I dont know how Indian is this "Indo Asian News Service".. Look at this psyops. I would have reported it -> security was tight and many were turned away. But no, the spin is "Dalits come for Narayanan's funeral, turned away". Sick mofos.. <!--emo&:angry:--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/mad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='mad.gif' /><!--endemo-->
http://in.news.yahoo.com/051110/43/60zm3.html
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--> dont know how Indian is this "Indo Asian News Service".. Look at this psyops. I would have reported it -> security was tight and many were turned away. But no, the spin is "Dalits come for Narayanan's funeral, turned away". Sick mofos<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
What to do when Catholic Super PM, Sikh PM and Muslim President? We should blame them for discrimination against Hindu Dalit.
The real question is that were Hindus, Muslims and others allowed to get in throwing security related concerns to wind and only Dalits barred? I highly doubt it. But these days any idiot with a mike and pen can get a job with media and turn a non-event into a mainfestation of all things evil because of one community.
Dalit Christians seek SC status
Staff Reporter
All-India Christian Council plans public meeting on November 26
HYDERABAD: The All-India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations and the All-India Christian Council will hold a public meeting on November 26 to protest against the alleged discrimination of Dalit Christians in according SC status to them.
Stating this at a media conference, Secretary (public affairs) of the All-India Christian Council Sam Paul said that special provisions for protection of socially and economically backward classes that the Constitution guaranteed had not been extended to Dalit Christians. State president of the All-India Christians Council Samuel pointed out that while Buddhist and Sikh Dalits had been recognised as Scheduled Castes, Dalit Christians were not included in the list.
Quota for Muslims
The Andhra Pradesh High Court has rightly quashed the State Government's ordinance providing five per cent reservation for Muslims in education and public employment.
It is surprising that the Andhra Pradesh Backward Classes Commission ignored the creamy layer aspect and the previous mistakes, which could have helped evolve reasonable criteria for the proposal.
V.U.V.S.N. Prasad,
Hyderabad
* * *
What is reservation meant for? For the "creamy layer" to enjoy? The Central Government has to review the issue of reservation.
Why do resources go in vain in the name of reservation?
Kumar Nagarajan,
Chennai
* * *
Educational and economic backwardness is prevalent in all communities, not just Muslims.
Reservation has to be extended to all those who are economically backward, irrespective of caste and religion.
Nagaraja Rao,
Nellore, A.P.
Has this been posted before ?
http://voiceofdharma.com/indology/Ilaiah.html
Its a critique of Kancha's book "Why I am not a Hindu".. Some of the quotes from the book are pretty hilarious..
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Baapana children pick up the inhumanness of Hindu religion quite easily. They are taught that those who love and work with soil are sub-humans; that those who eat meat are mean and so on. In imparting those venomous ideas, the Brahmin mother also plays a major role along with the father-teacher who teaches Veda. So much so that their children are prevented from loving the soil and the people. Day in and day out, the Brahmin ladies never spare any effort in moulding their children into beasts in the later years.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Baapana = Brahmin. Another one..
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Brahmins needed to project a person who could rebuild a consent system to contain the Yadava revolts. The Brahmins created an image of one who was said to have been born and brought up among the Yadavas themselves. They worked out the strategy of creating a Krishna who was born in a Kshyatriya family and brought up in a Yadava family. The young Krishna grows up in a Yadava culture, but the political Krishna never identifies himself with Yadava culture. In no single incident did he stand by the Dalit Bahujans. It did not matter whether his beloved was a Yadava-Radha, or whether the other Gopikas were Yadavas. All his legal wives were Kshatriya women.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
and this one is the ultimate..
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The fight was between the minority Pandavas (Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas were always a minority - they constitute 15% of the population) and the majority Kauravas. The hundred Kauravas stood against Brahminical Dharma and represented Dalit bahujans, whereas the five Pandavas represented the Brahminical minority. In the fight for land (and for the kingdom) Krishna stands by the minority. The majority were not willing to give up the land they acquired through sweat and blood.
Finally, Krishna resorts to violence. After the defeat of the majority in struggle for land, the Gita was used to create a much stronger consent system to ensure that no serious revolts emerged from the Dalit bahujan social base.
