Gaps/lacunae In Indian History

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(Re)Building Siri and Jahanpanah



Introduction

A surprising reference of court historian Badaoni about Tughluqabad caused me to reconsider the claim connected with Ghiyathuddin that he was the creator from scratch of the fortress:

“Then he directed his ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqābād and all the lofty edifices, and set about it (without delay)* and Badr Shā‘ir Shāshī invented as a chronogram for the date of building the fort (of Tughlaqābād) the following: “Enter then her gates.”* [Note: These words give the date 727 H.]



This makes sense. Ghiyathuddin didn't build Tughluqabad fortress and all the lofty edifices (palaces, places of worship, etc.), according to Badaoni, but he started a repairing project of an already existing fortress = a large fortified complex with residential structures, as it was chosen as the location of his new place including towns. Badaoni on the same page says this about the duration of this rebuilding:

”And in the year 724 A.H. (1324 A.D.), Sultān Ghiyāthu-d- 224. Dīn Tughlaq Shāh, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khān as his viceroy in the capital Tughlaqābād which had been built in the space of three years and a fraction, ...”



The archaeological proof for two different layers=periods of this rebuilding project is this:

“These gates were more closely investigated, and soon it became apparent that there is a considerable difference between the complexity of planning and construction of the gates in comparison with the walls. Even the stonework of the gates differs from that of the walls (pl. IIIb). It seems that the builders of the gates and those of the walls could not have been the same, and that the military personnel were probably responsible only for the construction of the walls.” (Shokoohy's Tughluqabad, p. 435)



Having seriously challenced the claim that Ghiyathuddin built Tughluqabad fortress from scratch in a very short time span, I believe that the same accounts for similar cases, at least with other Tughluq and Khilji period built fortresses in very short time lapse, as enumerated here:

“The entire city of Tughluqabad, including the citadel, the fort and the shahristan, together with the palaces and public and residential buildings, was built in a short period of time, apparently in the first two years of Ghiyath al-din's reign.23 Such speed in establishing a new town is not unusual in India, as many other towns of that period were built in a similar time span. Among such towns are 'Ala'al-din Khalji's Siri24 as well as Firuz Shah Tughluq's Jaunpur25 and Hisar-i Firuza (modern Hisar).” (Shokoohy's Tughluqabad, pp.433-434)



Concentrating only on Delhi here, Siri too might be an older pre-Sultanate period city, having been subjected to a repairing and relocating project. Not named here is the large Jahanpanah, also built in this short time span.

The case of Tughluqabad is clear, both from literature and archaeology, that it was a rebuilding of a preexisting ancient fotress with lofty edifices. But, to build a city from scratch and also with long walls joining the Delhi cities of Yoginipura, Jahanpanah and Siri in just a year or two, is equally impossible. The better explanation is that the three ancient conglomerate cities, called Dhillipura, were already fortified before.



The suggestion that new cities were built for the new dynasties to found a city to show the power of theirs, is totally unfounded. After the battles to conquer Dhillipura by the Sultans, the cities needed repairs and relocating due to the repeated serious invasions and threads of the Mongols. The contemporary court historians and poets didn't pay much attention to this aspect, as it would undermine the ego and lustre of their patrons. But the later court historian Firishta did refer to this important Mongol thread.



Amir Khushrau and his friend Barni lived during 2 megalomanic Sultans: The first was Alauddin Khilji, who considered himself such a great conqueror to call himself a second Alexander the Great. But he was seriously humbled by Qutlugh Khwaja who killed a formidable Khilji general, and especially by Turghi, who only had to give the knock out to Alauddin safely hiding in Siri, being protected in his “camp” there. But Turghi suddenly disappeared.

The second was Muhammad bin Tughluq, whose relocating of his royal seats caused famines and deads.

Both Sultans had to wage wars in order to get some money to paty the expensive military. Alauddin had to cut on his wages to save money, just after Turghi's invasion, which was not the last Mongol thread. How on earth would he generate extra money for immense projects.



There was hardly any time for peace of rest. To build huge fortified cities in such turbulent periods, with costly armies to raise and maintain for distant successful and unsuccessful raids, is not an easy task. Especially for warlords, not interested in permanent settlements, but thinking and acting practically using on one hand movable camps for annexations and on the other hand (captured) garrisons or forts for consolodation. The conquering megalomaniac warlords Alauddin Khilji and Muhammam Tughluq were not interested in and had no time for civilian consolidation.

This clearly stated by Firishta about Alauddin: ”But apprehensive of another invasion of the Moguls, he increased his forces so greatly, that upon calculating the expense, he found his revenues, and what treasures he had himself amassed, could not support them above six years. In this dilemma he resolved to reduce the pay of the army, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, without lowering, pro­portionably, the price of horses, arms, and pro­vision.

