UP, Gujarat, UT, Punjab- Election 2007

04-23-2007, 02:17 AM

QUOTEBrahmins may not accept Maya as yajman 
Pioneer.com
Sidharth Mishra | New Delhi
Fourth phase polling today
This summer, it's not just the wedding couples who are seeking out Brahmins. The purohits are being wooed aggressively by all political outfits desirous of putting a Government in place in Lucknow. Why just blame Mayawati for making a U-turn on upper-caste bashing and flirting with the Brahmins.

The face and beneficiary of the Mandalisation of Indian politics, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav has gone farther ahead. He has balanced the grant of Government holiday on Prophet Mohammed's birthday with announcing holiday on Maharishi Parsuram Jayanti. Last week, the residents of UP were surprised to find banks and Government offices closed for celebrating Parsuram Jayanti, something hitherto not of much religious significance for the practicing Hindus.

The announcement of Parsuram Jayanti holiday by the Samajwadi Party Government just ahead of the fourth round of Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha poll is pointedly directed at the large number of Brahmin voters who are present in the area. Even BSP chief Mayawati's attempt at social engineering, to bring Dalits and Brahmins under her leadership, will be put to real test on Monday when polling for 57 UP seats takes place.

If the much-trumpeted Dalit-Brahmin alliance has to work, it will be here on the seats spread over the districts of Lakhimpur, Sitapur, Baharaich, Barabanki, Basti, Gonda, Shravasti, Balrampur and Siddharthnagar. Of these 57 seats, 14 are reserved for SCs. But more importantly, Brahmins have over 40,000 votes in 33 seats and another five seats could be added where their number is more than 25,000.

But then caste groups are not like pawns in a game of chess, which could be moved at the will of the players. This well explains how this Brahmin-dominated area sent 31 Samajwadi Party candidates from the 57 seats here to the Vidhan Sabha in the 2002 poll, whereas the BJP had 14, BSP 9, Congress 2 and JD(U) 1.

The special feature of the 2002 results from this area was distinct polarisation of the Hindu-Muslim votes on more than one-third of the seats won by the BJP. This area lying north of Saryu river has been the cradle of the Ram Mandir movement. A large number of people died during the firing ordered by the Mulayam Singh Government on the Ram sewaks when they made a surge towards Ayodhya in 1990 which proved to be a catalyst in bringing down the VP Singh Government at the Centre in 1991.

If a caste-analysis of those dead and injured in 1990 was to be carried out, the results would show that they were largely from the non-Yadav OBCs and upper castes, pre-dominantly Brahmins and Thakurs. The coming together of these three communities gave the BJP the surge in 1992 Vidhan Sabha election leading to the formation of the first BJP Government in the State with Kalyan Singh as Chief Minister.

This time around, the BSP has fielded 13, BJP 12, SP 6 and Congress 8 candidates on the 43 general seats from the region. In an election where appeasement of minorities, as evident in the Muslim First policies enunciated by the Centre, has become a major issue, why should the Hindu-centric voter go with Mayawati? Last time, the Hindu-centric voters preferred Mulayam Singh over Mayawati as a completely disorganised BJP, with Kalyan Singh cutting heavily into their vote-bank, was not in a position to put its best foot forward.

This time around, the Hindu-centric voters, especially the Thakurs, Brahmins and the non-Yadav OBCs have the option of voting for a resurgent BJP. Mayawati's attempt at wooing Brahmins would have reaped her rich harvest if the saffron party had remained a non-player as most of the pollsters had predicted at the beginning of the poll. But she now has a tough, nearly insurmountable, task at hand.

04-23-2007, 02:19 AM

QUOTEDynastic rule to deter Cong's poll prospects in UP: Jaitley
Varanasi: Flaying Congress for its "dynastic" leadership, the BJP on Sunday claimed the Nehru-Gandhi family's sway over the party will prove to be a liability for its prospects in poll-bound Uttar Pradesh. "The outcome of the assembly polls in Uttar Pradesh in which the Congress was in any case fighting for the fourth place would prove that the dynastic politics was a liability," BJP national general secretary Arun Jaitley told mediapersons.

04-24-2007, 02:59 AM

A highlight of the NDTV exit poll after the fourth phase is that the
ruling Samajwadi Party is projected to bag the largest share of 25-29 seats out of the 57 that went to polls on Monday. The NDTV exit poll predicts
BSP getting 13-17 seats,
the BJP 10-14 and
Congress emerging victorious in one-five seats.

Star TV exit poll shows
BSP getting 22 seats in the fourth phase followed by
SP 20,
BJP 11,
Congress 3 and others 1.

The Star TV projections for the entire Assembly based on current voting trends show
BSP getting 146 seats, followed by
BJP 99,
SP 91,
Congress 28 and
Others 39.

