost population which was in physical appearance a Hindu, but a pro-Anglican and anti_Hindu in spirit and speech. The Nehru's, Gandhi's, Romilla Thapar's and their likes are the Hindughosts.

The Witzels, Farmers, and their like are the modern Hinduclasts.


Medieval History - Guest - 08-19-2010

While searching for information about Mughal time cities in primary Muslim sources for my article, I was surprised to learn that what we find in standard works about Tughluqabad, that it was built by Ghiyathuddin Tughlug in 3 a 4 years in the period 1321-1324 C.E. from scratch, might not be true at all.

Unfortunately, Muslim sources are relative silent about the cities of Delhi and Indarpat metropoli. Sometimes we get a stray surprising reference which gives us an idea about these inner cities. One such is about Tughluqabad.



Tughluqabad

First, I read the work of Badaoni, who wrote his critical biography of Akbar. Then I looked in contemporary or almost contemporary works, of which we have Ibn Batuta, Barni, Afif and Firuz Shah. None of the last works are against Badaoni's statement. And not one of these sources states that Ghiyathuddin had built Tughluqabad from scratch!



Starting with Badaoni, who had access to all available information in his time and was a staunch Muslim favouring any achievement of Muslims, he gives this amazing information: “Then he directed his ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqābād and all the lofty edifices, and set about it (without delay)* and Badr Shā‘ir Shāshī invented as a chronogram for the date of building the fort (of Tughlaqābād) the following: “Enter then her gates.”* [Note: These words give the date 727 H.]



This is surprizing! Ghiyathuddin didn't build Tughluqabad fortress and all the lofty edifices (palaces, places of worship, etc.), according to Badaoni, but he started a repairing project of an already existing fortress = a large fortified complex with residential structures, as it was chosen as the location of his new place including towns. (the murder of the former Khilji Sultan and the still-existing turmoil in Siri, and his usurpation of the throne had some influence on this decision)



I thought it was a fait accompli that the fortress was completely built from scratch by Giyathuddin at a new, bare place.

And this rebuilding project of the immense fortress was completed within a very short time span. For, Badaoni on the same page says this:”And in the year 724 A.H. (1324 A.D.), Sultān Ghiyāthu-d- 224. Dīn Tughlaq Shāh, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khān as his viceroy in the capital Tughlaqābād which had been built in the space of three years and a fraction, ...” See: Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni, Vol. I, Elliott and Dowson, p.296



To build an immense fortress, with all its edifices and towns in such a short time span from scratch, is a monstruous, almost impossible work. But it makes sense, if the short time span involved a repairing project to repopulate the location as a royal seat. And the most amazing fact is that this immense fort city was abandoned relatively shortly after the repairing project was finished, due to water supply problems. (Does this sound familiair with another city? Yes indeed! Compare this with the similar situation with Fatehpur Sikri during Akbar). Obviously, the Sultan and his Muslim enigeers didn't have the know how to build and maintain water and irrigation works of this magnitude. Badaoni's quote proofs that the fort complex was not built by him, and thus, is older.

Looking at almost contemporary sources, the information contained in this quote is not shaken. There is no (explicit) mention of building the fort from scratch.



1st almost contemporary source - The African traveller Ibn Batuta, freshly arrived in Delhi Tughluqabad during the reign of Giyathuddin's son Muhammad, doesn't mention explicitly that the city having been built by a Tughluq. He gives three descriptions related to Tughluqabad. The first is a general one:

"Description of Dehli. … Tughlikábád, so called from the name of its founder the Sultán Tughlik, father of the Sultán of India whose Court we are now visiting."

The second is more specific, explicitly saying that only the tomb in Tughluqabad was built by Tughluq=Ghiyathuddin Tughluq: “Some assert that Tughlik was taken out dead; others, on the contrary, maintain that he was alive, and that an end was made of him. He was carried away at night to the tomb which he had himself built near the city called after him Tughlikábád, and there he was interred. *” From: History of India, Vol. III, Appendix D. ed. Elliot and Dowson – Ibn Batuta: Travels of Ibn Batuta.

The third description sounds a bit too fantastic. He says that Ghiyathuddin had the location of his new capital city in mind when he was serving the previous Sultan: "One day Tughluq was accompanying Qutb al-din and (pointed to the site and) said: 'O Lord of the world (khwand-i 'Alam) how good it would be if a city could be built there'. The sultan replied sharply, 'Build it when you are the sultan.' As God willed it he did become the sultan and built the city, naming it after himself."



This last reference one can throw into the dustbin. Ghiyathuddin Tughluq was a general of the Khilji sultan. No Delhi sultan would trust a subordinate to encourage to become the next ultan outside his own blood relatives (or favorite slave if childless), especially when having his son as heir! And having his trusted slave body guard around him, who would be chosen before any Tughluq.

Thus, Ibn Batuta connects only the (re)naming of the city with Sultan Tughlaq, and doesn't state that the fort and lofty edifices, like the Vijaya Mandala and the Hazar Sutun (= Sahasra Sthuna) were built by him. Instead he explicitly says that his tomb was built by him. [I doubt that the fortified mini-complex, of the same material and model as the main fort complex, at the end of the lake was also built by him. He must used that during lifetime as a private pleasure ground to have slightly remodelled that fortified mini complex to contain his mortal remains]

As this Sultan repaired the city and relocated the royal seat from Siri-Delhi to Tughluqabad, he was in a sense the founder of the city as the new royal seat.

Ibn Batuta is explicit in mentioning the building of Kushks etc. like a simple structure in Afghanpur where the Sultan found his death when that structure collapsed. This gives a good idea about the construction skills of the Tughluqs!

Obviously, the warlord Giyathuddin, occupied by battles in his Sultanate, didn't build anything. With the information of Badaoni in mind, it makes sense.



2nd almost contemporary source - Barni, biographer of Giyathuddin's grandson Firuz Shah Tughluq, has this much to say:

“A despatch of victory was sent to Dehlí, and at Tughlikábád and Sírí there were great rejoicings. …

The Sultán had made Tughlikábád his capital, and the nobles and officials, with their wives and families, had taken up their abode there, and had built houses. …

When Ulugh Khán received information of the Sultán's hastening homewards to Tughlikábád, he ordered a temporary erection to be raised at Afghánpúr, about three or four kos from the city, where the Sultán might stay for the night and take rest, before marching on the following day into the city with pomp and triumph.”
History of India, Vol. III, ed. Elliot and Dowson - Barni: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi



Barni doesn't say too that Tughluqabad was built by Giyathuddin! He only states that that Sultan had made the new city his capital, as the repairing project must have been insignificant. After the repopulation, private houses were built in that fort city. Thus, again, no claims of having built Tughluqabad!



3rd almost contemporary source: Afif, biographer of Firuz Shah Tughluq, doesn't even refer to Tughluqabad, but says this much about Ghiyathuddin:

“Kism I, Second Mukaddama.—Fíroz Sháh's Education in the Duties of Royalty.

Fíroz Sháh was fourteen years old when Sultán Tughlik Sháh ascended the throne. The Sultán was engaged for four years and a half in travelling about his dominions, and during that time Fíroz Sháh attended him, obtaining full knowledge of all public business transacted by the Sultán. On the death of Sultán Tughlik he was succeeded on the throne of Dehlí by Muhammad Sháh.”
History of India, Vol. III, ed. Elliot and Dowson - Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi.



Neither Afif nor even Firuz Shah in his Futuhat claim that Giyathuddin had built Tughluqabad (from scratch). Firuz hah involved with repairing projects of 7 ancient and decaying fortresses of the Old town, didn't include Tughluqabad or any structure there. Strange if it was built completely from scratch by his grandfather.

The standard and psec historians are clearly wrong here! The city fort complex was not built by Tughluq, as per contemporary sources and the important reference of Badaoni! Neither was it built by any preceding Sultan, as no court writer has written down any claim.



If, as it seems from primary sources, that the fortress was of the pre-Sultanate period, I believe that it must have been this particular fort that was seen by the invading Muhammad Ghori/Qutbuddin Aibaq when they conquered Delhi. I could certainly not have been Qilah Rai Pithora, otherwise they would have mentioned the fort connected with the name of their known adversary! The text says:

“The Conquest of Dehli.

After settling the affairs of Ajmír, the conqueror marched “towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate its splendour!) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind.” When he arrived at Dehli, he saw “a fortress which in height and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length and breadth of the seven climes.”
History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson – Nizami: Taj-ul Ma' asir



Thus, he saw "a fortress ..", and not "the fortress of Rai Pithora"! This immense fortress complex was built before the Sultanate period, in the Rajput period. The Chauhanas may possibly be excluded, as Rai Pithora was connected with Yoginipura and its by him expanded ancient local fort. The most obvious candidates who must have built the fort complex are the Tomara Rajputs, the Samantas of the Chauhana overlord. (one Chandaraja and Tejapala Tomara were killed in Tarain, as per local tradition)



The fortress is made of rubbles and dressed stones. Many Dhilli buildings are made of random rubble and dressed stones, like ancient Lal Kot-Qila Rai Pithora, Tughluqabad and Ugrasen ki Baoli, etc. probably also Biwi Dadi Tomb and Bandi Poti Tomb (A medieval Sanskrit inscription, much obliterated, was recovered here some years back, and the site may represent the location of some Hindu establishment; probably also several tombs of different sizes within the Green Park and its neighborhood, with popular names like Biran-ka-Gumbad or ‘brother’s dome’, Chhoti Gumti or ‘small dome’, Sakri Gumti or ‘narrow dome’), and they all are possibly from the same mason guilds working for the Tomaras and belong to the time of Anangpala II or earlier. I believe that Anangapala II was responsible for repairing projects of ancient structures (see Suraj Kund in Anangapur Faridabad), besides constructed some new of his own.



I suggest that Tughluqabad was part of older Dhillipura metropolis, as it was during Sultanate period, and its name was perhaps Anangapura city. The description as given in Vibudha Shridhara's Pasanacariu, referring to the cities of Dhilli metropolis, in my opinion are about Tughluqabad when describing the huge fort and adjacent Ananga Lake. Ananga Lake above Qila Rai Pithora is called Ananga Tala(Tadaga or Talab). But the one attached to the immense fort is called Ananga Sara(s) in the Pasanacariu.

The ancient Lal Kot was an old fort, built by the founder, and repaired by Anangapala II when he repopulated Yoginipura and the rest of Dhilli after Mahmud's attempts to conquer Hindustan.

But, whatever its name and origin, it becomes clear from Muslim sources, that Tughluqabad city was in existence before the Sultans.



Indarpat

This much about Dhillipura, the twincity of Indraprastha. It seems that about its twincity we are misinformed too.



A. Indarpat Fortress: According to the Afif, there was a Qasbah or fortress in Indarpat during the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq.

“Kism II, Eighth Mukaddama —The building of Fírozábád on the river Jumna: The Sultán having selected a site at the village of Gáwín, on the banks of the Jumna, founded the city of Fíroz-ábád, before he went to Lakhnautí the second time. Here he commenced a palace, * * * and the nobles of his court having also obtained (giriftand) houses there, a new town sprang up, five kos distant from Dehlí.

Eighteen places were included in this town, the kasba of Indarpat, the saráí of Shaikh Malik Yár Parán, the saráí of Shaikh Abu Bakr Túsí, the village of Gáwín, the land of Khetwára, the land of Lahráwat, the land of Andháwalí, the land of the saráí of Malika, the land of the tomb of Sultán Raziya, the land of Bhárí, the land of Mahrola and the land of Sultánpur.

So many buildings were erected that from the kasba of Indarpat to the Kúshk-i shikár, five kos apart, all the land was occupied. There were eight public mosques, and one private mosque. * * * The public mosques were each large enough to accommodate 10,000 supplicants.”
History of India, Vol. III, ed. Elliot and Dowson - Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shah.



Afif refers to 18 settlements, but only enumerates 12: 1. the kasba of Indarpat, 2. the saráí of Shaikh Malik Yár Parán,3. the saráí of Shaikh Abu Bakr Túsí, 4. the village of Gáwín, 5. the land of Khetwára, 6. the land of Lahráwat, 7. the land of Andháwalí,8. the land of the saráí of Malika, 9. the land of the tomb of Sultán Raziya, 10. the land of Bhárí, 11. the land of Mahrola and 12. the land of Sultánpur.



Most important, we have here a Kasba of Indarpat. And Qasbah in Arabic means a fortified city, thus a fortress! That it may stand for Purana Qilah is not improbable at all. That Indarpat as a large city should have its own fortified place with town is not surprising. This fortress was existent during the time of the Tughluqs, thus much before either Sher Shah and Humayun. Both, again, made an existing fortress complex as their royal seat, and thus were involved with repairings and minor changes.



My idea is that every large Kot had its nearby or farther away Kots, but also minor Kotlas. Adilabad is a Kotla to Tughlugabad, Salimgarh is a Kotla to Lal Qilah, etc.

Kotla Firuz Shah, also built of rumbles, may have been originally a dependancy upon Purana Kot. Firuz Shah, like his predecessors and subsequent rulers, repaired an already existent (minor) city fort and caused repopulation and then overpopulation. Till the natural resources were gone. Which meant relocation of the capital.



I believe that Indarpat, like its twin Dhillipura was originally a densily populated and built metropolis before the Muslims. Indarpat is called both a mauza and pratigana (pargana) in early Sultanate period (Baoli) inscriptions. Both are administrative units, mauza containing a few villages and a pargana containing several mauza's.