Where did Allaudin have time and resources to maintain an even larger army and build forst from scratch. All his money was directed in the direction of defense: arms, horses, personnel, provision and repairing his existing fortifications. There was no money for new forts from scratch.



In contrast to the name Jahanpanah, Siri is nowhere said to have been introduced as a new name to a location. It is thus an old name for the location.



Suburbs and Siri citadel

Contemporaries of Alauddin (1296-1316) were court poet Amir Khushrau and his friend court historian Ziauddin Barni.

Both aren't giving how dreadful the real thread of Mongol raids and invasions were. That is more faithfully described by the later Firishta, having more historical works at is disposal.



Barani: “Next day 'Aláu-d dín marched with royal state and display into the plain of Sírí,* where he pitched his camp. The throne was now secure, and the revenue officers, and the elephant keepers with their elephants, and the kotwáls with the keys of the forts, and the magistrates and the chief men of the city came out to 'Aláu-d dín, and a new order of things was established. His wealth and power were great; so whether individuals paid their allegiance or whether they did not, mat­tered little, for the khutba was read and coins were struck in his name.”

This is in 1296, when he usurped the throne by treacherously killing is uncle, the Sultan. In the plains he pitched his camp or Lashkar(gah). Below we get to know what the nature of this camp was.



Mongol incursions and its effects

1221 Indus, first thread during Sultan Iyal Timish (Iltutmish)

Alauddin Khilji

1296/7 Jalandhar: Raid by Dua Khan, defeated by Alaf Khan

1298 Sewustan (Sahwan): Raid by Saldi Khan, defeated by Zafar Khan

Then came two serious Mongol invasions



1299 Delhi: invasion Qutluq or Qutlugh Khwaja

Barani: “The Sultán marched out of Dehlí with great display and pitched his tent in Sírí. Maliks, amírs, and fighting men were summoned to Dehlí from every quarter. At that time the author's uncle, 'Aláu-l Mulk, one of the companions and ad­visers of the Sultán, was kotwál of Dehlí, and the Sultán placed the city, his women and treasure, under his charge. * * * * 'Aláu-l Mulk went out to Sírí to take leave of the Sultán, and in private consultation with him [advised a temporising policy.] ...'Aláu-d dín marched from Sírí to Kílí and there encamped. Katlagh Khwája, with the Mughal army, advanced to encounter him.”

Then the Mongol thread reached deep into Delhi: “Mughals had seized the roads, and were so encamped that no reinforce­ments could reach the city from the army of Hindustán. There were no forces in Multán, Sámána, and Deopalpúr sufficient to cope with the Mughals, and join the Sultán at Sírí. The army of Hindustán was pressed to advance; but the enemy was too strong, and they remained in Kol and Baran. All the passages of the Jumna were in the hands of the enemy. The Sultán, with his small army of horse, left the capital and encamped at Sírí, where the superior numbers and strength of the enemy compelled him to entrench his camp.”



Barni first uses “tent”, which clearly points to an open field with a meeting point of the military pouring in to form an army with cavalry ready to ride out. Which they did.

He then uses the words “camp” and “encamped” for (Kili and for) Siri for the small army of Alauddin, using the word “ entrenching” too. That Alauddin chose to encamp his small army in an open area against a vast superior invasion army, doesn' make sense. Before reaching a place to make a camp and entrenching himself, the swift Mongols would have destroyed him. But “entrenching” himself in a citadel, defending that against a siege, and than reacting with a counterattack through his cavalery with defensive support from the citadel at a moment in their advantage, that makes sense.

This contrast of the use of the words (mobile) “tent” versus (inmobile) “camp” makes the difference between a non-fortified and a fortified place and army!



Firishta gives the surprising and important detail about suburbs:

“Alla-ood-Deen Khiljy, on this pressing occasion, called a council of his nobles, and, in spite of remonstrances, resolved to attack the enemy. He left the city, and marched out by the Budaoon gate with 300,000 horse, and 2700 elephants. He drew up in order of battle, on the plains beyond the suburbs, where the enemy formed to receive him.”



Here we see that Delhi had three areas: Alauddin left 1. the (fort of royal) city, and marched 2. beyond the suburbs 3. on the plains. Beyond the suburbs was his (fortified) “camp”, as per Barni. And outside this “camp” was the field where he had pitched his “tent” before, also as per Barni. Now his enemy must have had their tents, waiting for his arrival and encounter.