The India TV-C Voter exit poll shows
Samajwadi Party getting 23-27 seats in the fourth phase followed by
BSP 14-18,
BJP 9-13,
Congress 2-5 and
Others 3-6.

ramana · 04-24-2007, 07:55 AM

Anybody doing a total of the polls or just the phases?

Deccan chronicle, 24 April, 2007
QUOTEAll eyes on UP elections
By K. Natwar Singh

When the politicians complain that TV turns their proceedings into a circus, it should be made plain that their circus was already there, and that TV has merely demonstrated that not all the performers are well trained.

Ed Murrow (1908-1965)
American broadcaster

Four rounds of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections are over, and the guessing game is on in full swing. Only three parties are relevant, the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Congress and the Ajit Singh organisation are on the margins, if not altogether marginalised.

The elections are being conducted on terra firma, but equally on the television, which is now ubiquitous. Not all performers are well trained. All politicians seek publicity. So long as your name is mentioned in the print media and your mug shown on the television screen, you consider yourself in business.

I keep asking myself how Mahatma Gandhi, Lenin, Churchill, Mao Zedong and Franklin D. Roosevelt have survived the assaults of a multiplicity of television channels. I venture to suggest that these worthies would have been put off by the staggering sanctification of triviality, which the television often ensures.

On television, no mercy is shown to those given to eternal pauses, to those dedicated to deep thought, introspection or reflection. Additionally, if you are not accomplished in decently and instantly camouflaging your inadequacies you are well and truly done for. Television does not respect verbal restraint.

I have been campaigning in these elections for over three weeks. Television crews are ever present, good, bad and even unprofessional. I have, broadly speaking, dodged their assaults. Mercifully, most are not interested in international affairs. Here the local, and not the global, matters. Uttar Pradesh is the most politicised state in the country. Political culture and counter culture have deep roots in the UP soil.

The stateâs record in our Freedom Movement continues to inspire. 1857 began in Meerut, in the blistering month of May. UP elects 80 Lok Sabha MPs. It elects 403 MLAs. It plays a decisive role in the elections of the Vice-President and President of India. In terms of population it comes after China, the United States and Indonesia. More people live in UP than in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Brazil and Japan.

Eight Indian Prime Ministers have come from UP â Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi, Charan Singh, Rajiv Gandhi, V.P. Singh, Chandra Shekhar and Atal Behari Vajpayee.

UP also provides the drama of the politics we have and not the drama of the politics we need. The level of the electoral discourse, with some laudable exceptions, is not uplifting. Debate is rare, not denunciation.Â The UP voter is also an instant poet. The most catchy slogans are created on the spot. Rhyme and rhythm are appreciated and coined with alacrity and joy. Astrology and mythology are omnipresent and taken seriously. In temperatures above 40 degrees Celsius, thousands attend public meetings to hear boring speeches from politicians who seem to believe the "lies they are telling."

And yet, the voter turnout in the first four phases has been disappointing. In many constituencies the turnout has been between 35 and 40 per cent. Democracy is about numbers.Â Voter fatigue is not confined to India alone. It is a worldwide phenomenon. Voter turnout is down in most democracies except Australia where voting is compulsory. Why this is so, I keep asking myself. The answer I give myself is not a cheerful one. The adamantine truth is that we politicians have, by and large, given politics a bad name. "All politicians are corrupt" is a chant one hears all the time. This is a terrible indictment.

Why have faith and trust almost disappeared? Why are shared national goals and virtues missing? I do not, however, subscribe to the extreme view that a point of no return has been reached. The eyes of the country are on UP. The outcome will decide the fate of the Manmohan Singh government and also who the next Rashtrapati of India will be for the next five years.

From the local I now turn to the global. Some weeks ago, the Premier of the Peopleâs Republic of China, Mr Wen Jiabao paid a visit to Japan. Relations between China and Japan need expert and deft handling on both sides. Premier Wen Jiabao made a deep impression on his Japanese hosts. I have had the good fortune to have met him half a dozen times, one to one. He is a statesman in the Zhou Enlai (1898-1976) mould, but without Zhouâs structural charm and the Long March background.

In Tokyo, he made two vital points. Good relations between China and Japan are of importance not only to the two countries but have wider and deeper ramifications. He thanked Japan for the generous development aid given to his country.Â More importantly, this is what he said about the significance of his passage to Japan: "This is the most important task since I took office." He put China-Japan relations several notches above Sino-Indian relations.

