02-08-2007, 11:20 PM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Madarsa Vs market </b>
The Pioneer Edit Desk
<i>Education, not protest, is the answer</i>
The assertion by the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat, a collective of about 30 Muslim organisations, that globalisation and special economic zones (SEZs) are working against Muslims and reducing them to destitution, is both alarming and dangerously flawed. Coming as it does in the midst of an increasingly violent agitation, led by Islamic religio-political groups, against specific industrial projects in West Bengal, it may end up creating a whole new bogeyman. It could give the misgivings against economic reforms a communal colour. The argument put forward by the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat is seductive but ultimately specious and self-defeating. For India, economic reforms and globalisation have proved a process of creative destruction. They have spurred growth, made India and Indians richer, and changed the way our country is perceived. Yet, reforms have also exposed inefficiencies, disrupted protected and insular cocoons of economic activity and marginalised traditional elites and interest groups. This has hurt both Muslims and Hindus, as indeed it has hurt all Indians. Old and obsolete manufacturing - whether lock units in Aligarh or car factories near Kolkata - have been hit. The challenges to the familiar darzi and to sections of weavers have come from imports, of course, but more than that from the shifting of jobs to factories producing readymade garments. The coming of big retail - much of it Indian-owned and, therefore, strictly speaking not born of globalisation - will eventually cut into the market-share of corner shops or, as the Mahapanchayat has pointed out, have customers moving from Muslim-owned poultry outlets to big chains with better refrigeration and hygiene practices. From roadside mechanics to butchers, a higher proportion of Muslims, especially in India's cities, tend to run roadside businesses and be self-employed. Since consolidation is an inevitable consequence of economic reform, there is no doubt that some of these low-end businesses will disappear. Even so, for every story of a Muslim who has suffered the consequences of India's economic transformation, there will be two Hindu tragedies to relate, if not more. Individual cases, heart-rending as they are, cannot stop history.
<b>It would be instructive for the Muslim groups that have suddenly painted economic liberalisation as the new Satan to ponder what types of Indians have benefited since 1991</b>. Communities and families that have focused on education, aspired for an intellectual leap and embraced modernity are riding the crest of the Indian boom. The best example is Mr Azim Premji, India's most respected IT tycoon. As it happens, Mr Premji is a Muslim and would look at globalisation and SEZs very differently from his co-religionists in the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat. There is also a lesson here for the UPA Government. Despite bending over backwards to please Muslim voters, despite talking of fixed allocations for the community in development outlays, despite announcing bonuses for madarsas, why is its economic policy so alienating Muslims? The fact is simply this: Globalisation and the 21st century economy necessitate a certain skills-set, a familiarity with English, a striving for formal education, a technical training, whether at the IITs or the ITIs. <b>One of the theories as to why the Ottoman Empire failed to keep up with the West and eventually collapsed is that it delayed in adopting moveable type printing, and so blocked the easy replication and dissemination of knowledge.</b> There is a lesson here for the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat, and for the Government.
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The Pioneer Edit Desk
<i>Education, not protest, is the answer</i>
The assertion by the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat, a collective of about 30 Muslim organisations, that globalisation and special economic zones (SEZs) are working against Muslims and reducing them to destitution, is both alarming and dangerously flawed. Coming as it does in the midst of an increasingly violent agitation, led by Islamic religio-political groups, against specific industrial projects in West Bengal, it may end up creating a whole new bogeyman. It could give the misgivings against economic reforms a communal colour. The argument put forward by the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat is seductive but ultimately specious and self-defeating. For India, economic reforms and globalisation have proved a process of creative destruction. They have spurred growth, made India and Indians richer, and changed the way our country is perceived. Yet, reforms have also exposed inefficiencies, disrupted protected and insular cocoons of economic activity and marginalised traditional elites and interest groups. This has hurt both Muslims and Hindus, as indeed it has hurt all Indians. Old and obsolete manufacturing - whether lock units in Aligarh or car factories near Kolkata - have been hit. The challenges to the familiar darzi and to sections of weavers have come from imports, of course, but more than that from the shifting of jobs to factories producing readymade garments. The coming of big retail - much of it Indian-owned and, therefore, strictly speaking not born of globalisation - will eventually cut into the market-share of corner shops or, as the Mahapanchayat has pointed out, have customers moving from Muslim-owned poultry outlets to big chains with better refrigeration and hygiene practices. From roadside mechanics to butchers, a higher proportion of Muslims, especially in India's cities, tend to run roadside businesses and be self-employed. Since consolidation is an inevitable consequence of economic reform, there is no doubt that some of these low-end businesses will disappear. Even so, for every story of a Muslim who has suffered the consequences of India's economic transformation, there will be two Hindu tragedies to relate, if not more. Individual cases, heart-rending as they are, cannot stop history.
<b>It would be instructive for the Muslim groups that have suddenly painted economic liberalisation as the new Satan to ponder what types of Indians have benefited since 1991</b>. Communities and families that have focused on education, aspired for an intellectual leap and embraced modernity are riding the crest of the Indian boom. The best example is Mr Azim Premji, India's most respected IT tycoon. As it happens, Mr Premji is a Muslim and would look at globalisation and SEZs very differently from his co-religionists in the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat. There is also a lesson here for the UPA Government. Despite bending over backwards to please Muslim voters, despite talking of fixed allocations for the community in development outlays, despite announcing bonuses for madarsas, why is its economic policy so alienating Muslims? The fact is simply this: Globalisation and the 21st century economy necessitate a certain skills-set, a familiarity with English, a striving for formal education, a technical training, whether at the IITs or the ITIs. <b>One of the theories as to why the Ottoman Empire failed to keep up with the West and eventually collapsed is that it delayed in adopting moveable type printing, and so blocked the easy replication and dissemination of knowledge.</b> There is a lesson here for the Pasmanda Mahapanchayat, and for the Government.
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