12-05-2007, 04:39 AM
More like a follow-up to above article from Deccan Chronicle, 5 Dec 2007
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Chiruâs political dreams
By Syed Amin Jafri
The protracted Hamletian dilemma is, hopefully, poised to end soon with Telugu megastar Chiranjeevi making up his mind to launch a political party in Andhra Pradesh in January 2008. <b>After vacillating on the issue for almost one-and-a-half decades, Chiranjeevi has grandiose plans to lead a grand alliance of "politically suppressed" sections such as backward classes, dalits, girijans, minorities and forward castes like Brahmins, Vysyas and Kshatriyas as an alternative to the ruling Congress and main Opposition , the Telugu Desam.</b> The idea is to set up the party in time for the next Assembly elections due in May 2009.
The decision of the megastar to take a plunge into politics, however, has hardly caused any excitement in political circles precisely because it has come rather belatedly. Speculation was rife for long that Chiranjeevi would follow the footsteps of Telugu matinee idol N.T. Rama Rao, who had founded the Telugu Desam in 1982 at the peak of his cinematic career as the first credible alternative to the Congress in the state. For long, the Congress and the TD leaders wooed Chiranjeevi to join politics (nay, their respective parties) and campaign for them in elections. At one time, Mr Dasari Narayana Rao tried very hard to convince Chiranjeevi to lead a party to represent the interests of numerically strong Kapu caste in the state. As Chiranjeevi was not receptive to their overtures, the Congress and the TD ultimately gave up their efforts to lure the megastar into politics.
<b>In recent months, other players entered the scene to plead with Chiranjeevi to lead what is being projected as a "third alternative" to take on the Reddy-dominated Congress and the Kamma-centred Telugu Desam. The CPI, CPI(M), Lok Satta Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and even the Telangana Rashtra Samiti jumped onto the bandwagon of Chiru enthusiasts.</b> The leaders of these parties held parleys with Chiranjeevi individually and invited him to join politics. Moreover, some caste-based organisations have been making efforts to organize support among weaker sections â backward classes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and minorities. The Madiga Reservations Porata Samithi, Mala Mahanadu, AP BCs Front and other similar organisations have displayed their political ambitions too often, seeking greater share of political cake for their respective groups.
Mr Manda Krishna Madiga, Mr Krupa Madiga, Mr Jupudi Prabhakar Rao, Mr Karam Shivaji, Gaddar, Mr R Krishnaiah, Dr Kancha Ilaiah, Mr S. Ramachander Rao and several retired IAS officers belonging to the weaker sections have been in the forefront of the campaign for forging an effective alternative to the Congress and the TD. The objective behind the efforts of these organisations and activists is to seek justice for the weaker sections through political empowerment in the real sense. Their grouse is that the state politics was dominated by Reddys till early 1980s and thereafter by Kammas and Reddys alternatively.
In the process, not only the other forward castes but also backward classes, minorities and sections of dalits and girijans have been marginalised. Kapus, along with their associate castes â Balijas, Ontaris and Telagas â have been nursing this grievance from the late 1980s. Vijayawada East MLA Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao was emerging as the rallying point for Kapus in the coastal belt when he was brutally murdered in Vijayawada in 1988. <b>In a way, Rangaâs murder could be termed as a turning point in the stateâs history.</b>
The killing of Ranga and two of his associates at their hunger strike camp in the early hours of December 26, 1988, had triggered off large-scale arson, looting, murder and vandalism in Vijayawada and other Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema towns. The protestors burnt down 566 buses, 22 theatres, six hotels, 38 business establishments and scores of houses. In the mob violence, 13 persons died while 21 were killed in police firings. <b>The Ranga episode led to caste polarisation and ultimately resulted in the ouster of N.T. Rama Rao from power in the 1989 Assembly elections.</b>
Kapus came into prominence under the Congress rule during 1989-94 but the acute infighting among their leaders led to splits in Kapunadu, which was formed as the apex organisation for political awakening of this numerically dominant community. <b>Marginalisation of Kapunadu prompted Mr Dasari Narayan Rao to give up his attempts to form a political party with Chiranjeevi.</b> Instead of floating the Telugu Talli Party, he joined the Congress on the eve of 1999 elections and campaigned against the TD. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 2000 and 2006 and became a minister of state in the Union Cabinet in November 2004.