K. Natwar Singh is a former minister for external affairs

04-25-2007, 08:27 AM

<img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/blow.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='blow.gif' /> BJP playing cards well to reap good harvest in UP
GIRISH KUBER

TIMES NEWS NETWORK[ WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25, 2007 04:23:44 AM]

LUCKNOW: Change is in the air in the countryâs most populous state. Just as Bihar had dethroned the seemingly invincible Lalu Prasad Yadav, chances are that the ongoing polls would upset electoral equations in UP. And a major gainer could be the BJP.

There are many reasons to believe so. The Sangh Parivar is working overtime to ensure the success of its political arm, the BJP, which has been working out the caste arithmetic rather well.

Riding on the recent successes in Punjab, Uttarakhand, Delhi and several local elections in Maharashtra, the BJP seems to have regained its lost composure and rhythm. Take the caste combinations. The BJP has not one but two aces up its sleeve this time.

First and foremost, Kalyan Singh is back in the saffron camp. Kalyan, the original face of the Ram Mandir agitation, belongs to the Lodh community which, along with the Kurmis, accounts for 18% of the voting population.

His absence had played a crucial role in swinging backward votes away from the BJP in 2002, when he allied with the BSP. If he had been there, the BJP wouldnât have lost about 66 seats. This time, the BJP is projecting Kalyan as the chief ministerial candidate. This is likely to have a big impact.

Second, the BJP has Sonelal Patel and his party Apna Dal in its fold. Mr Patel is the undisputed leader of the Kurmi community, the backward caste that accounts for 10% of the stateâs population. Mr Patel was being wooed by every big political party, but the BJP outwitted the others. Though the BJP had Vinay Katiyar, who belongs to the Kurmi community, his ultra Hindutva image had been a deterrent.

Mr Patel had come close to becoming UP chief minister when Kanshi Ram was heading the BSP in the late 1980s. But Mayawati took the centre stage, and Mr Patel was expelled in 1994. A year later he formed Apna Dal, and one four seats in the subsequent elections. Winning him over is a master stroke by the BJP, many believe.

Mr Patelâs joining the BJP coincides with Beni Prasad Verma, another important Kurmi leader, walking out on Mulayam Singh Yadav. He is expected damage the SPâs chances. He has a strong presence in Tarai region, that went to polls on Monday. The BJP has also roped in another strong Kurmi leader, Nitish Kumar. The Bihar chief minister has been touring the Allahabad region.

In the last elections the BJP had pocketed 20.12% votes, whereas the SP had a 24% share. To SPâs share, the Apna Dal contributed 2.98%, while Kalyan Singh had a 2.84% share. This time both these leaders are firmly behind the BJP.

Besides, the BJP can bank on the upper castes, who account for about 29% of voters. The party has some strong leaders in Kalraj Mishra and Lalaji Tondon who represent the Brahminical face of the BJP. In the last leg of electioneering it plans to parade Atal Bihari Vajpayee as well.

While the BJP has succeeded in roping in more allies, the SP seems to be losing its Muslim base. Muslim votes, constituting nearly 18% of the total, are likely to be divided among the SP, the Congress and, to a lesser extent, the BSP.

And, above all, the RSS is firmly behind the BJP. The reunification of the Parivar has already yielded some results for the BJP, in a dozen of municipal bodies.

girish.kuber@timesgroup.com

04-26-2007, 02:05 AM

04-26-2007, 04:07 AM

This will backfire on Laloo.

People still remember and respect Jayapraksah Narayan. Compared to such giants Laloo is nothing. And all lohia-socialists, 3rd frontists (minus Communists) would cringe at this latest creative history making by Laloo.

In his early days, Laloo used to be often sensible. But then he changed, drastically. Even his face bears the weight of his sins which his soul acknowledges but which his ego tries to suppress. Compare his current visage to his earlier ones. And you can get a feeling of how someone's whole being transforms when he gets taken over by the dark-side. <!--emo& Sad

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/sad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='sad.gif' />

Deep inside he knows that his rule ruined Bihar. But his big ego is fighting desperately to create enough noise so that he can claim to himself that his conscience is not complaining.

Bodhi · (This post was last modified: 04-26-2007, 05:01 AM by Bodhi.)

What was the impact of Jayaprakash Narayan on Hindutva, especially in political sphere?

Lohiyaism did produce the third front and its leaders like - Laloo, Mulayam, Charan Singh, Devilal, and influenced a host of ex-Congressmen into it : like Chandrashekhar, etc. Until then communists and Jana Sangh were independently evolving as the proper political alternatives to Congress.

What was Jayaprakash' attitude towards Hindutva? Does it reflect upon his products of today?