1303 Delhi: Invasion by Targhay or Turghay

Before the battle

Firishta: “Intelligence of these distant expeditions becoming known in Ma-wur-ool-Nehr, Toorghay Khan, the Mogul chief who had distinguished himself formerly against Zuffur Khan, thinking that Alla-ood-Deen would for a long time be absent, seized the opportunity of invading Hindoostan. The King, hearing of this dangerous inroad, abandoned, for the present, his designs on the Deccan, and caused his army to return to Dehly. Toorghay Khan, with twelve tomans of Mogul horse, amounting to 120,000 men, reached the capital, and encamped on the banks of the Jumna. The cavalry of the Indian army being absent on the expedition to Wurungole, the King was in no condition to face the enemy on equal terms, and therefore contented himself with en­trenching his infantry on the plain beyond the suburbs, till he could collect the forces of the dis­tant districts. The Moguls, meanwhile, having command of the adjacent country, prevented all succours from joining the Indians, and proceeded to such lengths as to plunder the suburbs of Dehly, in the King's presence, without his being able to check them.”



It is clear again from this description, that there is a capital city Delhi, with a. its fortified royal residence in Qilah Rai Pithora, b. its suburbs and c. a plain beyond the suburbs with a fortified military camp or Lashkar(gah). It doesn't make sense to just encamp an infantry at a vulnerable, easily attackable spot in the plains (!) with its king there too against a superior cavalry of a huge Mongol army. That the king and his army was entirely defenseless against the raids to the non-fortified areas of the suburbs of Delhi underlines the swift superiority of his enemy.

The key here is again the word “entrenching”, which means fixing securely. His infantry, defenseless against a cavalry, must have been protected, feeling secure between walls, i.e. within a citadel! The king was totally powerless and only could wait and hope.



After the battle

Barni: “After this very serious danger, 'Aláu-d dín awoke from his sleep of neglect. He gave up his ideas of campaigning and fort-taking, and built a palace at Sírí. He took up his residence there, and made it his capital, so that it became a flourishing place. He ordered the fort of Dehlí to be repaired, and he also ordered the restoration of the old forts which lay in the track of the Mughals. Additional forts were directed to be raised wher­ever they were required. To these forts he appointed veteran and prudent commandants.”



Firishta: “Alla-ood-Deen, relieved from the perils of this invasion, caused a palace to be built upon the spot where he had entrenched himself, and directed the citadel of Old Dehly to be pulled down, and built anew.”



The second statement of Firishta doesn't make sense. To pull down the citadel of Old Delhi = Yoginipura and built that anew. There is no other source confirming this. The first statement is even more ridiculous: if there wasn't a fortress there, it would be mad and dangerous to build a palace in the open, with the fresh fear of serious Mongol invasions.

But, if with the 'citadel of Old Delhi' is meant a preexisting citadel of Siri suburb, in which Alauddin's outnumbered army was safe from a sure defeat of the sieging attacks of Turghay, and in which citadel he built a palace, it all makes sense. That is exactly what can be deduced from Barni's statement too!

During the plunder of Siri-Jahanpanah suburbs and the siege of Siri's old citadel, it must have got damaged in such measure that it had to be repaired before a new Mongol invasion or raid.

Siri citadel and surrounding suburb rebuilding project started after this 1303 invasion. That there was not enough money at that time, despite the raids of the Khilji generals and the flattering comments of court writers, to maintain secure from raids, becomes clear from the financial situation as described below.



Financial situation

Firishta: ”But apprehensive of another invasion of the Moguls, he increased his forces so greatly, that upon calculating the expense, he found his revenues, and what treasures he had himself amassed, could not support them above six years. In this dilemma he resolved to reduce the pay of the army, but it occurred to him that this could not be done with propriety, without lowering, pro­portionably, the price of horses, arms, and pro­vision. He therefore caused an edict to be pro­claimed, which he strictly enforced throughout the empire, fixing the price of every article of con­sumption. To accomplish the reduction of the prices of grain, in particular, he caused large maga­zines to be built upon the rivers Jumna and Ganges, and other places convenient for water-carriage, under the direction of Mullik Kubool. This person was authorised to receive half of the land tax in grain; and the government agent supplied the markets when any articles rose above the fixed price.”



Barni gives this information too about the finance regulations. It is very remarkable that Badaoni, in the parallel passages, also mentioning the name of Barni, doesn't spill a word on Siri palace-citadel-city having been built by Alauddin!



Folk etymology of Siri

There are two references which might have given rise to the folk etymology of the name Siri with the meaning of (slain) heads. The first is by Amir Khushrau (court poet): “It is a condition that in a new building blood should be sprinkled; he therefore sacrificed some thousands of goat-bearded Mughals for the purpose.”