Whenever such attempts were made, either by Yadavas or by other Dalit forces, Krishna's Gita was effectively used to manipulate them into submission.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
This guy is unbelievable. Now to think that this guy complains of somebody hating him.. <!--emo&  --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/rolleyes.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='rolleyes.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The hundred Kauravas stood against Brahminical Dharma and represented Dalit bahujans<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Perhaps he forgot to read the chapters where the Kauravas were cheating or molesting the 'minority' wimmen folks.
The guy is high on either hashish or his own Hindenberg sized hot-air ego.
He also expresses curiosity as to how Baapana households deal with sex.. Did you guys hear about Dalit Panthers throwing chappals at Khushboo for talking about premarital sex ? Ofcourse within 6 months or so it will get spun into "conservative tamil society" threw chappals at Khushboo.. <!--emo&  --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/tongue.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='tongue.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Discriminated Dalits should sue church
Sandhya Jain
Conversions undermine the national interest in the most unimaginable ways, and since the British consciously mooted conversions to Christianity to perpetuate their rule by alienating converts from native society and civilization, discerning Indians would do well do follow the current Supreme Court hearing on a petition demanding reservation benefits to Dalit Christians.
The Constitution provided reservations to former Untouchables to enable them to overcome historic social disadvantages which kept them economically and educationally backward. <b>The reservations were exclusive to adherents of native Indian dharmas because Indiaâs ruling classes had for several centuries successively come from the ranks of invading Islamic and Christian forces, and their coercive tactics had caused conversions from native religious traditions. </b>Native converts did not perceive themselves as neglected or discriminated against in the pre-Independence period, while many native communities suffered degradation as a result of the foreign invasions, and this led to their Untouchable status.
It is equally pertinent that Christianity sought converts on the plea that it did not discriminate between believers, and hence low caste believers would loose the social stigma of their original caste (a claim later picked up by Islam). <b>This was never true historically and the dominant White Western Christianity, particularly Protestant Christianity, practiced the most degrading forms of discrimination on grounds of race, the pinnacle of which was reached in the slave trade, which rested on the premise that other races were sub-human.</b>
In a powerful attack upon Christian racism, Mark L. Perry (The Last War: Racism, Spirituality, and the Future of Civilization, George Ronald, Oxford) highlights the fact that Protestant racism created the phenomenon of the segregation of churches, so that slaves could not become free by converting to Christianity. <b>We need not go into the atrocities perpetuated upon African slaves, but we can easily discern why the Church in India created separate pews and even cremation grounds for Dalit Christians in India, and why their social and economic conditions did not improve after they abandoned their native faith and culture for an alien religion.</b>
Any decision of the Supreme Court extending reservation benefits to Dalit Christians without considering the historical background of Christianity could deal a death blow to the Indian nation as it would actively encourage conversions <b>sponsored by Western Governments seeking cultural and political domination in India. </b>
The Supreme Court would do well to consider that most conversion activities in India are focused on strategic areas (like the north-east) and also upon clusters, with the result that pockets of minority concentration are created, which inexorably force others out.
It is precisely this concentration that makes sedition and partition possible. India has already experienced such a Partition in 1947. That was engendered by the British to nurture the Cold War strategic needs of the West. But the more recent but less studied example of East Timor (which deserves a more detailed examination) shows that <b>conversions were used by Western missionaries to delink Indonesiaâs oil-rich portion.</b> The result is that the native people of what the <b>so-called âindependentâ East Timor have gained nothing, and their oil wealth is being exploited by the White fellow Christians of Australia! Indiaâs Dalit Christians would do well do undertake a world wide study to see if Christianity has benefitted any non-White nation.</b>
<b>At the same time, they might consider it worth their while to sue their respective Churches and parishes, and particularly foreign missionaries like Benny Hinn and Ron Watts, for acts of omission and commission. </b>These should include breach of promise for failing to deliver on the promise of social equality and economic upliftment. Specific grievances should be listed, such as poor educational status. As the Church literally mints money by running schools, colleges and professional institutions throughout the country, it could be compelled to provide free education to children of all Christian families upto graduate level.