Sita Ram Goel had worked as Jayaprakash's secratary for sometime. He writes:

QUOTENext year, I was loaned by my boss to Shri Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) to work as part time secretary of the All India Panchayat Parishad of which he was the president. I had met him a few times in earlier years. In fact, he was the first to whom Ram Swarup and I had gone in order to seek his blessings for our anti communist work. He had said, "If you are opposed to Stalinism, I am wholly with you. But I see nothing wrong in Communism as such." I had asked him, "What about Leninism?" He had observed, "Leninism is all right." I had repeated a string of quotations from Lenin whom I had read recently. He had closed the discussion with the comment, "I don't know. My knowledge of Communist classics is quite old." So he was aware of my reputation, and had reacted rather negatively when my name was mentioned to him as a man who could help the Parishad stand on its feet. But he did not turn me down after I had a brief talk with him at the Palam Airport where he had stopped on his way from Amritsar to Patna. He had gone to the Punjab to meet Master Tara Singh.

JP started liking me when he saw my work. But I could feel that he had reservations about my ideological inclinations. One day he asked me point blank, "Are you a Socialist?" I said, "I have been." He continued, "Rat depends on one's evolution. What are you now?" I said, "I am a Hindu." He said, "That does not mean anything. I too am a Hindu." I blurted out, "I am not that sort of a Hindu." The next moment I was sorry for that remark. I could see that JP had not liked it. His face showed annoyance. But he was too much of a gentleman to put me in my place.

The showdown came unexpectedly. JP had invited an Englishman to deliver a lecture in the Panchayat Parishad. He was a retired policeman and had acquired the reputation of being a leading criminologist. I found that the man was an insufferable fool as soon as he opened his mouth. I wondered what JP had seen in him. The only explanation was JP's great weakness for the white skin. I had witnessed the weakness again and again. Now he sat enraptured as this arrogant Englishman poured unmitigated contempt on Hindu traditions, some of which he targeted as harbouring criminal tendencies. I stood up at the end of the lecture and asked him if he would answer some questions. He waved me aside, saying that he had no time for such tomfoolery. JP was furious with me soon after the man left. I had known that it was rather difficult for JP to lose his temper. But that day he did. He said to me angrily, "You have insulted my guest. I do not like such manners at all." I kept quiet.

Next day, I gave to JP my Hindi book, Samyak Sambuddha, which I had recently compiled from Buddhist classics. In its introduction I had maintained that Buddhism was only a dimension of Sanatana Dharma which I had then proceeded to define. I requested JP to read just the introduction, if he could spare the time and had the inclination. I wanted him to know what I meant by Hinduism. JP said that he liked Buddhism very much, and that he will read the whole book. I had no hope that he would. But I was pleasantly surprised when I met him after a few days. He said, "I have to seek your forgiveness (khsama chahta hun) for losing my temper that day. I did not know that you were a scholar, and had made such a deep study of Buddhism. And I have simply fallen for the beautiful (madhura) Hindi you write." I was moved to tears, and touched his feet. He continued, "If Sanatana Dharma is what you say it is, I am all for it. You can count me as a Sanatanist from today. You can say to whomsoever you please that JP has become a Sanatanist." I felt very happy. My relations with JP became more or less smooth thereafter. I thought that my Hinduism was no more a matter of suspicion in his eyes. I have told elsewhere the story of how I was able to take JP on his first ever visit to an RSS camp.

By now the Panchayat Parishad was in a functioning form. The constitution which I had drafted for it had been approved by the Ministry of Law, and the Ministry of Community Development had sanctioned a handsome grant for an institute for Training in Panchayati Raj. The search was on for some competent Director to head the Institute when JP surprised everybody in the Governing Body of the Parishad by presenting a young man from Bombay to man the post. He had a doctoral degree in Chemical Engineering from a university in the USA. JP told us nothing more about him. But he looked at me, and said, "Sitaramji, he is a Muslim." I kept quiet. He said again, "Did you hear? He is a Muslim." Perhaps he was expecting that as a Hindu I would raise an objection. I raised none. I have never bothered about Muslims, one way or the other. Hindus who flaunt Muslims in order to prove their Secularism have always left me cold. Moreover, I had never fancied the Panchayat Parishad or any organization of that sort as my final destination. It was only a waiting room for me till such times as the train arrived for taking me where I wanted to go. Meanwhile, I was doing dutifully the work for which I was paid. I wondered why JP had tried to rub it in.

The staff in the Parishad and the Institute tried to involve me in office politics with the new Director. They came to me with all sorts of stories about him. I refused to comment and disappointed them. One day, a man from Maharashtra dropped in. He had become famous for writing a report on "cooperative farming" after a brief visit to Red China. Pandit Nehru was using that report for introducing "joint farming" in this country. Years later, I learnt that his original report on "cooperative farming" in China had a chapter on how that programme had entailed a mass slaughter of peasants, and that he had dropped the chapter because Pandit Nehru thought it was not at all relevant. And this man was known at that time as a leading Gandhian. He sat down in front of me, and whispered, "Goelji, do you know that I am a Maratha?" I said, "Your name says it." He asked me next, "Do you know that we Marathas hate the Muslims?" I replied, "I have read Maratha history. I do not think your statement is true about all Marathas." He said, "In any case, I do not like Dr. ... whom JP has thrust upon us." I kept quiet. This man was in no way connected with the Panchayat Parishad. I could not understand why he was saying all this to me.