Today, Kapus are politically scattered, with Kapunadu losing its pre-eminence. In the present Assembly, there are 27 members from Kapu and associated castes, apart from Munnuru Kapu and Turupu Kapu members belonging to backward classes. There are a handful of Kapus among Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha members from the state. <b>Moreover, Mr Dasari Narayana Rao and Chiranjeevi do not see eye-to eye these days. Their relations soured further after the Dasari camp reportedly extended a helping hand to Chiranjeeviâs second daughter Srija and her boyfriend Sirish Bharadwaj when they fled to Delhi after their marriage.</b>
The 52-year-old Chiranjeevi, popularly known as Chiru, belongs to a family with strong cinematic presence. His younger brothers Nagendra Babu and Pawan Kalyam and his son Ram Charan Teja are also actors. Son-in-law of actor Allu Ramalingaiah and brother-in-law of producer-actor Allu Aravind, Chiru acted in 146 films so far.
A product of Madras Film Institute and amateur stage artiste, he made his cinematic debut in 1978 with Punadhirallu. His role in Khaidi in 1982 catapulted him into the big league and gave him star image. But will luck smile on Konidela Siva Sankara Vara Prasad a.k.a. Chiranjeevi in his new avatar as a political leader? This is hard to tell, notwithstanding the huge fan following that Chiranjeevi has across the state. Moreover, the political scenario now is radically different from what it was quarter of a century ago when NTR launched the Telugu Desam.
<b>However, in the post-1982 era, state politics has gravitated towards a two-party system with the TD and the Congress alternately holding power.</b> The only time when "third parties" achieved some success in the state was in 1962 when the undivided Communist Party of India won 51 seats and acted as a formidable Opposition in the Assembly.
In 1978, the Janata Party provided the third alternative to the two factions of the Congress led by Jalagam Vengala Rao and Dr Marri Channa Reddy respectively. Congress-I stormed into power and the Janata Party emerged as the main Opposition with 60 members. Thereafter, parties like the BJP, the CPI and the CPI(M) have found it safer to align with the TD. In 2004, comrades sailed with the Congress but have drifted away since. The State hardly needs a third front or third alternative now.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Andhra Pradesh is a fascinating mirror on what happens latter in India.
Hugh Tinker.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Chiruâs political dreams
By Syed Amin Jafri
The protracted Hamletian dilemma is, hopefully, poised to end soon with Telugu megastar Chiranjeevi making up his mind to launch a political party in Andhra Pradesh in January 2008. <b>After vacillating on the issue for almost one-and-a-half decades, Chiranjeevi has grandiose plans to lead a grand alliance of "politically suppressed" sections such as backward classes, dalits, girijans, minorities and forward castes like Brahmins, Vysyas and Kshatriyas as an alternative to the ruling Congress and main Opposition , the Telugu Desam.</b> The idea is to set up the party in time for the next Assembly elections due in May 2009.
The decision of the megastar to take a plunge into politics, however, has hardly caused any excitement in political circles precisely because it has come rather belatedly. Speculation was rife for long that Chiranjeevi would follow the footsteps of Telugu matinee idol N.T. Rama Rao, who had founded the Telugu Desam in 1982 at the peak of his cinematic career as the first credible alternative to the Congress in the state. For long, the Congress and the TD leaders wooed Chiranjeevi to join politics (nay, their respective parties) and campaign for them in elections. At one time, Mr Dasari Narayana Rao tried very hard to convince Chiranjeevi to lead a party to represent the interests of numerically strong Kapu caste in the state. As Chiranjeevi was not receptive to their overtures, the Congress and the TD ultimately gave up their efforts to lure the megastar into politics.
<b>In recent months, other players entered the scene to plead with Chiranjeevi to lead what is being projected as a "third alternative" to take on the Reddy-dominated Congress and the Kamma-centred Telugu Desam. The CPI, CPI(M), Lok Satta Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and even the Telangana Rashtra Samiti jumped onto the bandwagon of Chiru enthusiasts.</b> The leaders of these parties held parleys with Chiranjeevi individually and invited him to join politics. Moreover, some caste-based organisations have been making efforts to organize support among weaker sections â backward classes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and minorities. The Madiga Reservations Porata Samithi, Mala Mahanadu, AP BCs Front and other similar organisations have displayed their political ambitions too often, seeking greater share of political cake for their respective groups.