B. Lal Qilah or Red Fortress: Shahjahanabad is nowhere mentioned in pre-Shah Jahan sources, as the city and fort are said to have been created by Shah Jahan. We hardly do know anything about the area (only that Bodha was one of the Nigamas or city quarters of Indraprastha - the Nigambodh Darwaza and funerary Ghat at the riverside), but strangely enough one important 18th century court source from Gujarat gives this information about Shahjahanabad, not entirely different from Badaoni's about Tughluqabad:

“In the mountainous country, about Ídur,* there is a quarry of white stone, which is pro­curable in no other part. The lime made from this is used in stucco work; for the walls or terraces of buildings; and for fine edifices, pleasure-houses, and mausoleums. If employed in plastering, it takes so fine a polish as to reflect the light as a looking-glass. When, in the reign of Firdaus-Ashiáni-Sháh Jahán,* the royal buildings of the citadel of Sháhjahánábád (Dehlí) were repaired, the lime made from this stone was taken from Gujarát, by the King's order, and used in their construction.” Mohammed Alí Khán: Mirat-i Ahmadi; The Political and Statistical History of Gujarat, section 1, ch. 1, p. 1.



Of the author is said in the preface by translator James Bird: “As the author commenced collect­ing materials in A.D. 1748, he must have dedi­cated fourteen years of attention to its composi­tion. His style is more laboured and verbose than that of most Mohammedan historians; but what it wants in elegance is compensated by general accuracy of facts, and research.”



Here the author, having studied several works and not subject to Mughal censorship, clearly states that Shah Jahan was involved in a repairing (plastering, painting, redecorating) process of the royal buildings! Thus, the royal buildings did exist before Shah Jahan. (Similar case with Tughluqabad centuries earlier.)

This upsets the information as contained in standard works. In my opinion, if you have royal buildings, pointing to a city of a local Raja as governor, there must have been a citadel too, as all the cties in Delhi were fortified ones! That there were local governors of cities of Delhi-Indarpat, becomes clear from the Palam Baoli inscription of 1276 speaking of a Purapati or city governor of Yoginipura. This inscription describes the genealogy of Thakkura Udadhara, Purapati of Yoginipura, now building a Baoli in Palam village.

Another point to remember is that Shah Jahan acquired marble from Gujarat close to Idar and not from Makrana in Rajasthan. Probably Raja Jai Singh was not so cooperative, after having lost his grandfather's mansion and land in Agra.



Conclusion

There is a clear pattern visible in all these cases: One gets the picture that Muslim rulers were involved in renaming, repopulating, repairing projects of older locations and constructions, when shifting their capital residence. Then through their court writers these rulers (gradually) get the claim to having built the reoccupied constructions from scratch. The next phase was that when a pre-existing, but repopulated city was overpopulated and having no sufficient water supplies, it was abandoned, betraying the fact that the court engineers of the Muslim rulers had insufficient knowledge with pre-existing city plans and complex construction.

Some construction works of other cities were (partly) destroyed, as it was the wish of the last owner of a mansion to be buried there: palational mansions were turned into tombs. Other mansions, of worship, which were frequently visited by Hindus were either turned into Dargahs attached to some Sufi saint to be worshipped like Hindu saints, or they were simply turned into tombs or desecrated in another way.



A point to keep in mind is that there was never stability or rest in Delhi or its dominions during the Sultanate period outside their forts or fortified settlements. These soldiers had hardly any time or own architects, let alone masons, sculptors etc. to be involved into anything other than repairing or remodelling projects of pre-existing structures. Some early Sultans allowed some Jainas, Vaishnava, Shaivas, etc. some freedom with their creative activities or projects, as long as it didn't get too much attention of the Ulema. The first to change this in Delhi and then elsewhere in his kingdom was Firuz Shah Tughluq.

The blood- and money-thirsty Alauddin Khilji was only interested in collected and killing. The next changes came with Muhammad bin Tughluq, who shifted his capital to Devagir, causing mass migrations to and back from Devagiri and with Firuz Shah, taking strict measurements against 'idolaters'. With the raids of mass murder Timur the Terrorist, Delhi got a fatal blow to its population and creative minds and hands. Many architects, masons, artisans etc., but also the wealthy moneylenders fled to other areas, favorably of Hindu Rajas.

So, Fergusson's "Pathan architecture" for the Sultanate period is not only a misnomer, the Sultans were predominantly Turks, but these rulers had used pre-existing palatial, civilian and religious structures, applying minor changes to suit a Muslim convention.



In the above mentioned points, we can see that standard works don't give a reliable picture of the history of Delhi, let alone of other cities. (like Agra, as per Pelsaert's testimony and a slippery reference by Jahangir about Agra's grand size and magnificence even before the Afghan rule)



I am not denying and ignoring the contributions made by the Sultans and Padishahs, if they are rightly the contributor, their name should be attached to that. But, if not, that should be corrected. By now we must realize that if achievements claimed by the rulers through their biased and exaggerating court writers, flatterers of their patrons, are by no means concluding or a fact, these should be corrected in standard works. Fortunately, we have statements in these works clearly contradicting the claims. And why standard works, whose authors (see the Shokoohy's)have also access to the same primary sources, should not apply the required corrections to their wrong statements, is a huge question mark.

Unfortunately, rather than looking at indigenous origins if righht, the general trend is to look at foreign and that too only Muslim originals anyway, even if sometimes there are no real comparable foreign examples left.



Thus, it's not only Yoginipura and its fort of Rai Pithora that was built and known before the Sultans. The 'authorship' or real founding of more cities and constructions of Delhi, like the fortress of Indarpat (called Qasbah of Indarpat = Purana Qilah), belong to the pre-Sultanate period, and the ones that belong to the Sultanate period are mostly by indigenous Jaina, Shaiva and Vaishnava, etc. tradition and hands. This has important implications for architecture of the Sultanate (and later) periods, and which needs a completely fresh and unbiased look.


Medieval History - Guest - 08-22-2010

Tughluqabad, was it built by Ghiyathuddin Tughluq?

by Ishwa



1. INTRODUCTION

This writing is intended to give directly some insight into (the process of) Sultanate and indirectly of Mughal activity concerning city-fort-palace constructions. While the court writers, pleasing their patrons, stumble over their own words in eulogising the achievements of their patrons, the inconsistences in these sources provide us a glimpse into the real picture behind the construction activities, through comparison of all available sources, including from modern research.

The main object of research is the fortress of Tughluqabad, which gives us the unique chance to examine critically and visualise the real picture, as we have some important written sources to compare. And what helps is that fortress was briefly occupied, and it was not contaminated by later Sultans or Padishahs from the point of view of architecture and dating the constructions.



I hope I will get more time to expand this writing with more data which thereafter, hopefully, may encourage professional and other researchers to look afresh to the history and architecture of the pre-Sultanate, the Sultanate and the Mughal periods, with more consideration for and appreciation of (continuous and adapting) indigenous non-Muslim traditions and sources.



My writing concentrates mainly on the Interim Reports of the research of the Shokoohy's, as they have done amazing and intensive field work in Tughluqabad, the findings of which they have collected in those reports. Tughluqabad as main object of research, led me to some interesting results concerning other fortified cities of Delhi and Indarpat, which are given too in the end of the writing.



Political situation

Ghiyathuddin Tughluq (1320-1325). He usurped the throne of Siri-Delhi from Sultan Khushrau Khan, who himself took the crown after killing his patron, the last Khilji Sultan. Khushrau Khan, of Hindu (a Parwar) origins, unlike the mass murdering Mlechha Malik Kafur before, didn't forget his Hindu roots. With the help of Hindu and some Islamiced Parwar courtiers, he abandoned cow slaughter, and Murti Puja etc. were again allowed. Muslim nobles and governors elsewhere, but more so the Delhi Ulema, were highly agitated by this. The Delhi kingdom was divided. After a few months Ghiyathuddin, a governer elsewhere, usurped the throne of Delhi.

Far from feeling comfortable as the new Sultan, with a lot of adversaries in Siri-Delhi, and with political chaos

elsewhere, he made plans to shift his royal residence to a new location. (It seems that none of the powerful Tughluqs found peace in the triple conglomerate Delhi cities of Yoginipura-Jahanpanah-Siri: Ghiyathuddin shifted his capital to Tughluqabad, Muhammad to Devagiri > Daulatabad and Firuzshah to Indarpat area. And then came the mass murderer, Timur the Terrorist, and Delhi lost much splendour)



Description of the city

“An early fourteenth-century capital of the Delhi sultanate, Tughluqabad, built between 1321 and 1324, is not only a significant historical site of Delhi, but also a prototype for the planning of many towns built later in India. Laid out on a Perso-Islamic plan, Tughluqabad has three fortified areas: the citadel (arg), situated to the south; the fort (qal'a), about six times the size of the citadel, to its west; and the town itself (shahristdn), spread towards the north and the east of the fort and the citadel.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 14)



The Shokoohy's (Mehrdad and his wife Natalie) say that it is laid-out on a Perso-Muslim plan, with three fortified areas:

1.citadel (arg) - situated to the south

2.fort (qal'a) - situated to the west

3.town (shahristan) – spread towards the east and the north of citadel and fort



There is a general tendency amongst researchers to look only at foreign prototypes or examples, ignoring sophisticated and ancient, indigenous royal cityplanning. Rather, Tughluqabad's can be based upon indigenous planning, as described in the Vastu treatises like the Manasara, Samarangana Sutradhara, etc. with:

1.Antarnagara

a. antahshala (citadel - inner court): Rajabhavana - Nivasa (residential set up) and Vilasa (private set up)

b. bahihshala (citadel - outer court): Rajanivesha (administrative set up) – asthana-mahasthana-bahihsthana

c. skandhavara (fort): stables (Go, Gaja, Ashva), Dutas and Samanta/Mandalika commanders

2.Bahirnagara

a. nigama (townships): guilds, traders, storehouses, markets, etc.

b. grama (villages)

And all the Nagara courts and sections are fortified, preferably with a major Triprakara defense (three fortifications – coupled to the tripartite function of citadel-fort-townships).



The Shokoohy's, then point to a feature, also met with at Rai Pithora's fortress of pre-Islamic origin:

“An outer courtyard does not, however, seem to have been an innovation of Malik Ayaz. Qal'a Rai Pithiira, the first Muslim capital (of pre-Islamic origin) at Delhi, is also known to have had at least two such features: one in front of the main gate of the citadel and another in front of one of the gates of what could be described as the upper town of post-Ghurid Delhi, both dating probably from the thirteenth century, if not earlier.8” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 21)

Note 8 ASIR, I, 1862-5, 181-3, pl. 36; A. Cunningham, 'Report of the proceedings of the Archaeological Surveyor to the Government of India for the season of 1862-63', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, xxxmii, 1865, Supplementary Number (addenda to the main number), xlv.



Here we get supporting evidence that outer courtyards as part of the construction is an integral part of Tughluqabad, wich it share with another Rajput fortress of Delhi, that of Rai Pithora, which may have been built well before him by the Tomaras.



There is another fort in Delhi, which has also this feature, and that is the one in 'pargana' Indarpat:

“Outer courtyards--although not a common feature in the gates of the later forts-can occasionally be found, and an example in Delhi is the western gate of the seventeenth-century Red Fort.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 21-22)

And this fort, may not have been built by Shah Jahan originally, as according to the 18th century court work Mirat-i Ahmadi, the Padishah was involved with repairing the royal buildings:

“In the mountainous country, about Ídur,* there is a quarry of white stone, which is pro­curable in no other part. The lime made from this is used in stucco work; for the walls or terraces of buildings; and for fine edifices, pleasure-houses, and mausoleums. If employed in plastering, it takes so fine a polish as to reflect the light as a looking-glass. When, in the reign of Firdaus-Ashiáni-Sháh Jahán,* the royal buildings of the citadel of Sháhjahánábád (Dehlí) were repaired, the lime made from this stone was taken from Gujarát, by the King's order, and used in their construction.” (Mohammed Alí Khán: Mirat-i Ahmadi; The Political and Statistical History of Gujarat, section 1, ch. 1, p. 1)

Having royal buildings without a citadel doesn't make sense. Every royal building complex is fortified, especially in the important capital location of Delhi. But it is amazing to learn that before Shahjahan's reign there were already royal buildings in Shahjahanabad, which had to be repaired by him.



Tughlugabad has, similar to the Ananga Lake at Lal Kot-Qilah Rai Pithora, a huge artificial lake with dams. The (principle) Ghats are to the southwest at Andheri Gate. The existence of this lake with the devices needed to maintain the drainage at a high level to allow habitation of a large royal population, needs an architect of the highest order.