I came to know the game a few days later. JP called me and the Director for a meeting. As soon as we sat down, he turned to the Director and said, "You have no end of complaints against Sitaramji. Say in his presence what you have been saying to me, so that matters may be sorted out." The Director was nonplused. He was not at all prepared for such a confrontation. For a few moment, he was struck dumb. His face was flustered. He recovered and said, "He told Shri ... that he hates Muslims." I narrated the conversation I had with the noted Gandhian, word for word. JP smiled and said, "Shri ... has never been known for correct or careful reporting. Forget what he told you. Now, what is your next charge?" The Director fumbled, "He says that my degrees are fake." JP turned to me. I told him, "I would bother about degrees being fake or genuine only if cared for them. Degrees have never meant anything to me. I have some good ones of my own." The Director had nothing more to say, and went away. JP asked me, "What degrees do you have? Can I see your bio data?"

I had to compile it for the first time my degrees, the certificates from my professors, the books I had written, and all that. As soon as JP finished reading it, he said to me, "What are you doing in organizations like the Panchayat Parishad? A man of your qualifications should be in the university. Find out who is the head of history department in Delhi. I will write to him, recommending you for a suitable teaching job." He wrote the letter next day when I gave him the name of the Professor and Head of Department. It talked of me highly. But the Professor and Head was far from being impressed when I presented the letter to him. He looked at me without reading it, and said, "Oh! you are now in Delhi? Weren't you functioning from Calcutta?" The man was a fellowtraveller, as I found out soon after. JP received a reply a few days later. He read it and said to me, "It is a diplomatic letter. He will not let you have a job in the university. It seems he knows you quite well, and has strong reservations about you. I am sorry I cannot do more for you." I was more than thankful for what he had already done.

I had to leave the Panchayat Parishad after a few months. In spite of the confrontation between us in JP's presence, the Director had continued to poison JP's ears with all sorts of complaints against me. JP himself told me several times, "This person is full of venom against you." I kept quiet. I could sense that JP was feeling helpless. He could not drop the Director, though he was no more enamoured of him. JP's secularist image was at stake. At the same time, he was finding it difficult to overcome the feeling that my being a non secularist Hindu had something to do with the trouble. One day he invited my boss and myself for sitting down and sorting it out. He started with what the Director had been saying. Suddenly, my boss stood up and pulled me up as well by taking hold of my hand. He said, "I am taking him away. He has done the job for which I had loaned him. Your Parishad is now functioning. And there is no dearth of work for him." We walked out. JP did not try to stop us. He must have felt relieved.

http://voiceofdharma.com/books/hibh/ch9.htm

04-26-2007, 08:34 AM

Bodhi,

Thanks for that report on JP and SR Goel.

The report confirms that he was quite openminded on the issue of hindutva. JP was surely not a hindutvavaadi, but he did manage to convince Jana-Sangh/RSS to fight together against Indira Gandhi during the emergency. That was also the first time Jana-Sangh had been accepted by other political outfits as partners. Incidentally Janata Party rule disntegrated when other partners demanded that erstwhile Jana-Sanghis break their links with RSS. Janata Party has never been a force since then. Jana Sanghis broke away to form BJP. But AB Vajpayee wanted to introduce "Gandhian socialism" into BJP. That didn't go very well with the electorate, and BJP ended up with a miniscule number of seats in the Lok Sabha. So, we can perhaps say that the Janata-Party experiment ended up emasculating Jana-Sangh. It was only after the Rama-Janma bhumi issue that BJP's stock started to rise again.

Jayaprakash Narayan could carry people with him even while having ideological differences. His personal integrity was never in doubt. During the emergency, he was the one who became the symbol of resistance against the Indira-Sanjay duo. He commanded the respect (and irritation) of Indira Gandhi as well as Jan-Sanghis besides the Lohia-socialists. Laloo was just a regional student leader. He didn't have any national or even statewide pull. Janata Party was Jayaprakash Narayan's creation. Only his charisma kept it together that won the landslide victory in 1977 against Indira.

Laloo's claims are ridiculous to the extreme, and all the people who remember the emergency era would/should put him in his place.

04-26-2007, 11:14 AM

thanks Ashok Kumar.