Then, as the Church openly maintains separate pews and wine and wafers for Dalit converts, and even separate graveyards, a class action suit on grounds of Caste discrimination â and worse, perpetuation of caste inequalities by its religious leadership â should be moved without delay. This would be on the lines of the sexual abuse cases that are enlivening the social life of parishes across the Western world. <b>After all, if conversion to Christianity has failed to redeem 19 million Dalit Christians from social discrimination and untouchability, and has in fact added to their misery, the Church owes the Dalits an explanation and an apology.</b>
I would like to unequivocally state that <b>as far as the Hindu majority is concerned, Dalit upliftment is a social commitment and a national goal.</b> But when ex-Hindus argue that upper caste converts to Christianity continue to dominate the Christian clergy and laity, <b>they must understand that the Hindu community cannot be held responsible for perpetuation of upper or lower caste identity in another religious group. Hence, Dalit who were lured to the Christian fold to better their social, economic and educational status should rethink their move and return to their traditional cultural moorings.</b>
Given the fact that the present Government is virtually run by UPA chairperson Ms. Sonia Gandhi, I feel uneasy that the Supreme Court has admitted a petition on inclusion of Dalit Christians within the category of Scheduled Caste, especially as this had been rejected by the NDA government in 2002. In fact, at that time the apex Court had ruled that the list of entries in the SC and ST categories under the Presidential Order of 1950 lay within the purview of legislative action and was final and that the courts could not âadd or subtractâ from the same. Now, however, the UPA Government has appointed the Justice Ranganath Misra Commission as well as the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities to give recommendations on the issue of Dalit Christian reservations. <b>One can only hope that a nationalist perspective will be placed before the Court when it next hears the matter in February 2006.</b>
END <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Never heard of them. But followed and visited their site. Who are these guys anyway?
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->http://socialjustice.ekduniya.net/ <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
NGO supported by Haskar daughter, Smita Narula, Communal combat etc....
There is also another site mentioned in the emails.
http://dgroups.org
India related groups and discussions at..
http://dgroups.org/groups/dsp_groups.cfm?c...100&StartRow=21
Will check it out later.
Added later : Never mind, I might have an idea why I received those emails.. <!--emo& --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/tongue.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='tongue.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->DPI, Christian Progressive Movement protest against CSI Bishop
http://news.webindia123.com/news/showdetai...90926&cat=India
 Â
DPI, CPM protest against CSI Bishop
Madurai Tamil Nadu | December 14, 2005 6:43:03 PM IST
<b>The Dalit Panthers of India (DPI) and the Christian Progressive
Movement (CPM) today organised a massive protest against the anti-Dalit
policies of the Church of South India (CSI), intensifying the prolonged
agitation for securing social justice within the Church.</b>
The CPM has put forward a charter of 30 demands, mostly <b>pertaining to
equal opportunities for the marginalised and the Dalits in the
Church-run institutions in the Madurai-Ramnad Diocese.</b>
The CPM has accused the CSI Bishop, Rev Christopher Asir, of
indulging in nepotism and favouritism by appointing his own kith and kin to top
offices in most of the CSI institutions. <b>The Charter was a virtual
chargesheet against the Bishop, listing out the various anti-Dalit steps
and financial bunglings.
</b>
DPI General Secretary Thol Thirumavalavan, addressed the day-long
protest meeting held at the Tamukkam Grounds in the morning.
Initially, a protest demonstration was planned on the arterial
Azhagarkoil Road, but with the reluctant Bishop, agreeing for talks to
resolve the issues raised by the CPM, the organisers decided to put it on
hold and instead conduct a protest meeting.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Interesting info..
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The report of the sixtieth round of the National Sample Survey on âHousehold Consumer Expenditure in Indiaâ, January-June 2004, carried out by the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), show that continuing social inequality in AMPCE among social groups viz. the ST, SC, OBC and Others are Rs. 431, 487, 564 and 678 respectively for rural India. The disparity in AMPCE between ST and OBC was about 76, between SC and OBC it was 86. In other words, the STâs consumption expenditure was 24% lesser than the OBCâs and the SCâs consumption expenditure was 14% less as compare to consumption expenditure of OBC. This was even higher while comparing the scheduled groups with Others. However, in urban India, the AMPCE was higher as Rs. 954 for ST as compare to all other social groups. For SC it was Rs. 770, Rs. 868 for OBC and Rs. 1326 for Others. Thus, the disparity in AMPCE between ST and OBC was nil rather the OBC spend lesser than the STs. But when comparing this with others there is still gap between ST and Others. The gap in AMPCE between the SC and the OBC for urban India seems similar trend to rural India where the disparity is significant. Similarly, the disparity between rural and urban for all the social groups evident to be continue with varying degrees for different social groups.
