06-08-2008, 11:13 PM
Time is with Dalits
With the dawn of the new millennium, three new developments have started in India and all are linked closely. First, liberalisation has boosted industrialisation. Second, due to this, several caste neutral occupations have come into being. Third, India is experiencing largescale urbanisation.
All the new developments are poised against the caste order. Agrarianism is home to the caste order as the system came into being in such a set up. By definition, urban India is a new territory, and the caste order cannot function as effectively as it does in agrarian India. It is not that Hindus, who dominate the caste order, wish to abandon the system. For them, life is uneasy without the hierarchical caste order. However, as the saying goes, "If wishes were horses.." Urbanisation fights the caste order system on its own without any person's efforts and, therefore, Dalits, who settle in such an atmosphere, experience great relief.
But, considering the educational qualifications of Dalits, where would they be able to fit in the new economy and urban centres? Even their economic conditions are not favourable raising a question about them gaining entry into the emerging markets. As Governments are no more interested in integrating Dalits in the new economy, how would they be able to turn industrialisation and urbanisation in their favour?
There are two situations that favour Dalits. First, the urban economy creates certain opportunities that the traditionally dominant caste members do not embrace. All such opportunities are better than working for landlords in rural and suburban areas. For instance, in the past year, over a million new vehicles started plying on Indian roads. This means, a million new jobs of drivers and another million as their assistants. There are hundreds of such occupations that do not require any educational degree but only manpower. This is an opportunity that Dalits can cash on.
In the second situation, Dalits hold little land and have insignificant assets in rural areas. This gives them the freedom of migrating to urban areas instead of being tied to the agrarian centres. Not only do urban areas give them livelihood, they also save them from undergoing humiliation that they face otherwise in rural areas.
Urban centres are the greatest educators. Dalits, who migrate to such places, refuse to return to their native places and make trips only to visit family members and relatives. Even the newfound 'affluence' is demonstrated during such visits. By working in urban centres they realise the meaning of dignity and freedom. They see a new employee-employer relationship that is more democratic than what exists in the countryside. There have been a number of instances in villages I have visited, where urban Dalit youths have entered in a conflict with dominant castes.
Such Dalit youths can no longer tolerate offensive social conducts of their ex-landlords. They instead inspire their family members, relatives and community members to assert. In my judgment, no social movement makes Dalits as assertive as the experience in living in urban centres.
However, mere urbanisation is not enough as most Dalits would just land in low-paying jobs. A new campaign is needed in which the urban Dalit-proletariats ought to prepare future generations to acquire necessary education and professional skills to succeed in the new economy, with the most important being learning English and other soft skills.
The major question is, who will carry this message to Dalits who work in urban centres? Since 1990, when I left the university to work amongst Dalits, I have seen all energies, resources and time being wasted in preparing memorandums to be submitted to Governments. Not many Dalit politicians, activists, or scholars can claim a major right they have won for the community -- except probably the Supplier Diversity programme conceived in the Bhopal Conference. Dalits, since 1990, have not been able to even protect rights won by Baba Saheb Dr Ambedkar.
Even though time is on Dalits' side, their leadership is clueless. The Dalit movement is not certain which direction it needs to go, even ideologically.
With the dawn of the new millennium, three new developments have started in India and all are linked closely. First, liberalisation has boosted industrialisation. Second, due to this, several caste neutral occupations have come into being. Third, India is experiencing largescale urbanisation.
All the new developments are poised against the caste order. Agrarianism is home to the caste order as the system came into being in such a set up. By definition, urban India is a new territory, and the caste order cannot function as effectively as it does in agrarian India. It is not that Hindus, who dominate the caste order, wish to abandon the system. For them, life is uneasy without the hierarchical caste order. However, as the saying goes, "If wishes were horses.." Urbanisation fights the caste order system on its own without any person's efforts and, therefore, Dalits, who settle in such an atmosphere, experience great relief.
But, considering the educational qualifications of Dalits, where would they be able to fit in the new economy and urban centres? Even their economic conditions are not favourable raising a question about them gaining entry into the emerging markets. As Governments are no more interested in integrating Dalits in the new economy, how would they be able to turn industrialisation and urbanisation in their favour?
There are two situations that favour Dalits. First, the urban economy creates certain opportunities that the traditionally dominant caste members do not embrace. All such opportunities are better than working for landlords in rural and suburban areas. For instance, in the past year, over a million new vehicles started plying on Indian roads. This means, a million new jobs of drivers and another million as their assistants. There are hundreds of such occupations that do not require any educational degree but only manpower. This is an opportunity that Dalits can cash on.
In the second situation, Dalits hold little land and have insignificant assets in rural areas. This gives them the freedom of migrating to urban areas instead of being tied to the agrarian centres. Not only do urban areas give them livelihood, they also save them from undergoing humiliation that they face otherwise in rural areas.
Urban centres are the greatest educators. Dalits, who migrate to such places, refuse to return to their native places and make trips only to visit family members and relatives. Even the newfound 'affluence' is demonstrated during such visits. By working in urban centres they realise the meaning of dignity and freedom. They see a new employee-employer relationship that is more democratic than what exists in the countryside. There have been a number of instances in villages I have visited, where urban Dalit youths have entered in a conflict with dominant castes.
Such Dalit youths can no longer tolerate offensive social conducts of their ex-landlords. They instead inspire their family members, relatives and community members to assert. In my judgment, no social movement makes Dalits as assertive as the experience in living in urban centres.
However, mere urbanisation is not enough as most Dalits would just land in low-paying jobs. A new campaign is needed in which the urban Dalit-proletariats ought to prepare future generations to acquire necessary education and professional skills to succeed in the new economy, with the most important being learning English and other soft skills.
The major question is, who will carry this message to Dalits who work in urban centres? Since 1990, when I left the university to work amongst Dalits, I have seen all energies, resources and time being wasted in preparing memorandums to be submitted to Governments. Not many Dalit politicians, activists, or scholars can claim a major right they have won for the community -- except probably the Supplier Diversity programme conceived in the Bhopal Conference. Dalits, since 1990, have not been able to even protect rights won by Baba Saheb Dr Ambedkar.
Even though time is on Dalits' side, their leadership is clueless. The Dalit movement is not certain which direction it needs to go, even ideologically.