Unique, sophisticated features

“The construction of Tughluqabad follows well established methods of the time and were it not for a few exceptional buildings which display advanced engineering achievements, Tughluqabad would not have been much different from many other sultanate forts. However, a number of the Tughluqabad buildings are somewhat unique in India. The audience Iwvan, with its unusually wide27 span discussed in our first report,28 is one example. Although many later audience halls and other buildings followed the structural principles of the Iwan of Tughluqabad, none had the grand scale of their prototype. Another example was the escape route discussed in our second report:29 a simple construction with a sophisticated design concept which restricted the movement of an attacking party which would have had to scramble backwards down the steps of a tunnel, while the escaping party-also going down backwards-would be facing any pursuers and in a better position to fend them off. Another example of an ingenious structure is the sluice gate, a relatively small building controlling the level of the lake water, not with complex machinery, but by simple devices which could be operated by a single unskilled person-an uncomplicated structure with a truly sophisticated design.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 45-46)



Leaving aside the Iwan feature, the complexities of the sophisticated escape route and waterworks (tanks, artificial lake, dams, sluice gate) make the construction of the huge Tughluqabad fortress in a timespan of 2 or 3 years in a hilly and rocky surface from scratch, almost impossible! In their Interim Reports, the Shokoohy's have their doubts too, but they didn't know about Badaoni's refrence. And unfortunately, they don't give the impression to be familiair with city-fort-palace planning and building of the Hindu Shastras.



In order to get a clearer picture of what the Tughluqs used as methods for city-fort-palace building, let us look at the Interim reports of the Shokoohy's giving the references in contemporary Tughluq sources. This picture is helpful in understanding better the construction methods of the Delhi Sultans and Mughal Padishahs. Then, taking into account the uncensored references from their own works about the real history of the construction works (i.e. repairing projects), coupled with other written sources and local traditions, we will get the proper picture for the history of Indian architecture.



2. (RE)BUILDING ACTIVITIES

Let us see how the Tughluqs were commissioning the planning and executing their constructions, with information from their own sources.



Architect

“The architect of Tughluqabad was Ahmad b. Ayaz, a nobleman (malik zada) of Anatolian origin (rumi),14 expert in geometry and in charge of the royal buildings.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



This architect, according to some contemporary sources, including Ibn Batuta, is held to be responsible for the death of Ghiyathuddin. Following the orders of prince Muhammad, he constructed a wooden Kushk, which collapsed during stay of the Sultan after his Lakhnauti campaign. Both the Sultan and another prince were killed. And Muhammad became the new ruler, and gave the architect later a high function.

The collapse may have been unintentional (as per other and official sources), but then he was a lousy architect, and that with a simple wooden construction.



Planning

“Ibn Battuta12 records that the construction of Tughluqabad had been in the mind of Ghiyath al-din from the time he was in the court of Qutb al-din Mubarak Shah: One day Tughluq was accompanying Qutb al-din and (pointed to the site and) said: 'O Lord of the world (khwand-i 'alam) how good it would be if a city could be built there'. The sultan replied sharply, 'Build it when you are the sultan.' As God willed it he did become the sultan and built the city, naming it after himself." (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



If Ghiyathuddin Tughluq was dreaming about becoming a future Sultan, this points to the direction of plans or thoughts to usurp the throne of the Khiljis. And for this, he needed a different royal base than that of his sitting Khilji master. He was lucky that the Sultan's favourite, Khushrau Khan, killed the last Khilji, and became the new short-lived Sultan. The behaviour of this Sultan enabled him to usurp the throne with the appreciation of the Ulema and many orthodox Muslim nobles.



“As appears from Barni's10 account, the construction of Tughluqabad started soon after his enthronement, and was funded by the revenue which he confiscated from those who had benefited from Khusrau Khan's handouts from the Khalji treasury.11” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



It makes sense that the Sultan started with planning and execution, as he felt uneasy at the former Khilji capital city Siri with all the former court intrigues. For his ambitious career he needed a secure military base functioning as capital city.



“At first glance it seems difficult to believe that a city of the size of Tughluqabad could have been built in two years, or at the most the four years and two months of the total reign of Ghiyath al-din. Some scholars have indeed claimed"7 that Tughluqabad could not have been fully populated by the time of Ghiyath al-din's death, but this seems not to be the case. Barni18 records that before Ghiyath al-din's departure for Lakhnauti Tughluqabad was already the capital, and 'the emirs, the nobles (mulhik), the learned (ma'arif), and the gentry (akabir) together with their wives and children had built their houses there, and had occupied them'.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 518)



The Sultan went to Lakhnauti in 1323/4. Already during the Warangal war in 1322, the conquest was celebrated both in Siri and Tughluqabad, which means that between 1322 and 1323 the citadel and fort were getting habitated, which process was accomplished in in 1323/4 with the town included. With other words, in 1322, thus in two years, the citadel, fort and town with their main buildings, fortifications and defense posts, etc. were ready made for habitation, to get fully repeopled by relocating his family, courtiers, noblemen, etc. between 1322 and 1223. The final construction activities (minor ones) must have been completed in 1324, perhaps with some stray decorative ones slightly later.



Tughluq Method of Construction

“The layout of the fortification walls and the gates: method of construction

The entire city of Tughluqabad, including the citadel, the fort and the shahristan, together with the palaces and public and residential buildings, was built in a short period of time, apparently in the first two years of Ghiyath al-din's reign.23 Such speed in establishing a new town is not unusual in India, as many other towns of that period were built in a similar time span. Among such towns are 'Ala' al-din Khalji's Siri24 as well as Firuz Shah Tughluq's Jaunpur25 and Hisar-i Firuza (modern Hisar). In the case of Hisar-i Firuza, Shams Siraj26 describes the construction of the town as being carried out by army commanders, corresponding with a method used for setting up army camps: Each of his majesty's noblemen and commanders was made responsible for a quarter (alang) of the town. Each one of them, in awe of the sultan, busied himself with the construction work on the land in his appointed quarter ... After the completion of the fort they dug a moat, and piled the earth from the moat on the banks and built battlements along the top. Inside the fort they dug a great tank, and made its water flow into the moat, so that the water of the moat was replenished from year to year ... When his majesty had built his noble palace there, all the great khans, the worthy nobles, the munificent commanders (umara), and the people, both high and low (khass wa 'am) strove to build houses and fine palaces.”
(Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report, pp.433-434)



This Tughluq method of construction deals with forts primarily intended as fortified army camps or outposts with secondarily civilians quarters for non-army supporting personnel. The simple method to fill the moat with waters from tanks has more of a defensive than residential nature for common people.

And, the Shokoohy's also raise doubts about this method to really built a huge fortress with a town and lake such as of Tughluqabad:

“It is, however, difficult to believe that, using the method described by Shams Siraj, the army personnel-even with the help of experienced builders-would be able to build long stretches of town walls with such accuracy that each portion would join the next perfectly without any inaccuracies in the alignment, the height of the walls, the sloping angles of the ramparts and other details. At such points one would expect to see signs of remedial work to correct any disparities.” (Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report, p. 434)



They are right to have doubts, all the more, as this method raises more doubts when creating sophisticated constructions like the escape route and the waterworks.



Difficulties to deal with

“The North Gate seems to have been designed to express the majesty of the fort and its royal buildings, which would have remained inaccessible to most of the population of the town. To achieve such an impression a false sense of height between the ground levels of the town and the fort is produced by raising the floor level of the outer court and again the level of the main gatehouse. From the town, therefore, the gate is seen to stand well above the level of the town. In most cases in Tughluqabad and elsewhere the gates are at the same level as the ground inside. In the North Gate therefore it would be natural to feel that the level of the fort is significantly above that of the town. This is not, of course, the case, as at this point the ground of the fort is only a few metres above that of the town, and a stepped ramp had to be provided at the south corridor to bring the level back to that of the ground within the fort. These arrangements indicate that the concerns of the designers were not only with utilitarian military functions, or even engineering solutions to the discrepancies in the alignment of the walls and structural details. Much thought was evidently given to the creation of grandiose and imposing monumental features.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 28)



For a construction plan and execution, the very short time span, dealing with these height problems with the Perso-Islamic and/or Khurasani “Tughluq Method of Construction”, as described by Shams-i Siraj, and probably used or introduced by Ahmad bin Ayaz, is far from sufficient to deal with these under normal circumstances, let alone to execute this within 2-3 years.



“The lake and the sluice gate Creating a lake at the south of Tughluqabad must have been a challenge for Ghiyath al-din's architect and engineer, Ahmad b. Ayaz, who was in charge of the design and construction of Tughluqabad.26 The site was not close to the River Jumna and it was apparently impractical to bring the river water to the town by means of a canal. The lake was, therefore, dependent on local streams and monsoon floodwater, the level of which would decrease severely in the dry season, while the whole lake might even dry up in a long drought. This was possibly a reason for Firiz Shah Tughluq choosing a very different site for Firuzabad--his own capital of Delhi-far away from Tughluqabad and from Muhammad b. Tughluq's capital Jahanpanah. Firuzabad was sited so that it was possible to excavate a canal and bring water to the edge of the palaces.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 46)



Thus, the architect had to deal with differences in height, but also with water supply problems for the lake with dams and a sluice gate.



“One of the interesting features in the Tughluqabad citadel is an elaborate passage built into the fortification wall apparently as an escape route (fig. 1), … “ (Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 443)

“What would the escaping party encounter on reaching the foot of the ramparts? As can be seen from the plan (fig. 2) the Tughluqabad citadel gave on to a lake at the south and the west. Even the south wall of the town faced the lake, and the Khirki Gate in this side opens to the lake directly with a set of stepped platforms (ghats)-traditional in India-leading down to the water level and giving the public access for fetching water, washing clothes, or bathing. It is possible that all alongside the foot of the ramparts there was a narrow path paved above the flood level. The escaping party could take this route, but it is more likely that among the stores kept in the chambers there would have been equipment for crossing the lake.

“So far the escape route of Tughluqabad is the only actual example of its kind reported in India, or indeed in any other Muslim fort in Iran or Central Asia. The sophisticated design concept, achieved with simple structural details and construction methods, may be an indication that the idea was not entirely new, and further investigation in Indian forts may bring to light other examples.”
(Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 447-448)



Of course, an escaping route is at least also known from the Tomara Rajput fort of Gwalior! The ancestor of these Tomaras fled Delhi between Anangapala II Tomara's and Prithviraja Chauhana's rule.

But, most significantly, it was unknown outside India, and it was certainly non-existent in the either Iran or Central-Asia, and wasn't included in a so-called Perso-Islamic plan of the Shokoohy's!



Progress of construction

Assuming for a moment that Giyathuddin had built the fortress from scratch, this is the time and construction schedule:

1320 Siri is the capital city, the planning of Tughluqabad must have started, and the foundation must have been laid out.



1321 Siri is still the capital city, Campaign of Warangal in 1321

“The town seems to have been built during the first two years of the reign of Ghiyath al-din, as Barni13 informs us that in the events of 721/1321-2 the public audience was still held in the Khalji palace of Siri, ..” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)

The principle fortifications and residences must have been finished now. The start of relocating the military.



1322 Siri and Tughlugabad both capital cities

“ … , but, a year later, Muhammad b. Tughluq's conquest of Arankal (Warangal) was celebrated both at Siri and at Tughluqabad, and in the same year it was made the capital (dar al-mulk).” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)

Tughluqabad shares with Siri the importance of a capital city, with already military and other supporting common personnel in the new city. And the relocating of the rest of the Tughluq court was started, in order to make Tughluqabad the sole capital city.



1323 Tughluqabad new capital city, The Lakhnauti campaign of Tughluq in 1323/13244

“Barni18 records that before Ghiyath al-din's departure for Lakhnauti Tughluqabad was already the capital, and 'the emirs, the nobles (mulhik), the learned (ma'arif), and the gentry (akabir) together with their wives and children had built their houses there, and had occupied them'.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 518)

The construction of Tughluqabad is almost finished at the end of 1323, so that at that end and the beginning of 1324, the Sultan prepaired to leave for his Lakhnauti conquering campaing.



Thus, the huge task of planning, hiring men and getting all kind of construction and scaffolding material, laying out the foundation on uneven, rocky ground and finishing all mansions with interior and exterior decorations, all from scratch, while feeling politically insecure in Delhi surroundings and being busy with two very costly military expeditions far away, and that too all in the short time span of two years, with a little more than one year for the end of this construction project, is far from possible.



But, then, it all makes sense, if this was a rebuilding or repairing project of a pre-existing fortress with a citadel-fort-town and lake complex. And indeed it was, as we have the testimony of Badaoni.



Badaoni's testimony

“Then he directed his ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqābād and all the lofty edifices, and set about it (without delay)* and Badr Shā‘ir Shāshī invented as a chronogram for the date of building the fort (of Tughlaqābād) the following: “Enter then her gates.”* [Note: These words give the date 727 H.](Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni, Vol. I, Elliott and Dowson, p.296)



This is surprizing new information! But it makes sense. Ghiyathuddin didn't build Tughluqabad fortress and all the lofty edifices (palaces, places of worship, etc.), according to Badaoni, but he started a repairing project of an already existing fortress = a large fortified complex with residential structures, as it was chosen as the location of his new place including towns. (the murder of the former Khilji Sultan and the still-existing turmoil in Siri, and his usurpation of the throne had some influence on this decision)



I thought that it was a fait accompli that the fortress was completely built from scratch by Giyathuddin at a new, bare place, completed within a very short time span. For, the same Badaoni on the same page says this, proofing that he knew his sources:

”And in the year 724 A.H. (1324 A.D.), Sultān Ghiyāthu-d- 224. Dīn Tughlaq Shāh, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khān as his viceroy in the capital Tughlaqābād which had been built in the space of three years and a fraction, ...” (Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni, Vol. I, Elliott and Dowson, p.296)



Now, we can understand what is meant by the 'building or 'founding of a city' Tughluqabad by Ghiyathuddin Tughluq in a very short time span. This time span makes sense, against the background that a repairing project was started, which consequently involved a relocation and repeopling of the repaired ancient fortress. These words and its real meaning may be related to other Tughluqs and Sultans too involved with quick construction works of city-fort-edifices.