Source: NSS Report No.505, Household Consumption Expenditure in India, 60th Round (Jan-Jun 2004).<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Interesting info..
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->According to NSS data, the SCs had a fair share of land ownership in West Bengal (27.6% of SCs share 23.8% of land), Jammu & Kashmir (8% of SCs share 16.5%), Himachal Pradesh (26% of SCs share 14.8% of land), Madhya Pradesh (15% of SCs share 12.9% of land), Tamil Nadu (20% of SCs share13% of land) and Rajasthan (18% of SCs share 12% of land).
In Punjab, Haryana, Kerala, Gujarat and Bihar, the SCs share of land ownership was lower, less than 5% compare to their share of population.
In Punjab, the proportionate share of rural SCs population to total rural population was 32% and their corresponding share of land was only 5%. Where as 68% of Non-SCs share about 95% of land.
SCs in Haryana was 22% and their share of land was only 5% where as the share of others population was 78% and their corresponding share of land was 95%.
The so-called progressive state, Kerala, about 88% of the Non-SCs/STs share almost all the area of land about 96% and only 4% land shared by 13% of SCs/STs.
At all-India level, the proportionate share of SCs, STs in the total population was 16% and 9% and their corresponding share of land are 10% and 12% respectively. Whereas, the Non-SCs/STs population was 75% and their share of land was high 82%.
Source: Report on Some Aspects of Ownership Holdings NSS Report No. 399 (48th Round 1992).<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
The more I read about these numbers the more I am convinced that these numbers need to be compiled in a proper way to actually understand what 'apartheid' is being talked about. Comparable numbers with US/UK/Oz/South Africa at the time of apartheid are required so an objective evaluation can be done as to what people mean when they talk about the 'oppression' of dalits.
http://www.greatandhra.com/politics/jan2..._shout.php
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Dalits protested Dalai Lama's statement that says 'Acharya Nagarjuna is an incarnation of Lord Buddha'. Dalits say that the statements meant for receiving the acceptance of Brahmins and other forward castes as Nagarjuna was Brahmin. Even Gaddar took part in the protest in Hyderabad today.
They also raised the point of another Dalai Lama's statement that says both Hindusim and Budhdhism are like twins.
âSane groups are laughing at the protest of Dalits for their ludicrous approach. Dalai Lama made those statements for communal harmony. But why these dalits make it a chaos? This speaks volumes about the inferiority complex of the dalit communities. They wouldnât have protested like thatâ, says Samuel Raju, an auto driver.
âItâs only to boast the identity. Gaddar has no proper job to do now. Hence he is igniting all this disturbing stuffâ, says Samarpan Kumar, a citizen of Hyderabad.
âI have no comments. I know little about this stuffâ, says Suhail Ahmed, the owner of a café.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
xpost
<!--QuoteBegin-rajesh_g+Jan 8 2006, 02:16 AM-->QUOTE(rajesh_g @ Jan 8 2006, 02:16 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin--> http://secular-right.blogspot.com/2006/01/...led-tribes.html
<!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Friday, January 06, 2006
India's Scheduled Tribes
India might well have the largest "tribal" population in the world. The scheduled tribes in India constituted 8.2% of India's population in 2001. This translates into 82 million people. There are 698 scheduled tribes in India. However, these numbers might be inflated. Reports suggest an increase of 148% in the scheduled tribe population in Maharashtra between 1971 and 1991 due to the inclusion of others for reasons of reservation.
The word "scheduled tribe" is an administrative term used for purposes of administering constitutional privileges, protection and benefits in independent India. The colonial authorities had introduced the term "criminal tribe" through the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 which designated 150 tribal communities as "inherantly criminal". Independent India repealed this hideous piece of legislation in 1952 but unfortunately replaced it with the Habitual Offenders Act instead.