QUOTEAB Vajpayee wanted to introduce "Gandhian socialism" into BJP.Â That didn't go very well with the electorate

Would you kindly elaborate on what were the principal differences between "Ekatma Manavatavad" of Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyayji and "Gandhian socialism" of Vajpayee? Also can you educate us on how/why exactly did it result in public's rejection of BJS/BJP at that time?

QUOTEIt was only after the Rama-Janma bhumi issue that BJP's stock started to rise again.

I beg to slightly differ on this. In my opinion, Hindutva roughly has had a 15-21% of national vote share, which reflects in 90-110 natural Hindutva seats in Parliament. Such has been the case since 70s till late 80s. (Remember, Hindutva vote was even with Congress many times).

The conversion of votes into seats - sometimes BJP/BJS are able to do it, other times not when others are able to consolidate their votes. Even in Janata Party government, BJS members were these many. This number goes up when they have alliances especially in South, Maharashtra etc. After 1996, they have managed to have an alliance - which muster the overall national share of 30-35% votes, and at the same time the remaining opposition votes are split three-ways at most places and 4-ways at some places. That has been advantageous to BJP too.

So I think, issues like Ram Janma Bhumi have only marginally resulted in vote increase, but certainly reflected well in seat increase. Hindutva votes have, yes, been consolidated after the issue, and BJP emerged as the main hub of it. But more importantly, it resulted in cadre strength and confidence. Now, has it also improved the quality of the cadre and structure? That I seriousely doubt.

ramana · (This post was last modified: 04-26-2007, 08:05 PM by ramana.)

Ashok, Re Lalu's visage- shades of Picture of Dorian Gray by Oscar Wilde!

Lalu's pronouncements are interesting. There is a theory that the protest movement against Mrs. IG was a color revloution before its time. Most all the principals had US connections.

04-26-2007, 08:35 PM

QUOTE(Bodhi @ Apr 26 2007, 11:14 AM)Would you kindly elaborate on what were the principal differences between "Ekatma Manavatavad" of Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyayji and "Gandhian socialism" of Vajpayee? Also can you educate us on how/why exactly did it result in public's rejection of BJS/BJP at that time?
I think "Ekatma Manavtavad" resonated with the hindutva workers and hindutva supporting population. But "Gandhian Socialism" was a dampener. Vajpayee has always been too sensitive about others' negative reactions about RSS/Jana-Sangh, and by talking about "Gandhian Socialism" he thought he was moving BJP towards a more centrist and acceptable level. Unfortunately it was seen as some sort of surrender by the hardcore supporters and workers. There were already gandhians and socialists in the political arena, so BJP recasting itself in that mould reduced its uniqueness and its appeal to its core supporters. A similar situation arose during the NDA rule and 2004 elections. Vajpayee again gave in to his desire to be 'liked' by his adversaries and the campaign was startlingly hindu neutral. Wasn't too much of a surprise to see that hindus (voters who kept hindu identity as of importance during voting, not just nominal hindus) also became neutral towards BJP during that election. So, the same thing was tried by Vajpayee twice and both times it failed. There is a need for BJP to gather more centrist votes. But the lesson has been that BJP can't ignore or take for granted its core supporters.

QUOTE<div class='quotetop'>QUOTEIt was only after the Rama-Janma bhumi issue that BJP's stock started to rise again.

I beg to slightly differ on this. In my opinion, Hindutva roughly has had a 15-21% of national vote share, which reflects in 90-110 natural Hindutva seats in Parliament. Such has been the case since 70s till late 80s. (Remember, Hindutva vote was even with Congress many times).

The conversion of votes into seats - sometimes BJP/BJS are able to do it, other times not when others are able to consolidate their votes. Even in Janata Party government, BJS members were these many. This number goes up when they have alliances especially in South, Maharashtra etc. After 1996, they have managed to have an alliance - which muster the overall national share of 30-35% votes, and at the same time the remaining opposition votes are split three-ways at most places and 4-ways at some places. That has been advantageous to BJP too.

So I think, issues like Ram Janma Bhumi have only marginally resulted in vote increase, but certainly reflected well in seat increase. Hindutva votes have, yes, been consolidated after the issue, and BJP emerged as the main hub of it. But more importantly, it resulted in cadre strength and confidence. Now, has it also improved the quality of the cadre and structure? That I seriousely doubt.
</div>
My opinion has been that hindus will vote as hindus only when a party specifically asks for "hindu" votes. Otherwise people vote according to whatever local/regional/caste iedentity or issues that may be excercising them at that moment.

The so called "hindu" vote cannot be taken for granted. Politicians have to ask for "hindu" votes by putting forth "hindu" issues. A voter doesn't vote "hindu" by default. The voter has to be convinced/asked to vote as a "hindu". If his/her hindu identity is not canvassed for the politicians, then the same voter will vote according to whatever identity or issues he/she may think is of importance at that point of time.

