Twirp : Terrorist Wahabi Islamic Republic Pakistan

ramana · 02-23-2008, 02:44 AM

Two views from Deccan Chronicel, 23 Feb., 2008

QUOTEThe Quiet Revolution
By Seema Mustafa

Islamabad: It was a peaceful revolution. The people of Pakistan, fed up with the violence and the authoritarianism and the Americans and the price rise and Musharraf and the muzzling of the judiciary and the press, decided to vote it all out. First, the media and the lawyers and the Opposition parties shouted for a free and fair poll that had hundreds of observers pouring into Pakistan from all over the world, leaving the government with little choice but to allow as free a poll as possible under the circumstances. Then, they lined up quietly defying threats and cast the vote that ensured the revolution.

The biggest upset was for the corrupt and notorious family led by Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain who was amongst those to take the direct brunt of the peopleâs anger and lose the polls. Every taxi-driver in Lahore during the campaign would point towards the huge bungalows occupying an entire street saying, "This is what they have built with our money." Sheikh Rashid, Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri were the others who fell by the wayside, with only Mushahid Hussain listening to his iPod as he worked out at the gym, maintaining, "I am happy, I am relaxed, no tensions." He, like others, is now looking for the PML-Q to "reinvent" itself when it meets in Islamabad in a couple of days with many in the party likely to demand the head of the Chaudhry brothers.

The desire for change and for democracy was very visible on the streets of Pakistan before the polls. The religious right too had been wiped out and as the people did not cease reminding one, "this in itself gives a lie to the western propaganda that Pakistan is dominated by the religious parties and the extremists." Former professor of the Quaid-e-Azam University, Professor A. Nayar pointed out that "Musharrafâs propaganda that he alone can save the country from the religious right is now exposed as blatantly false, he is expendable." And that was the refrain: Musharraf must go, he must resign or else be forced out.

It was, therefore, with some seriousness, that Musharraf and his men sought the help of the Americans to continue in power with the help of leaders like Asif Ali Zardari. Talks were held and Zardari dismayed the voter when he went across to the US mission in Islamabad to meet the ambassador after the election results had placed him and his party at the top. "Sell-out" was the whisper that almost became a shout, and the lawyers came out into the streets to ensure that the political leadership respected the mandate.

PPP leader Aitzaz Ahsan came out of house-arrest to be carried across the street on the shoulders of his lawyer supporters, and made it clear that there could be no compromise on the two-point agenda articulated so forcefully by the lawyers and the media that has become a player as well, following the restrictions imposed on it by Musharraf. It was apparent to all that a close watch was being kept by Pakistan on Zardari and Musharraf, and the hint of a deal would have everybody out on the streets in strong protest. "He (Zardari) would like to do it, but he cannot do it as he will be finished and the PPP will split in all directions," was the consensus view emanating not just from others, but also from within the PPP.

Zardari and Sharif decided to form the government. Both with their individual agendas in hand as well. Zardari clearly likes the idea of being the man behind the throne, the party leader who, like Congress president Sonia Gandhi, runs the party by trying to rise above it. He is clever enough to realise that to gain full acceptance and get full control over the party he has to stay out of power for a longer while. As it is he has emerged as the main leader, addressing the press conferences, while all others sit quietly around him, and is also now the man that the Americans are talking to. Sharif is looking at the elections ahead. He will act as the conscience-keeper of the government, with his unambiguous demand for the exit of Musharraf and open support for the restoration of the judiciary, earning him new admirers. He is playing for long-term gains, and is prepared to sit in the second seat in this government that the power elite does not expect to last for more than a couple of years at best.

Musharraf is now in deep trouble. And he should realise that. For even if Zardari does not press for his removal, and Sharif goes along, the lawyers and the media will continue to holler for his exit. Both these groups are a furious lot and while public memory in Pakistan is perhaps shorter â look at the comeback of Zardari â than other South Asian nations, Musharraf is not the kind of man to sit back in the shadows and wait for the storm to pass. His every word will produce a reaction, and instead of being in control he will be under the control of the politician. That will not be what he wants, but now that his efforts to cut a deal have not worked, he does not have too many aces left up his wilting sleeves.

That leaves the two biggest players in Pakistan. The US and the Army. The Bush administration has received a major slap in the face, and the US President does not have the time to formulate and implement a new strategy that can be effective during his last months in power. Clearly, the initial assessment has been to recognise the peopleâs mandate, as any other option would result in violence across the streets. A fair poll was ensured because all the Opposition parties, the media and the judiciary threatened violence if there was rigging. Now, overt attempts at influencing the government will generate the same reaction, as every man and woman, from the taxi-driver to the retired general, is clear: we have had enough of the Americans. In fact, many told this columnist to ask the Indian government leaders to visit Pakistan, and see for themselves what havoc the Americans can create. "Keep away," they said, even those generals who are known to have been close to Washington. The US knows that the vote is also against the global war on terror, and while Zardari can be trusted to ensure that this does not become the mandate of the new government, Sharif still remains an uncertain entity. As Musharrafâs spokesperson Major General Rashid Qureshi said, "He is becoming confrontationist, he is not listening to anyone." He is the hero of these elections, along with civil society and the people of Pakistan. So while it is true that no Pakistan establishment today can afford to move out of the US embrace, there are nuances and gradations that might become more pronounced as the weeks go by.

The Army in Pakistan is the other major entity. And here the new Chief of Army Staff, General Kayani has made it clear that he is not keen on a direct involvement in politics. He appears keen to move the Army back into the barracks and has issued instructions that all Army officers in civilian jobs must return to the Army. He is a low profile, professional general who rose from humble beginnings. He needs time to settle in, and while he commands the respect of the soldier, he still has to establish himself at the higher levels in a class conscious Army. He is also not keen to continue the war against terror in its present form, and is clearly conscious of the necessity to keep the Army away from the direct impact of the US direct operations. How far he will be successful again remains to be seen, but for the moment, the Army under him will not be playing a political role. He has virtually said that through his recent actions.