Proof of repairings

“These gates were more closely investigated, and soon it became apparent that there is a considerable difference between the complexity of planning and construction of the gates in comparison with the walls. Even the stonework of the gates differs from that of the walls (pl. IIIb). It seems that the builders of the gates and those of the walls could not have been the same, and that the military personnel were probably responsible only for the construction of the walls.” (Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 435)



The Shokoohy's don't understand this clear discrepancy of stonework at the joint points of walls with the gates (probably damaged during previous battles), for which they have to create an explanation, as they are obviously unaware of the information that Ghiyathuddin was repairing the ancient fortification. Unfortunately, they don't know all their primary sources.



3. CONCLUSION

From the above, we can safely conclude that Tughluqabad is more ancient than the Sultanate period. If, as it seems from primary sources, supported by archaeology, the fortress was of the pre-Sultanate period, I believe, that it must have been this particular fortress that was seen in Delhi by the invading Ghurids. It could certainly not have been Qilah Rai Pithora, otherwise they would have mentioned the fort connected with the name of their wellknown adversary! The text says:

“The Conquest of Dehli. After settling the affairs of Ajmír, the conqueror marched “towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate its splendour!) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind.” When he arrived at Dehli, he saw “a fortress which in height and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length and breadth of the seven climes.” (History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson – Nizami: Taj-ul Ma' asir)



Thus, the conqueror saw "a fortress ..", and not "the fortress of Rai Pithora"! This most important fortress complex was built before the Sultanate period, in the Rajput period. The Chauhanas may possibly be excluded, as Rai Pithora was connected with Yoginipura and its by him expanded ancient local fort. The most obvious candidates having built the fort complex are the Tomara Rajputs, the Samantas of the Chauhana overlord. The escape route plan of the fortress, they share with their descendant branch in the Gwalior fort.

These Tomaras may have been more involved with the fortifications and constructions spread over Dhilli and Indarpat, especially using rubbles and dressed and undressed stones, than is generally admitted.



Another, very traditional = Hindu feature, can be witnessed with the Ghat:

“About the Khirki Gate and its Ghat: “Instead the gate opens directly onto the lake with a set of stepped platforms (ghats)-traditional in India-leading down to the water level and giving the public access for fetching water, washing clothes, or bathing (pl. XI).

PLATE XI. Khirki Gate, from the steps of the ghat looking east towards the south-eastern outflank of the town walls.”
(Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 28)



The Shokoohy's, unfortunately, don't add Hindu to the word 'traditional', but that is intended. Not only is a Ghat a Hindu feature (worship, cremation, etc. functions), but this Ghat and its important Gate is also facing east! The Ghat facing east has absolutely no function for Muslims. (By the way, the escape route is also leading towards this Ghat.)



Having seriously challenced the claim that Ghiyathuddin built Tughluqabad fortress from scratch in a very short time span, I hope this case is settled. One wonders whether we have similar cases at least with other Tughluq and Khilji period built fortresses, as enumerated here:

“The entire city of Tughluqabad, including the citadel, the fort and the shahristan, together with the palaces and public and residential buildings, was built in a short period of time, apparently in the first two years of Ghiyath al-din's reign.23 Such speed in establishing a new town is not unusual in India, as many other towns of that period were built in a similar time span. Among such towns are 'Ala'al-din Khalji's Siri24 as well as Firuz Shah Tughluq's Jaunpur25 and Hisar-i Firuza (modern Hisar).” (Tughluqabad, Second report, pp.433-434)



Here, Siri too might be a city of Rajput period, having been subjected to a repairing and relocating project. Are these projects, including Firuz Shah's Kotla Firuzabad in "pargana' Indarpat, only repairing projects, like that of Tughluqabad? It certainly looks that way! One may also include the repairing project of the huge Jahanpanah by the warlord Muhammad bin Tughluq, just built in 1326-1327. To build a city from scratch and also long walls joining the Delhi cities of Yoginipura, Jahanpanah and Siri in just a year, is also hardly possible. (See a connection between Jahanpanah and Tughluqabad both having Vijaya Mandalas and Hazar Sutuns or Sahasra Sthuna Mandapas, probably connected with a Tomara ruler called Vijayapala. But, this is another point to be investigated) The better explanation is that the three ancient conglomerate cities, called Dhillipura, were already fortified. After the battles to conquer Dhillipura by the Sultans, the cities needed repairs in the time of the Tughluqs, especially set against the troublesome and serious Mongol incursions in Delhi.



Some stray references in court works of the early Sultans introduces us in some forgotten pages of Dhillipura before their rules. Afif, the court writer of Firuz Shah, gives us another glimpse into a forgotten past of Dhillipura, saying that seven old and decaying fortresses of Old Delhi needed repairs!

"When traders, native or foreign, brought grain, salt, sugar, or other goods into Dehlí, laden upon bullocks,* the customs officers used to seize these animals for a day and send them to old Dehlí. In this old city there were seven fortifications (hisár), built by famous sovereigns; but these buildings were old and falling to decay, and they fur­nished an inexhaustible supply of bricks." (Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, KISM V Second Mukaddama)

Which are these particular fortifications of Old Delhi? There are 3 fortifications belonging to Khilji and Tughluq times (Siri, Jahanpanah and Tughluqabad with its adjacent "Kotla" Adilabad), but they are supposed to be recent, if built from scratch. Only the fourth fortification, Qilah Rai Pithora, was old and belonged to the Rajput period and it was used from the Mamluks on. Perhaps the fortifications of 'pargana' Indarpat were included in this enumeration: the 5th may have been Shahr-i Nau or Kilugarhi and the 6th the Kasbah of Indarpat. Finally, was the 7th then really Shahjahanabad, and supporting the Mirat- Ahmadi's statement?



Now that we have learned from the main research that Tughluqabad is more ancient than previously thought, based upon different sources and archaeology, I have serious doubts about any original contribution from scratch by Tughluq and Khiljis reached within short time span. The testimony of the court writers, or Sultans themselves, is certainly no proof that they actually built from scratch. The pattern of relocating the capital city, "building" within short time spans, only makes me suspicious about their original contributions.

The consequence of this main research led me to more discrepancies and gaps in history, which by chance can be glimpsed from some stray references in the court writers. See below.



That the Dhillipura and Indrapatha metropoli were much larger then is accepted and described in standworks, at least before Timur's massacre, is apparent from foreigner Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad's testimony, based upon indigenous sources of early Tughluq times:

“I questioned the Shaikh Mubárak about the city of Dehli and the court of its sovereign, and I obtained from him the following details. Dehli consists of several cities which have become united, and each of which has a name of its own. Dehli, which was one among them, has given its name to all the rest. It is both long and broad, and covers a space of about forty miles in circumference. The houses are built of stone and brick, and the roofs of wood. The floors are paved with a white stone, like marble. None of the houses are more than two stories high, and some only one. It is only in the palace of the Sultán that marble is used for pavement."

This gives us a huge Dhillipura. But, Dhilli was much larger than this, because this is a description of the older part of Dhillipura, according to his other source on the same page:

"But if I can believe the Shaikh Abú Bakr bin Khallál, this description applies only to the old houses of Dehli, for the new ones are built differently. According to the same informant, Dehli comprises an aggregate of twenty-one cities. Gardens extend on three sides of it, in a straight line for twelve thousand paces. The western side is not so furnished, because it borders on a mountain." (Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad: Masaliku'l absar fi mamaliku'l amsar)

The cities of Old Dhillipura metropolis, as in the first quote, was the first part annexed to the Sultanate. The other cities, including those of Indarpat metropolis had been furnished with with an original different ancient style mixed with new style?

But, the importance of these quotes is that Dhillipura together with its twin metropolis Indrapatha already around 1320 consisted of several wellbuilt and conglomerate cities. This double metropoli character must go back to the Rajput period of the Tomaras, as described by Vibudha Shridhara in his Pasanacariu in the early 12th century.



The repairing tendency of the Sultanate period leads me to the subsequent period. This tendency is also to be witnessed in the Mughal period, at least with Shah Jahan, the Mughal "builder" par excellence. The amazing similarity of Fatehpur Sikri with Tughluqabad concerning water supplies, despite a huge lake nearby, makes me again doubt the claims of Akbar through his arch flattering court writer.

This has far reaching implications for architecture of both the Sultanate and Mughal periods. And architecture of Rajput patrons in those periods named after those two may be concluded to have wrongly called so. Fresh research, critically reexamining the primary sources with new field work projects may most probably lead to different answers and results than as now contained in standard works.



As stated in the introduction, I this writing may encourage professional and other researchers to look afresh to the history and architecture of the pre-Sultanate, the Sultanate and the Mughal periods, with more consideration for and appreciation of (continuous and adapting) indigenous non-Muslim traditions and sources.





SOURCES

1. Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”:

Tughluqabad, the Earliest Surviving Town of the Delhi Sultanate. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 57, No. 3 (1994), pp. 516-550.



2. Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report:

The Dark Gate, the Dungeons, the Royal Escape Route and More: Survey of Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 62, No. 3 (1999), pp. 423-461.



3. Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report:

Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report: Gates, Silos, Waterworks and Other Features. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 66, No. 1 (2003), pp. 14-55.



4. Mohammed Alí Khán: Mirat-i Ahmadi; The Political and Statistical History of Gujarat.



5. Nizami: Nizami: Taj-ul Ma' asir in History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson.



6. Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni in History of India, Vol. III, Elliott and Dowson (Muntakhub-ut Tawarikh).



7. Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi in History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson.



8. Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad: Masaliku'l absar fi mamaliku'l amsar in History of India, appendix C Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson


Medieval History - Bharatvarsh2 - 09-24-2010

Quote:Vijayanagara: the empire remains

Richard Orange



Last Updated: August 20. 2010 1:17PM UAE / August 20. 2010 9:17AM GMT



http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcsi.dll/bilde?Site=AD&Date=20100821&Category=TRAVEL&ArtNo=708209891&Ref=AR&Profile=1087

A woman walks past the Mahanavami platform in the royal enclosure at Hampi, which was used by Vijayanagara kings for viewing parades and public events. Chris Caldicott / Getty Images



In the last few moments before the sun drops behind one of its hills of giant boulders, something happens in the backpacker haven of Hampi. Silence descends on the top of Matanga Hill, where a handful of dreadlocked travellers and ordinary tourists have come to see out the day.



They gaze out over the colonnades of a ruined bazaar below, over the pillars from a long-fallen bridge, over the remains of temples on nearby hilltops, and down onto the high tower of the Virupaksha temple, all of it surrounded by rice paddies and banana plantations and bathed in a gentle light.



This is the ruined city of Vijayanagara: the city whose greatest ruler, Krishna Deva Raya, conquered all south India from the Bay of Bengal to the tip of Tamil Nadu; a city perhaps three times the size, in its heyday, of Paris, then Europe’s largest, its central section alone covering 25 square kilometres; a city which the Portuguese trader Domingo Paes described as “the best provided city in the world”, and of which Abdul Razaak, a Persian envoy, said: “The city is such that the pupil of the eye has never seen a place like it, and ear of intelligence has never been informed that existed anything to equal it in the World.”



It is also a city that, after its final defeat and sacking by the Deccan Sultanates in 1565, was set alight, demolished and deserted forever, taking its place alongside Angkor Wat and Machu Picchu among the world’s great dead cities.



Or so I believe, until I meet my guide Virupaksha the next morning for his tour of the village of Anegundi. “They’re there, they’re living there now, ” Virupaksha explains casually, dabbing at a plate of rice and dal in his house.



“There’s a Krishna Deva Raya in Hospet, who’s the head of the family. As for Anegundi, there’s around 60 royal family members living here. The rest of Hampi may be dead, but here it is still alive.”



Viru, as energetic as he is small and wiry, has gained a modicum of local fame – and a mention in the Lonely Planet guide – for giving tours that start where others finish, ignoring the main Vijayanagara sites, and instead providing a mix of wildlife, prehistoric paintings, living Hinduism and awesome views.



He’s based in Anegundi, the fortified village across the river in the far north-eastern corner of the Vijayanagara site that was the the home of the city’s founding brothers Hakka and Bukka, and is where, if they are to be believed, Krishna Deva Raya’s descendents returned some time in the 17th century.



But Viru is wary of introducing Rama Raya, the most senior descendent of Krishna Deva Raya in the village. “If we see him, you must say that you are very short of time,” he warns, looking worried. “Otherwise it can take two hours. If you ask one question, he answers 10.”



The Royal Palace sits in the centre of Anegundi, its roofs long collapsed, and its walls crumbling. “It’s not exactly going to have the tourists flocking,” says my friend Oliver. Just one corner courtyard, entered through a collapsed arch, remains inhabited. And there, his straggly hair and beard as blazing white as his light kurta pajama, Rama Raya sits waiting.



“This family is the Anegundi royal family,” he explains once we sit down. “Long before the establishment of Vijayanagara we were here, and we are here now. Our family is living heritage.”




