01-06-2004, 04:07 AM
<b>Sri Lanka: The feud between President & Prime Minister continues</b>
by Dr. S. Chandrasekharan.
It is now more than two months since President Chandrika Kumaratunge directly took over the portfolios of Defence, Interior and information after sacking the three cabinet ministers holding these posts. From then on there have been talks between the representatives of the President and the Prime minister (Samarawickreme- Tittawella Committee) with regular leaks from both sides on the differences from both sides.
What is happening is that negotiations are being held by the two parties through the state media. This is hardly the way to go about when the future of the unity of the island is at stake and when there should have been an urgency to utilise the funds offered by the international community for rehabilitation and reconstruction.
To cite one example- after two weeks of negotiations when some progress was made in the talks in running the Defence ministry there was a leak from the Presidentâs office of a document which mentioned about the formation of a Joint Peace council overseen by an Advisory Council consisting of representatives from people from all walks of life quite contrary to what was discussed and agreed upon. This almost led to the collapse of the Committee set up by the two sides.
The proposals instead of concentrating on the cease fire agreement and the peace talks went through the whole gamut of issues between the two parties like the creation of a national consensus, strengthening of democratic institutions, infra structure development, moratorium on cross overs etc.
Thus, the standoff between the two leaders has turned into one of âpower struggleâ with no chance of any compromise. There were reports that the President and the Prime minister will meet on December 15 to take a final decision. This was said to be a âmake or breakâ meeting. However this meeting, fourth in the series after the sacking, did not produce any positive result with both the leaders adhering to their earlier stand. No new dead line has been fixed and it looks that nobody is in a hurry.
Since the peace talks are in a limbo with the Norwegian facilitators having suspended their involvement in the peace talks, it is very necessary for the two leaders to immediately decide on the following:
- Who should lead in continuing the peace process and the cease fire?
- Mechanism for dealing with the SLMM ( Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission)
- Defence Portfolio- Power sharing or consensus?
- Discussions with the LTTE on the interim administration of the North east.
In a rare briefing to the diplomats in Colombo, Peiris the governmentâs representative to the peace talks said that the two major parties must join and work for the success of the stalled peace talks to resume and to reach its objective of finding a permanent peace in the country. A tall order indeed, as the Tamil problem has invariably been caught up in the feuds between the two major groups of the majority community and it looks that it is not going to be different this time too!
Prabakaranâs Heroesâ Day speech on 27 November.
Prabakaranâs speech on Heroes day on November 27 carried no surprises. He pointed out that the north east needs urgent humanitarian assistance in resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction and expressed his concern for continued military occupation of Tamil areas- a reference to the High Security Zones. Some important points made by him were
- The two allegations that the LTTE is strengthening its military structure and that Prime minister had provided too many concessions in the cease-fire agreement were denied by him. (On the contrary indications are that the LTTE is still recruiting and clandestinely obtaining arms.)
- His organisation and his people do not want war and are still committed to peace process.
- In the Sinhala nation there is total peace and normalcy, whereas on the Tamil side there is none .
- Wickremasinghe allowed space for increased interest and intervention of several international governments in the peace process and in the negotiating process. (In one sense it is true that Wickremasinghe in view of his feud with his President, sought international support for his actions relating to the peace process rather than from his President)
- Urgent humanitarian needs on one side and the issue of resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction on the other called for immediate solutions. Hence he made the proposal for an interim administration.
â His proposals do not constitute a frame work for permanent final solution. ( We had referred to the ISGA proposals in update 52 and called it as a proposal for a state within a state. While his statement could be construed as one where LTTE is willing to climb down from the basic position in the proposal as many have done, it is our view that the LTTE is looking for a final solution which could only be an improvement on the present proposals.
Karuna, in one of his speeches in Batticola admitted that the proposals for the interim administration went beyond a âfederal systemâ and added that it conforms to the ground realities!)
- He is concerned about the continued military occupation of Tamil lands.
What of the future?
For the present the LTTE is unlikely to renew the war on its own. Their stakes in the peace process are high and they are getting international legitimacy which they would lose once the conflict is started from their side. They would therefore wait and wait for quite some time till political stability returns to the south. No one can blame them if they continue to strengthen themselves in view of continued political struggle in the south which is having an adverse impact on the peace process.
As said before it is this political power struggle between the two political parties of the Sinhala community which has frustrated a permanent solution of the ethnic conflict. This is the best opportunity for peace but this would need statesmanship from both President and the Prime minister. They do not seem to be ready though they know as everyone else that renewed war would be a disaster for the whole of Sri Lanka
by Dr. S. Chandrasekharan.