So, the way I see is that there is a potential hindutva vote of significant percentage, which will translate into a monolithic vote-bank only when politicians put forth hindutva issues. Otherwise that potential hindutva vote gets divided. Rama Janmbhumi issue consolidated the hindutva votes for a single party and translated into seats. But after the NDA rule, BJP became very apologetic about raising hindu issues. So, the hindutva vote fractured.

04-26-2007, 08:49 PM

QUOTE(ramana @ Apr 26 2007, 08:04 PM)Ashok, Re Lalu's visage- shades of Picture of Dorian Gray by Oscar Wilde!
Thats an interesting take!
QUOTEThere is a theory that the protest movement against Mrs. IG was a color revloution before its time. Most all the principals had US connections.

USA definitely was not enamored of Indira Gandhi. And must have tried to support her opponents. But I think the lack of a unified/single party opposing Indira Gandhi reduced US influence. Janata Party as a whole was such a medley of self important leaders, that USA couldn't have had much overall influence as in the recent color revolutions. It is not a surprise that USA finds it much easier to deal with dictators/single-leaders etc. Even though Janata Party fought the elections as a single party, only Jayaprakash Narayan kept the flock together. After him every constituent went its own way.

04-26-2007, 09:13 PM

Apologies for this diversion, but just remembered a couple of things regarding JP:

1. He was "AjAnubhuja", i.e. when he stood up, his hands reached till his knees. This attribute is celebrated in hindu epics and Sri Rama is often called AjAnubhuja. It is easy to imagine why having long arms for warriors was given such importance.

2. During 1977 elections, I had the opportunity to attend a rally by Jayaprakash Narayan and Indira Gandhi. JP was surrounded by enthusiastic young students, and I could get to within few feet of him. IG's rally was an elaborate state-affair, very intimidating and distant, with all the security around, bomb-squads/dog-squads checking everything. Indira Gandhi had sunglasses on when she gave her speech, and appeared distant and authoritarian and the response of the crowd was minimal.

04-28-2007, 02:33 AM

UP campaign
Enjoy quotes from election rally -

Azam Khan said,
"Hey Rahul baba agar tum hamari masjid ko dhancha kahte ho, toh hume tumhari surat bhi suar jaisi lagti hai
(When Rahul Gandhi too refers to the Babri Mosque as a mere structure, he looks worse than a pig to me)."

Congress leader Satyavrat Chaturvedi :
Azam Khan ne apnee aoukat dikha dee hai
(Azam Khan has shown his true self)."

Mulayam Singh : Election Commission beimaan (cheaters).
Kapil Sibal : If you live at the gutter level then you can't rise above it,"

Congress general secretary Satyadeo Tripathi said: "
We are going to take this up with the Election Commission."

Jana Morcha leader Raj Babbar, referred to SP General Secretary and Rajya Sabha member Amar Singh as "dalal" and "bhand".

Amar Singh to Mayawati. he was reported to have said:
"Is Sasuri ko na to cheda hai na chua hai, phir kyon hamare peeche padi hai.
(She has neither been touched nor molested, why is she after us?)"

04-28-2007, 05:56 AM

<!--emo&

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /> Wooing voters with tactics and tantrums in UP
www.thefirstpost.co.Sunita Aron
Email Author
Allahabad, April 27, 2007
First Published: 20:43 IST(27/4/2007)
Last Updated: 20:47 IST(27/4/2007)

The Election Commission was recently taken aback by the request of a foreign-educated Independent candidate in Allahabad.

He wanted to drop pamphlets from a helicopter. The EC denied permission, as air-dropping pamphlets would tantamount to defacing buildings or walls.

In the absence of traditional methods of canvassing, candidates are coming up with unique ways to woo voters across the state. The most popular method of impressing voters is the LTM (Leg Touching Machine), wherein the candidate touches the voterâs feet, and ATM (cash distribution) in the rural areas.

Sarvaraj Singh says, "Gone are the days of candidates visiting voters with folded hands. They now please voters with a handful (of cash)."

Youthful BSP candidate from Gadwara constituency Brajesh Saurabh is finding it difficult to match his arch-rival Raja Ram Pandeyâs âefficiencyâ in using the LTM.

Dudhi Ram says Pandey used to symbolically touch the knees of all, irrespective of caste or age, earlier. "But he now continues to hold your feet till you promise him your vote". "What to do, one has to promise him that," say others in unison.

In fact, Brajesh had complained to the EC that Pandey was distributing money, saris etc. The LTM factor seems to be working for the SP candidate.

Clearly impressed, Dudhi Ram says, Brahmin ho kar bhi hamare pair choota hai (He is a Brahmin, but still touches our feet).