Rama then starts to tell the story of his forefathers after Tirumala Raya, the last ruler, fled the onset of the Deccan sultans, his vast riches piled onto the backs of 550 elephants. They established new a capital in Penukonda, then Chandragiri, and finally in Vellore, from where, after the empire’s final defeat, the family drifted back to Anegundi and where, becoming the local gentry, they remained up until Indian independence.



No one disputes this. Back in 1824, the British even awarded the family a 500 rupee-a-year pension to compensate them for Britain’s possession of Hampi and the surrounding lands. Rama’s brother Achutya only forfeited this as recently as 1984.



“I say now that I’m a citizen of independent India, but people still sometimes address us as Raja,” Rama says. “Many people come to me also, families and individuals, they come to me to answer their quarrels.”



I ask about the collapsed arch. “It happened very recently, baba,” he says sadly. “In October, there was a monsoon flood and it collapsed. In 1799, this was a whole complex, it was almost half of the village. But it is ruins and rubble now.”



It’s a fascinating story, but by the time we get ready to leave I’m starting to understand Virupaksha’s warning. It’s been one and a half hours on the porch, and Rama’s story-telling has become a kind of hypnotic chant.



Even when we’re walking away, he continues to call after us: “And who fought a war with the Ahmednagar Sultan? That was Krishna Deva Raya. And who fought a war with the Kangani empire? That also was Krishna Deva ...”



There are many more ancient remains to see in Anegundi. On a hilltop outside Anegundi, Viru shows us the family tombs. Achyuta Deva Raya, the previous head of the family was buried here in 2008.



The family still owns the old flag and silver seals of the Vijayanagara empire, old swords, and manuscripts going back hundreds of years. It has given its silver throne and its diamond and ruby encrusted crown, which they believe comes from Vijayanagara times, to the head swami of Hampi’s Virupaksha Temple.



To hear about such ornaments, I need to talk to Krishna Deva Raya, the 38-year-old son of Rama’s elder brother Achutya, who in 2008 became the new head of the family, after a six-year stint working for a building firm in Washington DC.



I go to meet Krishna in a hotel in nearby Hospet, where he’s attending a meeting of academics celebrating the 500th anniversary of the coronation of his famous namesake. An unassuming, softly-spoken man dressed in a patterned kurta, jeans and flip flops, Krishna says he wasn’t brought up with any airs and graces.



“I’ve had a normal upbringing. I was never told, ‘you are royal’. But since I belong to this family, I feel I have a duty to protect the site, to educate the people here.”



As part of this, he wants to channel some of the proceeds from his family’s iron ore mining business into renovating the family house in Anegundi, turning it into a museum where some of the family artifacts can be displayed.



“Right now, it looks in a pretty bad shape,” he says. “But we have still got the original wooden columns, I have an architect working on it. “I want to restore it. I don’t want to renovate it, I want to use lime and mortar, even if it’s more expensive.”



He thinks Hampi has been badly maintained. “I personally feel that the government could have done a better job, “ he says. “You are not supposed to build anything in Hampi, but those are just rules. Because of corruption, a lot of structures are built. At the very least we need to keep it clean. There’s garbage everywhere.”



For now, though, he can’t even afford to start work on the crumbling Royal Palace where Rama has his quarters, he says, let alone put money into the rest of Hampi. “I would love to do something for the restoration and preservation of Hampi, but I want to start with my own village.”




His son, he says, is more interested in European royalty and the Roman Empire. Krishna, too, is perhaps under-playing the present-day resonance of his royal past. In January, to mark the coronation, he was crowned with a golden turban in front of a crowd of thousands in the Virupaksha Temple, which was lit with strobes and coloured lights.



In October, Hampi is also one of the best places to celebrate Diwali, with fireworks, ceremonies and an elephant parade; November sees the giant Hampi Festival, a huge pageant of music, dance and puppet shows.



In March, like his father before him, Krishna takes centre place at the temple’s “car festival”, which draws in a crowd of tens of thousands of devotees. There could be few more vivid demonstrations of how the traditions of Vijayanagara remain alive. “There’s an ancient crown which dates back to the Vijayanagara times. It’s made out of gold and it has diamonds and rubies in it. I then put the crown on the swami’s head.



“As far as I know, my grandfather used to do it, then my father,” he says. “I remember going as a kid to Hampi, just to enjoy myself. Now my son comes. He loves to sit on the elephants.”



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Medieval History - Bharatvarsh2 - 10-01-2010

SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURE: SOME PRIMARY SOURCES



http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00litlinks/index.html#top



Vijayanagara voices: exploring South Indian history and Hindu literature

By William Joseph Jackson



http://books.google.com/books?id=PxvDNBc4qwUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Vijayanagara+voices:+exploring+South+Indian+history+and+Hindu+literature&hl=en&ei=oz2lTODuLNGgngeA8uGQAQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCgQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false


Medieval History - Bharatvarsh2 - 10-07-2010

The current events in A'stan have an uncanny resemblance to some very

less known events in Central Asia that affected India's history in a

significant way. I just felt that I must post this as there may be

lessons to be learnt from this in today's context. After having

smashed many Indian rulers, Shihab-ad-Din Muhammad Ghori, the Afghan

Sultan, decided to settle scores with his Northern neighbor Muhammad

Shah of Khwarizm. In 1204 AD Ghori marched on Muhmamad Shah with a

large force to seize territory north of the Amu Darya. His forces

were strengthened by the mercenaries and cannon-fodder (there were no

cannons then) he had acquired from the Ghaznavid territory of Punjab

after he had taken over that. Compare this with the struggle between

TaliPaks and the NA of today (Literally the descendents of these

respective parties). Ghori routed Shah on the banks of the Amu Darya

and marched into Khwarizm. The great Mongol ruler, the Ghur-Khan of

the Qara-Kitai, had excuses to open hostilities with the Moslem Ghori

as his troops had executed buddhist merchants (In return the Ghur-Khan

had some Mullahs nailed to their mosque doors). The Khwarizm Shah

Muhammad who was his vassal saw a great opportunity in this, and

humbly approached his suzerain, the Ghur-Khan, to make common cause

against the Afghan Sultan Ghori who was now marching straight into

Central Asia (A superpower, and the NA make an alliance!). The

Qara-Kitaian Mongol cavalry was sent forth under their able commander

Tayanku-Taraz who defeated Mhd. Ghori near Hezarasp and Shah got to

occupy the territory. Then, the Mongol cavalry trashed Ghori in a big

way in Andkhoi, west of Balkh and sent him fleeing into India with all

his entourage. Here, he was of course killed by the the Khokars in

1206. Soon aided by the Mongol suzerain of his, Muhammad Shah seized

most of A'tan starting from Herat, then Ghor and finally Ghazni. This

ironically drove the whole Ghorid clique into India to take shelter in

Delhi with their agent Qutub-ad-Din, who invited them with open hands

and used them extensively in India in war against the infidels. The

most prominent of the hordes that migrated in this event was the

Khalji horde- one of the biggest nightmares we have ever seen in our

history.



The fleeing TaliPaks of today being redirected to India is a real

dangeras the Ghorid agents in Delhi. Also not the western press until

a few days ago was waxing eloquently about the Afghani invincibility.

The true superpowers of the past ages- the Mongols on two occassions

and Timur-i-lang, have thrashed them badly. So after all history is

repeating itself- is it not ironical that even the USA has to follow

the footsteps of the Kha'Khans of yore (from Baghdad to Balkh)!



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IndianCivilization/message/14233



Above was by HH from a while back.


Medieval History - Guest - 10-24-2010

Agra Red Fort myth



Standard works state that the Agra Red Fort, formally called Badalgarha Fort, seat of the Lodis and said to have been built by them, was demolished by Akbar and was rebuilt with red stones by him. I opposed this view, because no detailed proof in the court writings was ever provided.

The court works describing Agra during the Lodis and Mughals for instance nowhere mention the name of the east bank, nor that it was a city (neither that it had a fort, etc. perhaps indications in Baburnama, but archaeology proofs this) We know these facts from the Dutch works of Pelsaert. There was a city of Agra on the west bank perhaps called Badalgarha after its fort. And there was a city of Agra on the east bank called Chandra(garha), which obviously was also fortified.



Akbar seems to have demolished a fort, and to have rebuilt (or rather repaired?) a fort. But, what exactly does Abul Fazl state with referance to this?

By chance, I read the Akbarnama of Abul Fazl thoroughly, starting with vol. II (translation packhum site) to find out what is officially stated by Akbar's court writer concerning Humayun's tomb. And see what this work revealed about Agra Red Fort and Akbar's role:



1558

H.M. the Shāhinshāh gave celestial rank to the citadel, which was known by the name of Bādalgarha, by his alighting there. Abodes were distributed to the grandees. Fortune took up her dwelling there, and auspiciousness laid her foundation in that rose-garden. In a short space of time this city became, by the blessing of the sublime advent, the rosy cheek of the seven climes. …

The river Jumna, which has few like it for the lightness and digestibility of its water, flows through it. On either side the servants of fortune's threshold erected pleasant homes and made charming gardens which come not within the mould of description. With all grandeur and glory it became once more the abode of the Caliphate, and the centre of the Sultanate.
(Akbarnama II.19: Leaving Delhi behind and proceeding to Agra)



1560

H.M. arrived at Agra on the day of Farwardīn 19 Dai, Divine month, corresponding to Monday 12 Rabī'-a-ānī, 31st December. … He took up his abode in the fort, which is the best building in the city. The foundations of delightful dwellings were laid. The house of Bai­rām Khān was given to Mun'im Khān Khān-Khānān. All the other courtiers and servants commenced to build pleasant houses on both banks of the Jamna, and so the city became adorned. (Akbarnama II.32)



Comment: Badalgarha was the best building of the city! Thus, the ancient Rajput fort was still in an excellent condition, and not in a delapidated state. The almost meaningless statements that pleasant homes and gardens were laid, actually simply means that previous lofty garden mansions were again adorned (redecorated) with court men, now with Mughal ones after the Lodi noblesse.

So, there was no need to demolish this magnificent royal (Shikarwal?) fort, built according to the Vastushastra as a KArmuka Durga and which was certainly not built by the Lodis, as they nowhere claim this.



We also have the Adham Episode in 1562, in which he is throuwn from the Red Fort Palace terrace.



1565

Among the principal events of the year was the founding of the fort of Agra. ... Accord­ingly, he at this time gave directions for the building in Agra— which by position is the centre of Hindustan — of a grand fortress such as might be worthy thereof, and correspond to the dignity of his dominions. An order was then issued that the old fort which was built on the east bank of the Jamna, and whose pillars had been shaken by the revolutions of time and the shocks of fortune, should be removed, and that an impregnable fort should be built of hewn stone. It was to be stable like the foundation of the dominion of the sublime family and permanent like the pillars of its fortunes. Accord­ingly, lofty-minded mathematicians and able architects laid the foundations of this great building in an hour which was supreme for establishing a fortress. The excavations were made through seven strata of earth. The breadth of the wall was three bādshāhī* yards and its height sixty yards. It was provided with four gates whereby the doors of the dominion were opened towards the four quarters of the world. Every day 3 to 4,000 active builders and strong-armed labourers carried on the work. From the foundations to the battle­ments, the fortress was composed of hewn stone, each of which was polished like the world-revealing mirror, and was ruddy as the cheek of fortune. And they were so joined together that the end of a hair could not find place between them. This sublime fortress, the like of which had never been seen by a fabulous geometrician, was completed with its battlements, breastwork, and its loop-holes (sang-andāz) in the space of eight years under the faithful superintendence of Qāsim Khān Mīr Barr u Baḥr. (Akbarnama II.57)



Comment: Unless I am wrong with taking the east bank as the Chandra(garha) side, Abul Fazl clearly speaks of a new fort on the opposite bank of the Red Fort. Badalgarha is the fort in an excellent condition on the west bank. This is the Red Fort, and it is not built by Akbar. But, the old and decaying fort on the east bank, thus in Chandra(garha), was demolished and rebuilt. This ancient Rajput fort(ress) on the eastern bank was in my opinion the royal seat of the Lodis, as it had a direct commercial and strategic connection with the Purab, where most Lodi and Suri Pathans were secure. After defeating Vikramaditya Tomara of Gwalior, Ibrahim made this Raja his general and Kotwal in Agra, in my opinion, of the western bank fort: the Red Fort. Humayun, who met stiff opposition in Agra, met the family of the deceased Vikramaditya in Agra and got the Kohinur diamond in exchange or as a tribute for their lives and I believe for their possession too in Agra, their lofty mansion.



Conclusion

If I am right here, the story of the Red Fort Agra is again a clear-cut Mughal myth upheld by standard writers and their works. And for which there is no base in Abul Fazl's Akbarnama.

Hereafter, this fact was gradually changed in a new reading of Akbar demolishing the fort on the western bank and building the Red citadel. This was at least from Jahangir's time, who is known as one who tampered with facts in order to erase any negative attitude of his towards his father, and try to make himself a truthful son of a magnificent father.



Again, I have demonstrated that within both imperial cities of Delhi and Agra (but also other cities) with their suburbs, the claimed fortresses, palaces, mosques and other mansions, are not constructed by Muslims, but are confiscated, converted, repaired/redecorated and repeopled by them.