Colonial administrative boundaries paid scant attention to tribal linguistic identity. As in Africa where ancient tribes found themselves divided by arbitrary colonial boundaries, the scheduled tribes in India live across states notwithstanding common language. The historical Jharkhand (not to be confused with the modern state) straddles across Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal. The Gond region extends across Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa. The Bhils inhabit a region that stretches from Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. The Nagas live in Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland.
The tribal imprint is clearly visible in the Hindu tradition. Much of Hindu civilization has tribal antecedents. The tribal element helped define the Sanskritic inheritance as the Arthashastra, the Mahabharata and Ramayana indicate. And yet due to reasons of geography, colonial history and incompetence in the post-independence era, the scheduled tribes have been marginalized and impoverished. India will need to remedy this through long term investments in health, education and infrastructure. Unfortunately, the Government has chosen quick and easy populist measures such as reservations in private unaided universities and the corporate sector that are not likely to succeed.
The scheduled tribes collectively owned property in keeping with their tradition. The colonial authorities introduced a land regime where others encroached into traditional tribal lands on the grounds that such land were "terra nullius" i.e. land that belongs to none. This led to a series of tribal revolts against colonial rule. I refer to the Malpahariya uprising in 1772, the unrest in Kutch in 1815 and 1832, the Bhil revolt of 1818, the uprising of the Mers in Rajputana in 1820, the rebellion of the Hos in Chote Nagpur in 1831, the uprising of the Khonds in Orissa in 1846 and the Santhal revolt in Bihar in 1855. Heroes like Birsa Munda, Kanhu Santhal and Tantya Bhil stand out in the annals of Indian nationalism. The underlying causes of these revolts have not been addressed in independent India as yet, a factor that explains in part the continuing Maoist ferment in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Telengana.
The scheduled tribes account for 55% of the total displaced population in India. Their lands have been appropriated, the traditional right to forests denied, and they are a source of cheap and bonded labor.
It is reported that 8.5 million tribals have been displaced by the construction of hydro-electric dams, heavy industry, coal mines, highways and steel plants. These development projects have failed to meet the needs of the scheduled tribes. Though over 3,000 dams are located in tribal areas, only 20% of the tribal lands were irrigated in 1981 as compared to 46% of agricultural land overall. Tribal lands account for 56% of the total mineral revenue in India. 3,500 mines out of the 4,175 mines in India are in tribal areas. And yet the tribes have not benefited from the extraction of bauxite, coal, graphite, iron and manganese. The incidents this week in Orissa with the proposed establishment of a steel plant illustrate this vividly.
The total forest cover in India is reported to be 295,000 square miles. 71% of this is populated by tribal communities. The Forest Act of 1864, the Indian Forest Act of 1927, the Forest Policy of 1952, the Wild Life Protection Act of 1972, and the Forest Conservation Acts of 1980 and 1988 inadvertently sidelined the scheduled tribes under the guise of environmental conservation. The legislation treats the tribes as encroachers rather than an integral part of the forest environment. Many have been denied access to their traditional forest lands.
The Fifth and Sixth Schedules under Article 244 in 1950 provided for self-governance in designated tribal majority areas. The BJP-led administration issued a draft National Policy on Tribals in 1999 to meet the development needs of the tribal population. The emphasis was on education, forestry, health care, land rights, language policy and resettlement. Efforts were made to recognize tribal languages such as Bodo, Gond and Santhali. The then Government established a Ministry of Tribal Affairs. It carved out the states of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand in recognition of tribal sentiment. The subsequent Congress-led administration drafted the controversial Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill in 2005 to address their needs. The bill was later shelved due to objections by the environmental lobby that it would legitimize encroachments on forest lands. However, India will need to follow up on these efforts to empower its tribal citizens.
For those interested to delve deeper into the subject, I recommend Sandhya Jain's "Adi Deo Arya Devata: A Panoramic View of Tribal-Hindu Cultural Interface", New Delhi: Rupa and Co, 2004; B.B. Kumar, "The Tribal Societies of India: A Macro Perception", New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1998; and G.S. Ghurye, "The Scheduled Tribes", Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1963.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
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