07-02-2005, 01:19 AM
The following links put Dalit population in UP at 21% , Brahmins at 10% and Muslims at 19%. So I was mistaken when I thought Brahmins were more populous than muslims in U.P.
Also there is a curious justification given by Ambdkar for Shudras.
There is a mention that Dalits and Brahmins are now at the reciving end of most crimes and OBCs are the perpetrators.
Strange dynamics of caste equations... phew...
New friends
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Apparently, the BSP is looking for support among Uttar Pradesh's 10 per cent Brahmin population.
...
The BSP's main arena is Uttar Pradesh. This is hardly surprising since the Hindi belt accounts for 21 per cent of the country's Dalits, the highest concentration of the community in comparison to Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Kerala where the population is spread out.
...
According to the 2001 Census, Dalits constitute 16.5 of the population of Orissa, 9.8 per cent in Kerala, 15.2 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 21.1 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. Though Sree Narayana Guru, the BSP' s icon, hails from Kerala, a solid Dalit formation is yet to emerge in that state.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Strategic alliance for self preservation
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Kanshi Ram conceived the Backward and Minority Communities Employees' Federation (BAMCEF) as early as 1971 and registered it in Pune. It was converted into an all-India body in 1973, and re-launched in Delhi three years later with headquarters in Karol Bagh. Between 1971 and 2005, the BSP and a host of its affiliates officially held that the "Dalit-OBC-Minority" segment of the population is a common victim of caste-varna order.
The Dwijas, headed by the Brahmins, were depicted as the common tormentor. The caste arithmetic based on the 85 per cent Bahujan (as BAMCEF groups were designated) versus 15 per cent Dwijas, or Manuvadis, came into being. Between 1971 and his illness which forced Kanshi Ram to withdraw from active politics a couple of years back, he propagated his Bahujan ideology all over India. In the north, he left hardly a town uncovered in his travels. He was joined by Mayawati, who, along with millions of his followers, activated units in all states down to humble villages. How many hundreds of tonnes of newsprint was used in propagating the Bahujan ideology, telling the OBCs and minorities to join the Dalits as their natural allies will never be known.
...
Mayawati's Brahmin theory has its theoretical basis in the philosophy of BR Ambedkar himself. Ambedkar, in his celebrated book, Who Were Shudras, argued: (1). The Shudras were one of the Aryan communities of the Solar race ; (2). There was a time when Aryan society recognised only three Varnas, namely, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas; (3). The Shudras did not form a separate Varna. They ranked as part of the Kshatriya Varna in Indo-Aryan society; (4). There was a continuous feud between the Shudra kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to much tyranny and indignity; (6). As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their actions, the Brahmins refused to perform Upanayana ceremonies for the Shudras, and, (7). this denial led to the social degradation of the Shudras from the Kshatriya fold to something below the Vaishyas. Hence, they came to form the fourth Varna.
Now, history is hitting back with vengeance. All over India, the Shudras, or OBCs in constitutional vocabulary, have been claiming Kshatriyahood. But that status is not ritually confirmed by the Brahmins, and the Dalits don't recognise it either. With Kshatria-like domination over resources and institutions, the Shudras have become an innately violent social class. To them, violence is an urgent social necessity which brings their torn social emotions immediate gratification.
The proposed Dalit-Brahmin coalition is a coalition of the social proletariat and the cultural bourgeoisie. The British daily, The Guardian, published a story titled "Villagers fall victim to India's caste war" on June 14, 2005. The newspaper correspondent reported that there were 140 killings in the past year, and most of the victims were either Brahmins or Dalits. The majority of the accused persons were OBCs.
Believe it or not, upper OBCs have turned into headhunters, and the proposed coalition is just against that, of course, with an electoral strategy in mind. l
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
In Uttar Pradesh, tussle for Muslim votes
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Tug-of-war is evident among the different political parties in Uttar Pradesh to win over the hearts of the 19 per cent Muslim voters spread over 27 districts of the state. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Also there is a curious justification given by Ambdkar for Shudras.
There is a mention that Dalits and Brahmins are now at the reciving end of most crimes and OBCs are the perpetrators.
Strange dynamics of caste equations... phew...
New friends
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Apparently, the BSP is looking for support among Uttar Pradesh's 10 per cent Brahmin population.
...
The BSP's main arena is Uttar Pradesh. This is hardly surprising since the Hindi belt accounts for 21 per cent of the country's Dalits, the highest concentration of the community in comparison to Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Kerala where the population is spread out.
...
According to the 2001 Census, Dalits constitute 16.5 of the population of Orissa, 9.8 per cent in Kerala, 15.2 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 21.1 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. Though Sree Narayana Guru, the BSP' s icon, hails from Kerala, a solid Dalit formation is yet to emerge in that state.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Strategic alliance for self preservation
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Kanshi Ram conceived the Backward and Minority Communities Employees' Federation (BAMCEF) as early as 1971 and registered it in Pune. It was converted into an all-India body in 1973, and re-launched in Delhi three years later with headquarters in Karol Bagh. Between 1971 and 2005, the BSP and a host of its affiliates officially held that the "Dalit-OBC-Minority" segment of the population is a common victim of caste-varna order.
The Dwijas, headed by the Brahmins, were depicted as the common tormentor. The caste arithmetic based on the 85 per cent Bahujan (as BAMCEF groups were designated) versus 15 per cent Dwijas, or Manuvadis, came into being. Between 1971 and his illness which forced Kanshi Ram to withdraw from active politics a couple of years back, he propagated his Bahujan ideology all over India. In the north, he left hardly a town uncovered in his travels. He was joined by Mayawati, who, along with millions of his followers, activated units in all states down to humble villages. How many hundreds of tonnes of newsprint was used in propagating the Bahujan ideology, telling the OBCs and minorities to join the Dalits as their natural allies will never be known.
...
Mayawati's Brahmin theory has its theoretical basis in the philosophy of BR Ambedkar himself. Ambedkar, in his celebrated book, Who Were Shudras, argued: (1). The Shudras were one of the Aryan communities of the Solar race ; (2). There was a time when Aryan society recognised only three Varnas, namely, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vaishyas; (3). The Shudras did not form a separate Varna. They ranked as part of the Kshatriya Varna in Indo-Aryan society; (4). There was a continuous feud between the Shudra kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to much tyranny and indignity; (6). As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their actions, the Brahmins refused to perform Upanayana ceremonies for the Shudras, and, (7). this denial led to the social degradation of the Shudras from the Kshatriya fold to something below the Vaishyas. Hence, they came to form the fourth Varna.
Now, history is hitting back with vengeance. All over India, the Shudras, or OBCs in constitutional vocabulary, have been claiming Kshatriyahood. But that status is not ritually confirmed by the Brahmins, and the Dalits don't recognise it either. With Kshatria-like domination over resources and institutions, the Shudras have become an innately violent social class. To them, violence is an urgent social necessity which brings their torn social emotions immediate gratification.
The proposed Dalit-Brahmin coalition is a coalition of the social proletariat and the cultural bourgeoisie. The British daily, The Guardian, published a story titled "Villagers fall victim to India's caste war" on June 14, 2005. The newspaper correspondent reported that there were 140 killings in the past year, and most of the victims were either Brahmins or Dalits. The majority of the accused persons were OBCs.
Believe it or not, upper OBCs have turned into headhunters, and the proposed coalition is just against that, of course, with an electoral strategy in mind. l
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
In Uttar Pradesh, tussle for Muslim votes
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Tug-of-war is evident among the different political parties in Uttar Pradesh to win over the hearts of the 19 per cent Muslim voters spread over 27 districts of the state. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->