Medieval History - Guest - 10-24-2010

By chance, I found out the truth about the forts of Agra, see above, when I was looking for information concerning the construction of Humayun's tomb in the Akbarnama. Below is a general survey, which already reveals huge gaps, vagueness and lack of interest concerning patronship and execution of an important project by Akbar: the tomb of Humayun. While the Akbarnama gives figures of peoples working daily and information of preparation of the new fort on the eastern bank, it does say nothing (!!) about any preparation or peoples working. Suddenly we get the information that Akbar visits his father's tomb in spring 1570, after a gap of several years of expeditions, at which time he had visited his fathers Supurdgah in 1558 in Sirhind.

Only Badayuni provides the information of an architect and that around 1570 the tomb was ready. As the complex is huge and the construction process complicated, the architect didn't build the mausoleum from scratch, but he was involved in converting a lofty mansion into a graveyard complex within a short timespan.



Question marks Humayun's tomb

Humayun's tomb is another vague case. No contemporary or other court writer gives clear information about the project. Abul Fazl only refers twice in his Akbarnama vol. II that Akbar visited Humayun's Supurdgah in Sirhind in 1558 (chapter 16) and his tomb in Indarpat early in 1570 (chapter 72).



Hamida Begam had hardly anything to do with either supervising or designing the tomb, as she arrived in Agra in april 1568, after having visited Mecca and Madina. (chapter 66) Thus, she was most of the time during the construction period away. That must have been after Akbar's 1564 visit to Delhi, where he went to Awliya's shrine not referring to Humayun's tomb, upto early 1570). The great mausoleum complex built in hardly 6 years, without Abul Fazl even bothering to mention anything of a construction process, makes it doubtful to have been commissioned by Akbar or someone of his age. But Badayuni refers to one Mirak Mirza Ghiyas as having finished his 'tomb' in 1570.

This gives us a clue as again converting a lofty grand mansion into a Mughal graveyard in a short time span. This means that shortly before 1570 Mirak made the preparations to turn a palatial Barahdari into a tomb. Abul Fazl calls it a marqud, Badayuni an imarat and rauza and Nizamuddin Ahmad a mazar and hazirah. The origins of this grand mansion must be sought in non-Islamic circles, belonging to the Indarpat city culture.



In another post, I will elaborate on the Hindu symbolism of the garden-mansion complex. Dr. Balasubramaniam has already demonstrated in his paper that the complex is laid out on the traditional grid pattern units (Vitasti etc.) of the ancient Vastushastras, Arthashastra etc.



New research

I am recently gathering data concerning Indian art(isan)s influence in Afghanistan and Greater Khurasan upto Xinjiang. And especially the Ghaznavid (11th/12th century) and Ghurid (late 12th century) architecture, focussing on their Minars. One can clearly see the hands of (captured) Hindu masons in these, like floral/leaves motives intertwined with Quranic verses and information on the Sultans. The sunnite Ghazi rulers were fanatic Muslims. It seems that the Arabic was either engraved by captured Hindu masons on ancient non-Muslim towers, or the captured Hindu masons built the towers from scratch with floral motives. This last seems unlikely, supposing that most Ghaznavids were illiterate, floral motives are recognizable by anyone.

The so-called origin of the Qutb Minar in Jam, Herat, is cylindrical doesn't look like it, and it seems to have been built in 1194, thus after the defeat of Prithviraja. Besides, a fallen stoneslab of the Qutb Minar has Hindu figures, pointing simply to another case of a conversion.


Medieval History - Guest - 10-25-2010

Humayun's tomb in Kilugarhi Indarpat



Introduction

Muslim court writers give statements concerning claims of building acitivities which, if all read carefully, give another picture than what is interpreted by modern scholars and than taken as the standard version as stated in their works.



Many Sultanate and Mughal claims about cities, citadels and forts, and lofty edifices like mosques and palaces turned out to be false. This urges us to reconsider the wrong character and position of Muslim Sultanate and Mughal architecture. One can better speak of Sultanate and Mughal period architecture: created, repaired or converted in these particular periods by Hindus and their Hindu or Muslims patrons, but having its antecedents in pre-Sultanate and/or pre-Mughal period architecture, if not completely new.



Taking for instance the Delhi double metropolis of Dhillipura and Indarpat as a whole, it had many conglomerate cities. Dhillipura had for instance its triple conglomerate cities Shri-Yoginipura (most probably from Shri=Siri to Yoginipura in Mehrauli. I only once found the combination Shri-Yoginipura in Muslim inscriptions) and Indarpat had its Purana Kot-Kilugarhi-Shahjahanabad conglomerate. Delhi had at least seven ancient fort(resse)s, as per testimony of Firuz Shah Tughluq.



Any fortified city has, besides and within its city walls, several city quarters for housing the royal family, noblemen, army personnel, merchants, artisans and civilians. Every quarter had its simple and lofty edifices. This means that for instance Pithauragarh must have had its palaces, lofty mansions for noblemen and rich and common mansions for average civilians and of course public halls and temples. Where are these? We only hear about this and that mosque, Muslim tomb and shrine. I argue, that we have to look for the ancient Rajput period edifices in these converted monuments. (Hindu edifices built in the Sultanate period were converted in a subsequent phase.)



I have demonstrated through the Akbarnama (and the Ain-i Akbari doesn' contradict this), that the Red Badalgarha Fort on the western bank in Agra was not built by Akbar. If he had demolished an old fort and rebuilt one on its spot with red stone, it was on the other, eastern riverside.



Coming to Humayun's mausoleum, standard works state that it was built somewhere in the 1560s and that it was finished in 1570/1. The patron and designer is supposed to have been Hamida Begam, in another case Akbar himself. The architect is not named by Abul Fazl, but by Badayuni as one Mirak Amir Ghiyas.



Claims

As I have argued, Humayun seems to have been finally reburied in a monument with a gilded dome which was a palace in which he resided during the last period of his his life!



In order to get a real picture of what is going on, the information as given by Abul Fazl and Badayuni must be used for a reconstruction of facts.



Badayuni is sometimes more explicit and elaborate than Abul Fazl,when he says:

Maulānā Bīkasī writes that one day the late emperor Humāyūn wrote in his own graceful handwriting over the arch of the porch of his palace in the royal residence of Dihlī the following couplet by Shaikh Āẕarī:—

“I have heard that on this gilded dome

Is written ‘At last the actions of all become praiseworthy.’”

The emperor was fated shortly afterwards to leave this narrow dwelling of deception for the sweet abode of bliss,* and owing to the exigencies of the time that very palace was utilized as his tomb, …
(Badayuni: Muntakhab-ut Tavarikh, vol. 3, ch. 29, p. 268. Edited by Dow&Elliot)



Abul Fazl also quotes the couplet by Shaikh Azari, with this remark: “Among other things, he wrote with his own hand on the arch of his portico these opening lines of a poem by Shaikh Āẕarī:” (Akbarnama vol. I, chapter lxii, p. 652)

Now, we can understand why Abul Fazl doesn't mention anything in his Akbarnama, including the last chapter of it called Ain-i Akbari, about any planning and building activity from scratch with reference to the mausoleum. The very monument which became his mausoleum after death, was his palace during lifetime! (This was a general custom of Muslim royalty and noblemen)



It is Badayuni who clearly states that a palace in which he resided was turned into his tomb. But, nowhere does Badayuni state that that palace in Indarpat was built by Humayun. There is no claimant of this palace during the Mughal period, thus it must be older than 1526. But no Khilji, Tughluq, Sayyid or Lodi Sultan claims to have commissioned it. There are a few Sultans before the Khiljis.

Abul Fazl states that Sultan Kaikubad (1286-1290) had 'founded' Kilugarhi in Indarpat, close to the Purana Qilah, which had a splendid palace. And he immediately adds that the last resting-place of Humayun is connected to this:

Muizz ú'd dín Kai Kubád (1286-9) founded another city on the banks of the Jumna called Kélúkhari. Amír Khusrau in his poem the “Ḳiránu's Sạdain*” eulogises this city and its palace. It is now the last resting-place of Humáyún where a new and splendid monument has been erected. (Ain-i Akbari, Vol. II, Ain xv, Subah of Delhi, p. 278)



The last sentence gives two statements: First, the resting-place is connected to that older palace and city. Second, a new and splendid monument has been erected. This is again a Muslim mode of speech to say that a previous functioning mansion (palace) was converted (erected) in a new functioning one (monument).

The most probable connection of Humayun's palace turned into mausoleum is with Kaikubad's eulogised palace, of which the quoted poem of Amir Khushrau says:

Praise of the city of Dehli, which has three large forts and thirteen gates; … The king rode out from his fortunate palace, preceded by the star-banner and the cow-tail.” His right wing was at Tilpat, his left wing at Indarpat, and the Páígáh-i khás at Sirrí, and his elephants occupied a breadth of three miles at Hápúr. The king mounted his horse and went to Kílokharí to hunt. Praise of the new palace which he built there on the bank of the Jumna, and a description of the festivities he enjoyed there, and the charms of the season of autumn. (D&E's History of India: Kiran-us Sa'dain, the poem in which Khusrú celebrates the meeting of Sultán Kai-kubád, with his father, Násiru-d dín, Sultán of Bengal. This poem was completed in Ramazán 688 H. = September, 1289 A.D.).

But, besides Amir Khushru's statement, here too there is no proof that Kaikubad's palace was built by him. No architect of that time could have built the gigantic palace complex within 3 years: Kaikubad ruled in a turbulent time with Mughal threats from 1286 to 1290. Amir Khushru had finished his poem in 1289.



As no other Mamluk Sultan is connected with Kilugarhi and its palace, the origin must be looked for in Hindu circles. This is concerning Kaukubad's palace.

For Humayun's palace on the other hand, depending on its identity with Kaikubad's palace or not, there are three possibities: It was built by wealthy Hindus in Sultanate period between 1206 and 1286. Or it was built in the Rajput period during the last dynasty of Indarpat from Prithviraja to Yashapala, but with influence of Hindu masons who had worked under Ghaznavid patrons.

But if the two palaces are not related, the most probable date of construction must be in the Lodi period when the royal seat became Agra (from 1504 on). It could also have been built during Suri interregnum. Wealthy financers (Agrawalas?) and Hindu masons (Gaur community) may have been responsible.



Anyway, the palace turned into a mausoleum is several centuries older than Humayun, and it was not certainly not a Mughal edifice.



Conversion

The process and time schedule of converting the palace into a mausoleum is provided by Badayuni and two later writers.

1. Badayuni states that the conversion must have started some 8 or 9 years before its finish in 1570. This gives a starting point of 1562.

2. Sayyid Ahmad Khan in his book Asar-us Sanadid, written in 1846, gives the date of its construction as AH 973 (AD 1565) and this date has been followed by all later writers.

3. But an older manuscript of the Siyar-ul Manazil by Sangin Beg, late 18th century, at present in Delhi's Red Fort Museum, states that the foundation of the tomb was laid in the 14th year of Akbar's reign, that is, 1569.



This gives us three conflicting dates: 1562 as first start, 1565 with the start of construction and 1569 when the foundation was laid. Probably, Mirak Amir Ghiyas was contacted in 1562 by Akbar to start thinking of a mausoleum project. In 1565, shortly after Akbar's visit to Delhi, Mirak may have come to Indarpat after having finished some other project elsewhere to start with the designs and plannings. And finally, in 1569 the real work was executed to be finished in 1570, when Akbar had visited his father's tomb.



This mausoleum, previously a palace was not built by Humayun or any Mughal. Thus, the whole Hasht Bihisht and Char Bagh (in the sense of quadripartite) concepts connected with Mughal or Timurid architecture is based on loose sand. Both concepts are actually based upon ancient Vastushastra principles.



Construction plan

Dr. R. Balasubramanian has demonstrated that the ancient Vitasti unit is being used for the symmetrical planning and execution and not the foreign Gaz. I have found out that the whole garden palace complex is based upon the basic DvipAda, ChatuSHpAda 3-4 units and its developments into 8-9 units and also a PanchapAda unit for the PanchAyatana division of the chambers. Major Vastu Mandalas like Pechaka (4 squares), PITHa (9 squares), MaNDUka (32 squares) and ParamashAyikA (81 squares) can be found in the Humayun complex (as well as other Hasht Bihisht or ASHTapAda monuments like the Taj):



1a. NUMBER 4 division: The whole symmetrical complex consists of 4 grand squares, a grand Pechaka or ChatuSHpAda. b. Number 3 subdivision: Each grand square consists of 3x3 small = 9 big squares, giving a total of 36 small squares.

c. Number 5 macro subdivision: A further symmetrical uneven division is executed when 1 innermost small is split from the other 8 surrounding small squares of each grand ChatuSHpAda. This gives the garden area (4x8 = 32 small squares) split from a central area which is the plinth (a great central square consisting of 4x1 small squares). We now have a total of 5 areas.

d. Number 3 meso subdivision: The great central of the plinth is further divided in 3x3 = 9 meso squares, with the mansion in the central meso square, and the 8 uneven surrounding meso squares forming the PradakSHiNa part of the plinth.

e. Number 5 and 9 micro and mini subdivision: The central mesosquare is on one hand divided in 5 microsquares of 4 surrounding chambers around the sanctum. On the other hand, it is divided in 9 minisquares of 4 corner chambers and 4 entrance halls around the sanctum.