Mr Manda Krishna Madiga, Mr Krupa Madiga, Mr Jupudi Prabhakar Rao, Mr Karam Shivaji, Gaddar, Mr R Krishnaiah, Dr Kancha Ilaiah, Mr S. Ramachander Rao and several retired IAS officers belonging to the weaker sections have been in the forefront of the campaign for forging an effective alternative to the Congress and the TD. The objective behind the efforts of these organisations and activists is to seek justice for the weaker sections through political empowerment in the real sense. Their grouse is that the state politics was dominated by Reddys till early 1980s and thereafter by Kammas and Reddys alternatively.
In the process, not only the other forward castes but also backward classes, minorities and sections of dalits and girijans have been marginalised. Kapus, along with their associate castes â Balijas, Ontaris and Telagas â have been nursing this grievance from the late 1980s. Vijayawada East MLA Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao was emerging as the rallying point for Kapus in the coastal belt when he was brutally murdered in Vijayawada in 1988. <b>In a way, Rangaâs murder could be termed as a turning point in the stateâs history.</b>
The killing of Ranga and two of his associates at their hunger strike camp in the early hours of December 26, 1988, had triggered off large-scale arson, looting, murder and vandalism in Vijayawada and other Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema towns. The protestors burnt down 566 buses, 22 theatres, six hotels, 38 business establishments and scores of houses. In the mob violence, 13 persons died while 21 were killed in police firings. <b>The Ranga episode led to caste polarisation and ultimately resulted in the ouster of N.T. Rama Rao from power in the 1989 Assembly elections.</b>
Kapus came into prominence under the Congress rule during 1989-94 but the acute infighting among their leaders led to splits in Kapunadu, which was formed as the apex organisation for political awakening of this numerically dominant community. <b>Marginalisation of Kapunadu prompted Mr Dasari Narayan Rao to give up his attempts to form a political party with Chiranjeevi.</b> Instead of floating the Telugu Talli Party, he joined the Congress on the eve of 1999 elections and campaigned against the TD. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 2000 and 2006 and became a minister of state in the Union Cabinet in November 2004.
Today, Kapus are politically scattered, with Kapunadu losing its pre-eminence. In the present Assembly, there are 27 members from Kapu and associated castes, apart from Munnuru Kapu and Turupu Kapu members belonging to backward classes. There are a handful of Kapus among Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha members from the state. <b>Moreover, Mr Dasari Narayana Rao and Chiranjeevi do not see eye-to eye these days. Their relations soured further after the Dasari camp reportedly extended a helping hand to Chiranjeeviâs second daughter Srija and her boyfriend Sirish Bharadwaj when they fled to Delhi after their marriage.</b>
The 52-year-old Chiranjeevi, popularly known as Chiru, belongs to a family with strong cinematic presence. His younger brothers Nagendra Babu and Pawan Kalyam and his son Ram Charan Teja are also actors. Son-in-law of actor Allu Ramalingaiah and brother-in-law of producer-actor Allu Aravind, Chiru acted in 146 films so far.
A product of Madras Film Institute and amateur stage artiste, he made his cinematic debut in 1978 with Punadhirallu. His role in Khaidi in 1982 catapulted him into the big league and gave him star image. But will luck smile on Konidela Siva Sankara Vara Prasad a.k.a. Chiranjeevi in his new avatar as a political leader? This is hard to tell, notwithstanding the huge fan following that Chiranjeevi has across the state. Moreover, the political scenario now is radically different from what it was quarter of a century ago when NTR launched the Telugu Desam.
<b>However, in the post-1982 era, state politics has gravitated towards a two-party system with the TD and the Congress alternately holding power.</b> The only time when "third parties" achieved some success in the state was in 1962 when the undivided Communist Party of India won 51 seats and acted as a formidable Opposition in the Assembly.
In 1978, the Janata Party provided the third alternative to the two factions of the Congress led by Jalagam Vengala Rao and Dr Marri Channa Reddy respectively. Congress-I stormed into power and the Janata Party emerged as the main Opposition with 60 members. Thereafter, parties like the BJP, the CPI and the CPI(M) have found it safer to align with the TD. In 2004, comrades sailed with the Congress but have drifted away since. The State hardly needs a third front or third alternative now.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Andhra Pradesh is a fascinating mirror on what happens latter in India.
Hugh Tinker.