Voters say quite openly that if Pandey wins the seat, it will not be because of the LTM or the ATM factors.

In Allahabad West, Phulpur MP Atiq Ahmad tells voters in a lighter vein that MLA status will help his brother Ashraf get a better bride.

Ashraf tells people in âhostileâ areas like Beniganj that he alone can be their saviour in troubled times. Addressing a night meeting in a school, he openly says, "After Nehru, it is my brother Atiq who won from all the five assembly segments of Phulpur during the Lok Sabha election."

The comparison to the former prime minister seems odious to many fighting the brothersâ terror in Nehruâs Allahabad. Ashraf further says, "Our family has not allowed any communal clash in the city over the past 18 years."

Both Atiq and Ashraf are facing criminal cases in court. Both were in jail recently in connection with BSP MLA Raju Palâs murder.

Voters point out how both Ashraf and Raju Palâs widow Puja Pal have been trying to link the election to their security.

Samajwadi Party candidate Ashraf and his men plead for support or else Ashraf will be hanged. At the same time, Puja Pal says, "They will kill me if I do not win the election." However, while talking to HT, she put up a brave front and said, "I do not need any arms to save my life. I have the support and strength of 90,000 people of Allahabad (referring to the votes she got the last time)." Both have been given extra security.

"Aane wale din batayenge kaun kis par bhari parega (Time alone will tell who will prove more powerful)," says Puja with an air of innocence.

Slain MLC Ajit Singhâs wife in Unnao Shakun Singh is also moving door to door with her two children. Her appeal: "Itâs a vote for the protection of my family."

In Mirzapur, Sunil Shastri, son of late Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, is trying to project corruption as a poll issue.

He is contesting the Mirzapur-Bhadohi Lok Sabha seat under the banner of his newly constituted Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan Mazdoor Congress.

He, his wife Meera and their sons talk about Sunilâs connection with the ânanihalâ (maternal grandmotherâs place). He also vows to remove the blot that previous MP Kushwaha had left on the constituency through his involvement in the cash-for-questions scam.

In Bahraich, Supreme Court lawyer Reshma Arifâs display of Gandhigiri embarrassed the cops and put her in the spotlight. Angry with detention of party workers at the Kotwali, Reshma Arif confronted the police with roses requesting them to arrest her, not her party workers. The workers were released immediately.

No wonder, voters feel candidates are trying to play to the gallery with tantrums and tactics as they seem to have nothing constructive to bank on.

04-28-2007, 09:52 AM

CROREPATI CANDIDATES % of total Fielded

SP - 27%
BSP - 26%
BJP - 20%
Cong - 16%

On an average 10 per cent of candidates in UP are crorepatis.

BSP follows Dalit icon Dr BR Ambedkarâs ideology while UP Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav calls himself a follower of socialist political leader Ram Manohar Lohia. But while Lohia and Ambedkar might be poles apart in their thinking, even a party worker in UP understands that one thing which binds these two parties and that is money.

04-29-2007, 04:46 AM

QUOTEAfter round 5, BJP, BSP neck-and-neck 
Pioneer News Service | New Delhi
After yet another low turnout of 46 per cent in the fifth round of Uttar Pradesh Assembly election, the BJP appeared to be in the clear lead in the 57 constituencies that went to polls on Saturday.

Exit polls after the fifth round predicted a badly hung House, with the BJP and the BSP almost neck-and-neck, and the SP as the major loser. The Congress was also expected to register some gains.

Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's entry in the campaign seemed to have helped the BJP surge ahead in the fifth round and its leaders claimed that the party could finally emerge in the lead. The NDTV exit polls projected the BJP increasing its tally in the region from 17 in 2002 to 21 this time. The Congress tally was expected to go up from 4 to nine. The BSP and the SP, which held 18 and 14 of these seats in the last Assembly, could get only 14 and 10 seats respectively.
...

Based on the exit polls of the five rounds, the
NDTV projected 120-130 seats for the BSP in the next Assembly.
The BJP, which held only 98 seats in the last assembly, was expected to be close behind with a tally of 115-125 seats.
The SP, which had won 145 seats last time, was projected to win only 95-105 seats and
the Congress was likely to increase its tally from 25 to 35-45.

Bodhi · (This post was last modified: 05-01-2007, 01:40 AM by Bodhi.)

X-posting. relevant to posts 236, 237 and after. Thanks Bharatvarsh

QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Apr 29 2007, 08:06 PM)http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KxpghghPxmw

watch laloo the liar getting exposed in talking about emrgency.
[right][snapback]68042[/snapback][/right]

05-01-2007, 01:02 AM

Enjoy this clip from youtube
Shekhar's take on Laloo's comment on emergency

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