It is clear that the finished repaired Siri fort is intended. But Amir Khushrau does not state that it has anything to do with the name Siri or its connection with heads, only blood is mentioned here. But, another reference is really about heads:



Firishta: “They were sent to Dehly with their chief, Eibuk Khan, where, being trodden to death by elephants, a pillar was raised before the Budaoon gate, formed of their skulls; and I am in­formed that a portion of it is to be seen at this day.”



Firishta relates the story of the heads (say sir) with the later raids of Aybak Khan in 1305, and this happened before the Yoginipura fort! Thus it has nothing to do with Siri. As building a tower or a heap of skulls was customary amongst Turks, such a tower may have been raised before the gates of Siri fort after the invasion of Qutlugh Khan and Turghay, indirectly implying that there aws an existing citadel/fort.

Anyway, the place was already known as Siri before the time of the Khiljis and did have an ancient citadel.



Conclusion

From the above it becomes clear that in the capital city of Delhi (Yoginipura with Qilah Rai Pithora) there was beyond its suburbs (=Jahanpanah) a place that was called Siri at least before the Khiljis. This Siri did contain an ancient citadel in that plain, where Alauddin did hide twice during serious invasions of two Mongol leaders.



The Sultanate court writers did call it Lashkar(gah) or military camp, but that it had to be a fortified place or citadel/fort, is clear from the way in which the cavalry attacked the suburbs, and could not capture either Qilah Rai Pithora and Siri and from the fact that only infantry was stationed in the “military camp”.

Bani makes the difference when using the word “tent” with a movable army ready to go, versus the word “camp” for a place to secure the enforcing infantry against a huge cavalry. While Amir Khushru and Barni are vague about the claim that Alauddin built the citadel, Firishta later is too. But Badaoni completely omits this, while he mentioned Siri's camp slightly after becoming the Sultan in 1296. All indicating that Siri city-fort-palaces weren't built by Alauddin, but were repaired!

As Allauddin only felt secure in the Siri citadel, he ordered its repairs, which were needed after the sieges by Mongols.

The old fortifications of the suburbs, not so firm, high and strong as those of the Qilah of Yoginipura and the citadel of Siri as these were the market places etc., must have been damaged too by the Mongol siege of these. These had to be repaired too.



Not only Siri, but also the suburbs (=later renamed Jahan-panah, the suburb of jahan=mahi and panah~palapura) were existent before the Khiljis and Tughluqs. These suburbs between the ancient Qilah of Yoginipura and the ancient Lashkar citadel of Siri had a name, but this name was changed into Jahanpanah under the Tughluqs later on.



Now, the Pasanacariu, in my writing on the topographical verses, exactly described this triple conglomeratecharacter from Yoginipura city area through Jahanpanah suburb area to the citadel city of Siri! The Sultanate and later court writers substantiate the preexistence of this triple conglomerate before Sultanate period. As the fourth city of Dhilli proper, Tughluqabad (perhaps Anangapura), was also preexistent before the Sultans, The Sultans only repaired the older Tomara cities of Dhillipura metropolis!



The cities of Indarpat metropolis, apparently, were also of pre-Sultanate period. The fortress of Indarpat proper is ancient, mentioned by court works of Firuz Shah Tughluq, the name is met with in Barni's work. The area of Kilugarhi also denotes an ancient fortied (garhi) area, with an indigenous placename KIlU. That it doesn't represent a word Qilah is apparent, as the -q- sound and letter is knowb to the Muslim authors. Besides a double wordt fort-fort doesn't make sense. Kilugarhi suburb was made a royal seat by Kaikubad and Jalaluddin Khilji.

And the Shahjahanabad palaces were repaired (!) by Shahjahan, as per Mirat-i Ahmadi of the 18th century Gujarat court, free from Mughal censorship. No royal palace has been built outside a fortified place, thus both the palaces as the Red Fort were there before the repairs of Shah Jahan. Like all the Muslim rulers before him, they were in almost all cases responsible for renaming cities and repairing preexisting forts, fortifications and lofty edifices.



Sources

1. Al-Badaoni: Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh, in History of India, Vol. III, p.296.

2. Shokoohy's: Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report, p. 435 and pp. 433-434.

3. Ziauddin Barni: Táríkh-i Fíruz Sháhí, in History of India, Vol. III, section xv, pp. 93-268.

4. Muhammad Qasim Firishta: Táríkh-i Firishta, in History of rise of Muhammadan Power in India, Vol. I, pp. 285ff.

5. Amir Khusrau: Táríkh-i 'Aláí; or, Khazáínu-l Futúh, in pp. 67-92.