Pakistan, thus, can be heading for a new dawn. Where the government in power restores the institutions of democracy, listens to the voices of the people and moves to bring them social and economic comfort, isolates the militants, and keeps foreign powers in their place. Kashmir, for the first time in independent Pakistan, has been replaced by real bread and butter issues. Not a single person through the campaign tried to, or could have capitalised on, the issue of Kashmir, that no one, leader or voter, was even willing to talk about during the days of government formation. The people have given the new government an overwhelming mandate that the leadership can capitalise on, if it has the courage and the vision. But somehow, somewhere, there is a sense of unease. Will it happen, or will these men in power again squander away the gains? The answer will be found not in the next few weeks, but certainly the next few months.



and

QUOTEA perfect election
By Ashaâar Rehman

Karachi: It is a perfect verdict for everyone except for those who had become a liability for people above and below them. First take the President of Pakistan. He has been absolved of charges of rigging the vote in favour of his Pakistan Muslim League (Q). Next is the Pakistan Election Commission, which had been until February 18 dubbed as the executer of the rigging plan. Its early estimates say the voter turnout could be as high as 45 per cent.

This should make foreign analysts happy and the observers from abroad will soon be giving Pakistan a clean bill of democratic health, and they will not have to worry about their conscience. The results reflect a popular desire for change, a breaking away from the Musharrafian tradition of the last eight years or so. At the same time, manifest in the verdict is the Pakistanisâ rejection of the extremists who stand directly opposed to the President.

In the Frontier, as expected, the people have voted wholeheartedly for a change that they believe the Awami National Party and Pakistan Peopleâs Party are capable of bringing in a life besieged by the bombers.

By all indications of realpolitik and ideology the ANP-PPP combine should be able to form a coalition government in Peshawar. They have something to learn from the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amalâs success in keeping its coalition intact until the very last, pronouncements of its early demise notwithstanding. The ANP and PPP should realise that they need to be in power in the Frontier to secure the province for themselves for at least a few years.

The same holds true for Sindh, where, in the wake of the election results, analysts have once again been found advising the PPP and the Muttahida Quami Movement to rise above their differences for some kind of a working relationship.

A PPP-MQM coalition in the province may have its problems and its challenges, yet, so many years down the road, it is perhaps a possibility not as distant as it was in the year 1988.

The two sides have made some friendly overtures towards each other in the recent past and the media, that has been in the forefront of the save-Pakistan campaign, is persistent in keeping Altaf Hussainâs post-poll reconciliatory message pasted on the television screen to ensure that the PPP registers it. The public, which has received a voice in the media, is desperate for stability.

The PPP and MQM, like all other parties in the country, would do well to keep this in mind as they chart out their post-poll strategies for Sindh.

The PPP has done reasonably well in Balochistan, even if the PML(Q) has emerged on top. The PPP may lead the anti-PML(Q) groupâs claim to power in this seriously isolated and long smouldering province in the federation.

The solution for Balochistan lies as much in Balochistan as it lies in other provinces of Pakistan, especially in Punjab. 

True to its wont, during the election campaign the biggest province was too embroiled in its own problems to deal with the issues the smaller provinces have with it.

Punjab continues to treat Balochistan as a remote place ruled by tribal chiefs. Enough is enough. We can trust the people of Balochistan to look after themselves in their territory. Sitting in Lahore the concern should be to make their stay in Pakistan comfortable.Â :-o

Lahore is abuzz with people who have come out in the open giving the Sharifs a position to make such a huge impact on future developments. The PML(N) leaders say they are committed to their pre-election pledge of restoring the judiciary to its pre-November 3 status and they promise stability and law and order to the people. The party needs to grow in its role as an entity which cares for and respects the smaller provinces. The propensity for reconciliation it had shown in its ties with Ms Benazir Bhutto must continue and the process must embrace smaller parties and provinces â if for nothing else, for the security that its voters in Punjab demand from it.

The huge PML(N) gains in Punjab and its reasonably good showing in parts of the Frontier are intrinsically tied to the party leadersâ reputation of being moderates. The Sharifsâ win surprised not only the PML(Q) but also the PPP which had to be content with a second place in many of the constituencies it thought it had in its pocket.Â :-o

The feeling is that while the PPP has obtained a large number of seats in Punjab and has made advances in all other provinces and at the Centre, its showing in the major cities of Punjab such as Rawalpindi, Faisalabad and Gujranwala did not quite match public expectations. The sympathy vote that so many said the PPP would get in Punjab did not quite materialise. Many in the province donât consider the PPP safe enough, given its "enlightened" label and the heavy baggage of a past "tainted" with corruption.

It suffers on account of the leadership vacuum left by the death of Benazir Bhutto and is being advised to try and ensure that the Parliament now elected should complete its term.

This will enable the PPP to repair past damages. It could start by formulating it stance on crucial questions such as the restoration of the judiciary and identifying its leaders in all the five Assemblies.

On this count â being prominently represented in all five Assemblies â the PPP never had it so good. What the PPP and the PML(N) choose for themselves from now on would determine how reconciliatory politics in Pakistan will turn out to be in the near future. They have been all calling for a consensus government for some time. Now is the time.



I think Mushhraffa was surprised by the verdict. She didnt expect the rout would be so complete.

From second article it looks like PML-N has become a Pakjabi party. PML-Q has its adherents in Balochistan. Could be Serakis. And PPP has become a national party. Need to think about this.

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