It is now more than two months since President Chandrika Kumaratunge directly took over the portfolios of Defence, Interior and information after sacking the three cabinet ministers holding these posts. From then on there have been talks between the representatives of the President and the Prime minister (Samarawickreme- Tittawella Committee) with regular leaks from both sides on the differences from both sides.
What is happening is that negotiations are being held by the two parties through the state media. This is hardly the way to go about when the future of the unity of the island is at stake and when there should have been an urgency to utilise the funds offered by the international community for rehabilitation and reconstruction.
To cite one example- after two weeks of negotiations when some progress was made in the talks in running the Defence ministry there was a leak from the Presidentâs office of a document which mentioned about the formation of a Joint Peace council overseen by an Advisory Council consisting of representatives from people from all walks of life quite contrary to what was discussed and agreed upon. This almost led to the collapse of the Committee set up by the two sides.
The proposals instead of concentrating on the cease fire agreement and the peace talks went through the whole gamut of issues between the two parties like the creation of a national consensus, strengthening of democratic institutions, infra structure development, moratorium on cross overs etc.
Thus, the standoff between the two leaders has turned into one of âpower struggleâ with no chance of any compromise. There were reports that the President and the Prime minister will meet on December 15 to take a final decision. This was said to be a âmake or breakâ meeting. However this meeting, fourth in the series after the sacking, did not produce any positive result with both the leaders adhering to their earlier stand. No new dead line has been fixed and it looks that nobody is in a hurry.
Since the peace talks are in a limbo with the Norwegian facilitators having suspended their involvement in the peace talks, it is very necessary for the two leaders to immediately decide on the following:
- Who should lead in continuing the peace process and the cease fire?
- Mechanism for dealing with the SLMM ( Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission)
- Defence Portfolio- Power sharing or consensus?
- Discussions with the LTTE on the interim administration of the North east.
In a rare briefing to the diplomats in Colombo, Peiris the governmentâs representative to the peace talks said that the two major parties must join and work for the success of the stalled peace talks to resume and to reach its objective of finding a permanent peace in the country. A tall order indeed, as the Tamil problem has invariably been caught up in the feuds between the two major groups of the majority community and it looks that it is not going to be different this time too!
Prabakaranâs Heroesâ Day speech on 27 November.
Prabakaranâs speech on Heroes day on November 27 carried no surprises. He pointed out that the north east needs urgent humanitarian assistance in resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction and expressed his concern for continued military occupation of Tamil areas- a reference to the High Security Zones. Some important points made by him were
- The two allegations that the LTTE is strengthening its military structure and that Prime minister had provided too many concessions in the cease-fire agreement were denied by him. (On the contrary indications are that the LTTE is still recruiting and clandestinely obtaining arms.)
- His organisation and his people do not want war and are still committed to peace process.
- In the Sinhala nation there is total peace and normalcy, whereas on the Tamil side there is none .
- Wickremasinghe allowed space for increased interest and intervention of several international governments in the peace process and in the negotiating process. (In one sense it is true that Wickremasinghe in view of his feud with his President, sought international support for his actions relating to the peace process rather than from his President)
- Urgent humanitarian needs on one side and the issue of resettlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction on the other called for immediate solutions. Hence he made the proposal for an interim administration.
â His proposals do not constitute a frame work for permanent final solution. ( We had referred to the ISGA proposals in update 52 and called it as a proposal for a state within a state. While his statement could be construed as one where LTTE is willing to climb down from the basic position in the proposal as many have done, it is our view that the LTTE is looking for a final solution which could only be an improvement on the present proposals.
Karuna, in one of his speeches in Batticola admitted that the proposals for the interim administration went beyond a âfederal systemâ and added that it conforms to the ground realities!)
- He is concerned about the continued military occupation of Tamil lands.
What of the future?
For the present the LTTE is unlikely to renew the war on its own. Their stakes in the peace process are high and they are getting international legitimacy which they would lose once the conflict is started from their side. They would therefore wait and wait for quite some time till political stability returns to the south. No one can blame them if they continue to strengthen themselves in view of continued political struggle in the south which is having an adverse impact on the peace process.
As said before it is this political power struggle between the two political parties of the Sinhala community which has frustrated a permanent solution of the ethnic conflict. This is the best opportunity for peace but this would need statesmanship from both President and the Prime minister. They do not seem to be ready though they know as everyone else that renewed war would be a disaster for the whole of Sri Lanka