Central to the plan, thus, are the numbers 9, 8, 5, 4 and 3. This number 32 of the garden + 1 great central square is very important in Hindu 'Devatology'. As the central square has the 33rd DevatA and YUpa symbolized by the GarbhagRha with the dome (StUPI) and spire (StUpI-kIla), having as its Pratibimba or physical representation, the plinth with mansion, the 32 DevatAs are symmetrical spread over the 4 grand squares of the garden, with 8 DevatAs per grand square.



2a. NUMBER 3 division: But, dividing the complex in another more symmetrical even way, it gives 9 major squares.

b. Number 3 subdivision: The central major square has the plinth and sanctuary, the eight surrounding major squares give the garden.

c. Number 4 macro subdivision: Each major square consists of 4 minor sqares. Here we have again the number 8x4 = 32 for the garden, and 1x4 representing the 33rd DevatA for the central square or BrahmasthAna. Each of the 8 cardinal points (representing a Vasu) has 4 DevatAs.

d. Number 3 meso subdivision: The great central of the plinth is further divided in 3x3 = 9 meso squares, with the mansion in the central meso square, and the 8 uneven surrounding meso squares forming the PradakSHiNa part of the plinth.

e. Number 5 and 9 micro and mini subdivision: The central mesosquare is on one hand divided in 5 microsquares of 4 surrounding chambers around the sanctum. On the other hand, it is divided in 9 minisquares of 4 corner chambers (KarNa-shAlA or Ayatana) and 4 entrance halls (Bhadra-shAlA or Mukha) around the sanctum (GarbhagRha).



The sanctuary has a PanchAyatana construction with the Ayatanas in an symmetrical attached style (Khajurahu for instance has detached Ayatanas). And it has the ancient ideal Chaturmukha entrances in the four cardinal directions. The mansion has a symmetrical uneven ASHTAshra or octagon shape. And of course, it has the ancient Pancharatna (PanchANDa) domes and ATTAlikas or turrets.



Symbolism of the complex

It is a micro imitation after the macro prototype, as a Pratibimba of the sacred Meru MaNDala in TriviSHTapa Himavat:

- The plinth with mansion represents IlAvRta with Meru Parvata in the centre. This is a grand BrahmasthAna with the major 33rd DevatA as the central YUpa or SthUNa.

- The ChatuSHpAda VATikA represents PRthvI or JambUdvIpa divided in 4 VarSHas separated by the four sacred Hindu rivers which came out of the central IlAvRta with its sacred Meru Parvata. Each four cardinal point represents PRthvI, having its own mini MAnasa Lake dividing that area in 4 mini PRthvI-bhAgas through its streams.

This is the ASHTApAda with the ASHTAvasus or eight VAstupuruSHas and 32 DevatAs.



The Gupta Age Dashavatara temple of Devagarha has this ASHTApAda concept in its ninefold PITHapAda MaNDala, and also a Chaturmukha entrance.

The obsession Hindus have for metrum and symmetry dates from Vedic times. The Yajnikas particularly emphasized the need for proper proportion for the Yajnashala, bricks, their sizes, etc.

The Hindus were master mathematicians, a science needed for the architectural skills of the Sthapati-Sutragrahin-Shilpins. This science went abroad, especially to Central-Asia and Baghdad, later followed by captured craftsmen.



Hindu influence of Ashtapada and Chaturanga also went abroad. These two are quadripartite symmetrical designed boards, representing Hindu concepts, also used in architecture planning. Chaturangana is also a quadripartite concept.



Symmetrical quadripartite were known to South-Asian interconnected cultures, one of the remnants being a pre-Islamic garden of Sigiriya in Shri Lanka.



Conclusion

The palace of Humayun, which was converted in his mausoleum by Mirak Amir Ghiyas (as per Badayuni), is not built by any Mughal Padishah or Sultan. The palace could be as old as 1286 when Kaikubad shifted his residence from Dhilli to Indarpat, partly out of fear of the Mughal threat. And it is through Abul Fazl that we get this connection of Humayun's palace with Kaikubad's.



Humayun did not build the palace he resided in, as he also did not build Indarpat with its citadel either, as standard works want us to believe: Humáyún restored the citadel of Indrapat and named it Dínpanáh (asylum of the faith). (Ain-i Akbari, Vol. II, Ain xv, Subah of Delhi, p. 278). Here we can demolish another standard work myth, from a nearly contemporary source.

This citadel of Indarpat was already mentioned by Firuz Shah Tughluq, and precedes the Sultanate period.

If Kaikubad resided in Kilugarhi, his palace must have been surrounded by walls (this is the case with Humayun's tomb). It was most probably a private riverside garden mansion or palace (like the Taj Mahal was in Agra), close to the royal citadel. Perhaps the area was previously a fortified one in pre-Humayun times. The very name Kilu-garhi denotes a fortified area! And this is a complete indigenous original city-name of Indarpat metropolis, as Kilu is never written as Qilu to give a connection with Qilah.



When this non-Mughal monument was built originally, remains a problem. That it contains Iwans points to a foreign concept, of Persian origin. (unless India had developed its own iwans, for which there is no proof)

- If it is a monument built during the Ghaznavids in Ghazni and Lahore, the Ghaznavids may have transplanted this concept in the minds of Hindu masons returning in Ghaznavid time or fleeing for the Ghurids later. The Iwan concept indicates that the monument could have been built in the 13th century.

- It could also have been a Sultanate period monument, if linked with Kaikubad's palace, it may have been repaired probably during the Lodis when they shifted their capital to Agra, or if not linked with the palace of Kaikubad, it was a new construction most probably during the Lodis (or even Suris).

Anyway, the monument is thus not free from foreign concepts. This is a point we have to keep in mind. Hindu masons working on the basis of Vastushastras could easily apply foreign concepts in their Bhauma and sometimes even Daiva constructions.



A final word on the dome. Unlike all the Hindu and converted Muslim monuments, this mausoleum doesn't have a lotuscapped dome under its finial. But, in my opinion it did have one. Badayuni and Abul Fazl state both that the palace of Humayun had a gilded dome. When it was turned into a mausoleum, the dome lost its gilded section. The missing lotuscap (MahApadmapatra) just below the finial (StUpIkIla) on top of the dome (StUpI) must have been the greatest and most important part of the missing gilded section.



Thus, we really have to reconsider what actually Sultanate and Mughal architecture is. We are actually dealing with Muslim period converted and soberised Hindu edifices originally either from pre-Muslim period or Muslim period. It was built originally by Hindu masons, but the repairing, converting and soberising job was also done predominantly and sometimes solely by Hindu masons.



One ancient type of buildings was called Mahal (as in the Bauddha SAtapula Mahala). That word has an indigenous origin and etymology. It is a derivative of the Sanskrit word MahAlaya = grand mansion/edifice. The odd change of MahAl(aya) with a long -A- into Mahal with a short -a- is not isolated, as another related word has the same change: DevAlaya changes into a further developed Deul, only possible with a preceding development Deval, with a short -a-.



The full credit for monuments and the styles of architecture goes to the imagination of Hindu architects, masons and their Vastushastras (leaving aside the Perso-Arabic and Quranic engravings in converted buildings), whether the patrons were Hindus or even Muslims.


Medieval History - ramana - 10-26-2010

1300 year old temples found in Bhopal region



Quote:Remains of 1300 years old ancient temples found near Bhopal

By Ram Chand Sahu, Bhopal, Oct.16 : Scientists of the Archaeological Department have found out the remains of 1300 year old ancient temples at Ashapuri village near Bhopal.





Ashapuri village is located around 36 kilometers off Bhopal.



The debris of the temple seems to be massive in which the Bhoothnath temple was the biggest.



The archaeologists have named this excavation project as 'Bhootnath Temple' series.



"We have found ruins of temples dating back to 1300 years, even before the Parmar Dynasty. Before the Parmar dynasty there were Pratihar dynasty rulers in this area. After them the Parmar dynasty came. Pratihar dynasty rulers constructed temples with steeple shaped structure. These temples were large and beautiful," said Ashok Das, Commissioner, Madhya Pradesh Archaeological Survey of India.



"The 21 temples you can see here were made during the Pratihar rule. The largest temple whose cleanliness is yet to be done might have been made by the Parmar dynasty," he added.


The excavators have found over 400 remains of idols of Hindu gods and goddesses made during the regime of the Pratihar and the Parmar dynasty rulers.



The State government has taken the responsibility to preserve these relics of Indian history.



"It is the responsibility of the Archaeology Department to find things of historical importance and preserve them. That is why the State government is doing this work," said Laxmikant Sharma, Minister of Culture of Madhya Pradesh.



According to the archaeologists, the temples were built by the Parmar and Pratihar dynasties and certain locals contended that the Mughal rulers razed down these temples.



Medieval History - Guest - 10-26-2010

This post is in progress, but here a glimpse into the organization behind the great works of Hindu architects and master mason's.



The Hindu architects to masons are connected into a well-organized body of guilds. There are regional varieties.

In ancient times, there was intimate contacts between the SthApaka-Sthapati-SUtragrAhin-Shilpin.



A. KAraka: YajamAna = RAjA (patron)

B. . KartA: supreme SthApaka = RSHi (court counseller)



VASTU (divine design)

Ia. Sthapati = supervising designer-architect (ShiSHya)

b. SUtragrAhin = master mason-measurer, engineer (ShiSHyaputra) => mason's marks



SHILPA (art of shapes)

II 1. Vardhaki = master stone dresser-joiner

2. TakSHaka = master sculptor (stone cutter-carpenter)



CHITRA (craft of colourful ornamentation)

III. Vishvakarma Shilpa-ShreNi = Vishvakarma craftsmen guilds

i. mAlAkAra (garland maker, gardener), ii. KarmakAra (blacksmith), iii. ShankhakAra (conch shell carver), iv. Kuvindaka (weaver), v. kumbhakAra (potter, dome-builder?), vi. KAMsyakAra (metal worker), vii. SutradhAra (carpenter, leading shrenika), viii. chitrakAra (painter) and ix. SvarNakAra (goldsmith). See: Brahmavaivarta Purana I.x.20-23f. There are 5 primary and 5 secondary Vishvakarma craftsmen guilds.

a. major: 1. karmakAra, 2. kAMsyakAra, 3. svarNakAra, 4. sUtradhara (5. shilpin = stone carvers)

b. minor: 6. mAlAkAra, 7. shankhakAra, 8. kuvindaka, 9. kumbhakAra and 10. chitrakAra



IV. JirNoddhAraNa Shilpa-shreNi (team of repairers)



In the (second half of the) first millennium the role of Sthapati and SUtragrAhin was put in the function of the SUtradhAra.



The mason's engraved signs of their guilds and their personal names on the sones, etc. of the buildings. This tradition is a continuing one from at least the Gupta time to the 17th century, thus covering also the major Mughal period.



Taj Mahal mason marks

A Times of India (Hindi edition, New Delhi), report of 12 july 2004 refers to Archaeological Survey of India classifying mansons' marks of the Taj in three categories, namely, masons' marks alone, masons' marks in combination with names of masons and names of masons alone.

The report speaks of 671 marks found on the 300 meter long enclosing wall of the Taj. Fifty-three names of masons are also found engraved on the wall.



The 288 occurrences attached to 53 names in Nagari, with the overall majority of Hindu names, compared to only 20 in Persian script, underlines that the Taj edifice was heavily in the able hands of tradition Hindu mason guilds (the Muslims in Nagari, may have been newly converted masons, still feeling attached to their ancient Hindu art). And that still upto the 17th century. The masons' marks are to be found amongst older mason works well into Rajput period and before.



That there are only 20 engravings in Persian, indicates the overall role of Indians, the Sthapati-Sutradhara-Shilpi teamwork according to their Shastras in the construction of the edifice. This stresses also that the edifice must have been the “palace of Raja Mansingh”, as mentioned in the Padishahnamas and the royal Farman of Shahjahan, turned into a tomb with minor cosmetic changes (idols and human images removed, added with Persian and Arabic engravings).



Ancient Indian tradition

The ShukranIti (2nd century BC) refers thrice to artisans' distinguishing marks (cihna, lakSHaNa, anka) in prescribing their use to identify artisans and their occupations. The work summarizes a cenuries old and well-developed tradition from the Indus age well into his time.



There are two different classes of engravings:

a. missives (directional or location codes engraved for assembling a building)

b. marks (masons' codes of the different guilds involved in the building)



The marks fall in the following broad groups:

1. flora: flower, garland

2. fauna (animal, human): fish, scorpion, bird, frog, snake, human (single, double)

3. geometrical forms: circles (with a dot, a cross, three vertical lines, a flower, with a loop, or line, etc.), triangles, squares, hexagons or stars, parallellograms and variations.

4. weapons: mace, axe, trident, elephant's goad, bow and arrow, double-edged object, lance-head, arrow heads, arrow heads with a leaf.

5. instruments: weighing balance, damaru.

6. ornamental: lattice.

7. auspicious: fish, conch, svastika, mithuna, cross, flag, cart and wheel, river, hill with a cross or loop and armlet.

8. letters or names: Brahmi

9. numbers



Periods

upto 6th century

In progress....



6th to 13th century

First are the Brahmi marks, then the geometrical ones. Fauna occurs numerously, Flora is yet relatively rare. Weapons and instruments occur also freely.

Geometrical figures, like star and circle, besides fish, goad, arrow head, axe, lattice, svastika, cross and damaru are amongst the most frequent marks.



13th to 17th century

Geometrical figures, like star and circle, besides fish, goad, arrow head, axe, lattice, svastika, cross and damaru are still amongst the most frequent marks.

A few new marks appear in this period, which seems to be evolved out of the earlier ones (circle with loops), sometimes indicating a fusion with another group (svastika with a cross): Signs with loops, like knotted loops, a looped pentagon and a circle with four loops (Agra). But also a svastika with a cross and a circle divided by an -s- inside.

Floral designs are now very frequent, human ones are rare.



This indicates a continuous and consistent indigenous masonry tradition, dealing with complex Hindu structures and simplex Muslim ones, whether religious or secular. The last is nothing more than basically constructing their own traditional secular, domed buildings with towers, with a few new ideas (like qibla niche instead of the ghana niche, iwan instead of mahadvara), adapted to the taste of the Sultans. Most buildings occupied by the Muslims were already constructed by the traditional masons for the Hindus. It had to repaired and adapted to Muslim taste after their destructive drifts towards Hindu edifices.



The mason's marks of the Taj Mahal are discovered on the riverside wall. I have found a link on the web which has information on this. Below is the information, slightly rearranged by me.



http://savebharatmatagroup.blogspot.com/2009/09/admission-in-shahjahans-own-badshahnama.html

The riverside wall of Taj Mahal is built of red sandstone and 300m in length and 9.67m in height. Lower part of the wall is plain with veneering of red sandstone slabs, whereas upper part of the wall is adirned with arched panels. The panels are carved with beautiful flowerpot and floral motifs in high relief. The frames of these arches inlayed with marble and upper corner of the panels are embellished with projecting marble lotus medallions. The wall is pierced with two doorways at the eastern and western end towards river.



The plain slabs of the lower sidewall are engraved on the wall viz. mason marks, mason names and composition of both. Mason names are in profusion followed by mason marks and composition of both respectively.




I. Mason marks types

There are some 14 different types:

1. svastika, 2. star, 3. hook like mark, 4a. triangle, b. intersecting triangles, 5. trident, 6a. Fish,

b. three conjoined fish, 7. damaru, 8 flower, 9. circle with s-shaped letter inside, 10. four square, 11. good, 12. arrow head, 13. axe, 14. geometrical flower, etc.



Arranged in the order of frequency: svastika, star, hook like mark, triangle, damaru, flower, intersecting triangles, trident, three conjoined fish, circle with s-shaped letter inside, four square, fish, good, arrow head, axe, geometrical flower etc.



The mason names are mostly written in Nagari character, but there are also some names and/or marks in Persian.



II. Mason names (53 in Nagari)

These are prefixed/suffixed/based/topped with variety of marks like star, svastika, axe etc. Some of the marks are in negative from which may have been taken by impression of it in positive form. Some of the mason names or composition of name with mark are as follows (number of frequency is written in bracket):



A. Nagari – 1. Magha (22), 2. Gaga (21), 3. Ramayada (19), 4. Pahuratha (16), 5. Sabala (14), 6. Haridasa (13), 7. Hamhara (12), 8. Bhagavan (11), 9. Ramadasa (10), 10. Nathu (9),

11. Parorama (8), 12. Kasi (8), 13. Mohananvatha (7), 14. Lapra (7), 15. Hara (7), 16. Nagha (5), 17. Satra (5), 18. Kesenavesko (5), 19. Hani (4), 20. Ghanamahasa (4), 21. Ghanamala (4),

22. Hira (4), 23. Mahala (4), 24. Mahan (4), 25. Jahanhalavala (3), 26. Bhagavan (3),

27. Namayavi (3), 28. Nanaghana (3), 29. Kalanu (3), 30. Nahana (3), 31. Bhaga-(3), 32. Jamal (2), 33. Manara (2), 34. Penokomopalu (2), 35. Pagaga (2), 36. Nathanvatha (2), 37. Makalapa (2), 38. Hanu (2), 39. Shamada (2), 40. Nakhanltagari (2), 41. Pala (2), 42. Kamaphala (2),

43. Nathahalavala (2), 44. Ramari (2), 45. Mapahala (2), 46. Kasama-(2) 47. Panamadamah(2), 48. Alama (2), 49. Jaghavalahalu (2), 50. Kalama (2), 51. Bhavara (2), 52. Rovo (2), and last

53. Mohana (2).

SUBTOTAL 275 with Hindu identity and 13 seemingly Muslim in the lower frequency => TOTAL 288



B. Persian - name/numerals in Persian (20)

Total of 20 with a Muslim identity.



III. Detailed survey of the mason marks

There are more than 14 different types which are arranged in the order of frequency:

1. svastika

Svastika mark,

Mason name suffixed with Svastika like mark,

Cross like mark,



2. star

Four pronged star mark,

Five pronged star mark,

Illegible mason name prefixed with five pronged star mark,

Five pronged star mark with illegible mason name,

Six pronged star Mark,

Illegible mason name suffixed with star mark

Mason name suffixed with star mark,

Mason name prefixed with Swastik like mark,

Mason name and star mark,

Mason name prefixed with star mark,

Mason name topped with star mark,

Partial Illeggible six lettered mason name with a star mark at the starting of the base,



3. triangle

a. triangle

Triangular marks,

b. intersecting triangles

Composite Triangular mark,



4. trident

Mason name prefixed with trident like mark,

Trident mark,

Mason name prefixed with trident mark. With the help of impression of the name in positive form,

Mason name with trident like mark perpendicular to the name at the end,



5. Fish

three conjoined fish

Three conjoined fish mark,



6. damaru

Drum like mark,

Damaru like mark,



7. flower

a. Flower like mark with four petals,

b. geometrical flower



8. ball with s-shaped letter inside

a. Ball like mark with shaped mark inside,

b. hook like mark inside

Mason name suffixed with inverted s-shaped mark,



9. four square

Four square mark,



10. good

Good mark,



11. arrow

Mason name with two arrow marks facing each other in between,



12. axe

Mason name prefixed with axe mark,

Mason Mark like blade of battle-axe,

Mason name prefixed with axe mark written with the help of impression in positive,



13. winepot

Mason name with wine-pot like mark at the bottom,



14. miscell.

Mason name,

Name with a mark at the center base,

Mason name with a mark at the center base,

Mason name with mark at the center of the base,

Some letters are illegible,

Mason name, last four letters are illegible

Illegible two letters of Mason name,

Illegible two letters,

Mark,

Name topped with mark,

Mason name suffixed with a mark,

Name suffixed with a mark,

Numeral,

Un-deciphered mason like,

Mason name with Ra letter at the top,

Three mason names at a place,



Digit in Persian? Suffixed with Mason name,

Mason name in Persian with date and some legend



.....to be continued


Medieval History - Bharatvarsh2 - 11-20-2010

flight of the deities: hindu resistance in portuguese goa



http://www.jstor.org/pss/313013



Uploaded as PDF here:



http://pdfcast.org/pdf/hindu-resistance-to-goan-inquisiton


Medieval History - ramana - 11-30-2010

http://www.dailypioneer.com/299549/The-great-divide.html





Quote:AGENDA | Sunday, November 28, 2010 |



The great divide

November 30, 2010 2:39:18 AM





Meenakshi Jain's book explains the leitmotif for Hindu-Muslim relations for over a millennium and demolishes the ‘harmony' theory, writes A SURYA PRAKASH



Parallel Pathways: Essays on Hindu-Muslim Relations (1707-1857)

Author: Meenakshi Jain

Publisher: Konark

Price: 600



Hindus and Muslims lived amicably in undivided India until Britain colonised the country, promoted conflict between the two communities, pursued a policy of divide and rule and eventually presided over the division of the country before exiting from the subcontinent. This is the standard narrative of many Left-leaning historians who shut their eyes to historical truths and moulded history to suit their ideological predilections.



Much of this, however, is false because it seeks to hide the facts regarding the cruelty and despotism of many Muslim rulers, the destruction of thousands of Hindu temples, the religious persecution of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains and the sustained efforts of these rulers to dismantle the cultural edifice of the Indic civilisation — all of which created a Hindu-Muslim divide that existed when the British arrived on the scene and remained thereafter, resulting in the country’s tragic partition.



The producers of this counterfeit history have just one objective in mind — to denounce indigenous religions and culture, to eulogise religions imported into this land and to expurgate from history books all facts that show the latter in poor light. A logical extension of this spurious enterprise is to imagine Hindu-Muslim harmony before the advent of the British and blame the coloniser for the discord that emerged between the two communities in the 19th and 20th centuries leading to Partition and much else.



For example, historians who carry this ideological baggage have tried — and continue to try — to paint even a despotic ruler like Aurangzeb in ‘secular’ colours. Aurangzeb persecuted Hindus, imposed a tax on them and destroyed hundreds of Hindu temples including the Krishna Temple in Mathura and the Vishwanath Temple in Benaras. He heaped indignities on Hindus and Sikhs and some eminent historians like Jadunath Sarkar, RC Mazumdar and Will Durant, who have remained true to their calling, have chronicled the many facets of his oppressive regime.



However, in recent years, historians belonging to the pseudo-secular school have been working overtime to bury these truths and give Aurangzeb a more acceptable face. This is the common thread that runs through these narratives, however laughable it may seem, in the light of the chronicles left behind by Aurangzeb’s official historians, including the Akhbarats, which were reports on the orders passed by the emperor and other accounts like Mirat-i-Alam and Alamgir-Nama written by Mughal court officials. This is just a sample of the monumental disservice that historians of this ilk have done to our understanding of medieval history and thereafter, the historical background of Partition.



However, the enterprise of this school is not confined to just manufacturing the past. It extends to management of the present as well, with members of this school entrenching themselves in academia and institutions owing allegiance to those who are the prime beneficiaries of their spurious output and denying opportunities to those who oppose this disjunction between truth and history.



Given this background, Meenakshi Jain’s Parallel Pathways is a path-breaking work, seeking to blast the myths vis-à-vis Hindu-Muslim relations from 1707 to the Great Uprising of 1857.



As Jain points out, a school of historians believes that the revolt of 1857 “was the last notable manifestation of Hindu-Muslim unity”. That thereafter, this unity was undermined by the policies of the British leading eventually to Partition. In other words, Hindu-Muslim unity was “an accomplished fact” in the centuries preceding the great revolt. The reality, she says, is “considerably more complex” and can be traced to some precepts that are central to Islam and which have influenced Muslim rulers since the Arab conquest of Sind in 712 AD. For example, Church and state were intertwined in Islam and Muslims believed that “Islam could be Islam properly only in conjunction with political power”. As a result, “secularisation of the polity and society were incompatible with Islam”. Islam, she says, divided the world into believers and non-believers and “designated all Indians as kafirs”. As these concepts were at the core of Islamic belief, there was little scope for harmony between Hindus and Muslims. These concepts also had a great bearing on how a succession of Muslim kings ran their kingdoms and the attitude of the Muslim elite in India.



Jain says Islam and the civilisation that it confronted in India espoused “markedly differing ideals”. While Islam gave primacy to universal Muslim brotherhood and promoted a centralised autocratic polity, “the civilisation as it evolved in the subcontinent was... secular (in that the religious identity was not paramount), decentralised and democratic and exalted patriotism (love of the land) above other loyalties. The subsequent history of India was to a considerable degree shaped by the contest between these two varying perspectives”. This single paragraph in Jain’s book explains the leitmotif for Hindu-Muslim relations for over a millennium and effectively demolishes the ‘harmony’ theory.



This conflict between Islam and the Indian civilisation has been recorded by many travellers, court historians, writers and poets, and Jain packs her book with valuable quotes from the most authentic chroniclers to clinch the argument that the disjunction was too deep and fundamental for any kind of concord to emerge between the two civilisations. Further, the attitude of Islam towards the Indic religions resulted in the sustained and barbaric campaign against the adherents of these religions and their places of worship, besides the imposition of jizya (tax) on Hindus and the plethora of discriminatory practices by Muslim rulers.



This onslaught, however, was not just confined to matters of religion. It extended to the wider canvass of culture, including architecture and language. For example, Akbar made Persian the language of administration and the Mughal empire was “closely connected with the cultivation of Persian culture in all its aspects”. Further, Jain says no native language of India received any meaningful patronage from the ‘great’ Mughals, “who were widely perceived in the regions as unsympathetic to indigenous languages”.



Following the decline of the Mughals, it became imperative to replace Persian and Hindi/Hindavi seemed the natural choice, but for the Muslim elite “its (Hindi/Hindavi) principle drawback was its profusion of tatsama and tadbhava Sanskrit words”. So, a solution was found by purging Sanskit-origin words and replacing them with Arabic and Persian words — “a process that culminated in the birth of Urdu”. In other words, the assault on Indian civilisation was comprehensive and nothing was left out. Chapter VI on “Language: A Calculated Rupture” offers a wide-ranging analysis on the language issue as it deals with the expurgation of Sanskrit, the origins of Hindi/Hindavi and Urdu.



The Hindu-Muslim cleavage, largely fuelled by the bigotry of Muslim rulers, remained apparent during the revolt of 1857 and persisted thereafter. In the final chapter, the author explains the impact of this cultural dissonance on the subcontinental politics in the latter half of the 19th century. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s thesis that promoted Muslim separatism and the eventual Partition seems an inevitable corollary when one sees and acknowledges this dissonance. In short, this is a book that is worthy of recommendation, especially for those who wish to shift history from mythology.