History of the Maratha nation

[dhu]

ben ami
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HV is originating in Kashmir according to Oppenheimer. Kashyap from the Noida institute, although he rightly lambasts AIT, seems to have fallen for indo-scythian origin game started by one Dixit.

[Hauma Hamiddha]

This remarkable issue was brought to my attention by a person who specifically wishes to remain un-named on these pages on account of certain private reasons related to this narrative. It is clear that Shahji was a rather distinguished military leader and he had transmitted this genetically influenced trait to not only his famous son Shivaji, but also the forgotten elder son Sambhaji. In reality he also passed these genes on to another son who has been largely forgotten in modern Maharatta histories. When Shahji was was in Bijapur having left his wife in the environs of Pune, he secretly took up a woman of unknown provenance as a sexual partner. This fact would have been quite improper for a well-bred Maratha of the era, and was accordingly hushed up, except for the Shedgaonkar bakhar that explicitly mentions it. As a result of this union was born a son called Anandrao Bhosle. He was placed in the custody of the young deshastha brAhmaNa Venkoji Datto and subsequently served in the Shahji's command at Bijapur in his early youth. He and Venkoji Datto then left Shahji's service and moved over to Pune and enrolled themselves with Shivaji to defend the Hindu Svarajya. The Sabhasad chronicle also confirms this by mentioning that mentions that "Venkoji Datto, an able brahmin officer of great accomplishment, and Shahji's son Anandrao joined Shivaji's service at Pune after leaving Shahji at Bijapur". Shivaji appointed both of them to the rank of Panch-hazari (commander of 5000), which was a high rank in the Maratha army of the time that could possibly be attained only due high military ability or perhaps genetic relationship in the case of Anandrao. In any case Anandrao clearly proved himself to be of high military distinction. They were placed under the Sarnobat of the Maratha army, Prataprao Gujjar and marched with him for the attack on Surat. Following the plundering of Surat, Daud Khan Quereshi led the Moslem hordes along with Ikhlas Khan and suddenly ambushed Shivaji between Vani and Dindori in Northern Maharashtra. Shivaji quickly divided his forces into four divisions and began harrying the Mughals avoiding open confrontation. He personally led one division, even as he gave command of another to Anandrao. Anandrao distinguished himself on the field by leading the Marathas to safety when the Mogols pressed with great ferocity on his division. This distractionary move allowed Shivaji to personally attack the Mogol army after his division united with that of Anandrao's and kill 3000 Moslems in the encounter that followed.

Subsequently, Awrangzeb arranged for a combined attack on the Marathas by the divisions of Daud Khan, Ikhlas Khan, Diler Khan and Bahadur Khan. Diler Khan began a systematic massacre of Hindus in the vicinity of Pune to draw Shivaji away while Ikhlas Khan took Salheri and Mulher forts in the north. In the fierce encounter Shivaji's childhood friend Suryarao Kakde was killed. Shivaji immediately dispatched his brAhmaNa prime minister Moropant Pingle along with Prataprao and Anandrao to destroy Ikhlas Khan. They took the Mogol army on the open field -- an important point in Hindu history because it showed the Marathas were now fully capable of engaging the one of the best equipped and most ably lead forces of the world in plain open combat. Anandrao showed exemplary valor in this this battle in which the Mogols face a major defeat with several thousands dead. This phenomenal victory, one the greatest of Shivaji's army, was in no small part due to the strategy and on-field leadership of the brAhmaNa Moropant Pingle, but the valor of Anandrao and Prataprao on the field were equally important. They captured the Mogol general Ikhlas Khan on the field. As result Anandrao was elevated to the peculiar rank of Haft-hazari- a rank that was for all practical purposes equivalent to the Sarnobat himself. This unusual rank, which Shivaji rarely awarded at that time, again shows that there was some special deal about Anandrao.

After the brAhmaNa officer Ravlekar conquered the fort of Panhala, the Adil Shahis were shaken and dispatched their ace general Bahlol Khan to retake the fort. The Mogols immediately made common cause with the Moslem brethren to attack the Maharattas, and held a meeting to plan a combined strike on the Marathas. But Shivaji got wind of this plan and dispatched his half-brother Anandrao and commander Prataprao, each with around 7500 troops to preemptively attack Bijapur. The Maratha generals rapidly surged forth fell on Bahlol Khan at Umrani close to Bijapur before the Mogols could join him. On a hot April day the Marathas caught off the water supply of the Moslems and fell upon them in a combined attack by Prataprao and Anandrao. The Moslems were completely outclassed in the fierce battle, the Marathas routed them and Bahlol Khan was completely surrounded by the former. He secretly sent a message to Prataprao saying that he had no intention to fight Shivaji and was only making a show. Prataprao foolishly fell to the ploy and let Bahlol Khan go scotch-free. Prataprao then continued on to invade the Kanada country. Bahlol Khan retaliated with a replenished army and defeated the Maratha army. A little later on vijaya dashami day Shivaji worshiped bhavAnI and initiated a new campaign as he saw it as holy moment for war. He invaded the Kanada country again with the aim of taking both the uplands and the coast, when he got the news that Bahlol let off by his Sarnobat was returning to attack him. Furious, Shivaji sent a stinging letter to Prataprao that he need not show his face again until he destroyed Bahlol Khan.

Prataprao pricked by the letter sought Bahlol and learned that he was fording the pass of Nessari just south of Kolhapur. He responded impulsively and charged at the Moslems with just 6 other men leaving the rest of his army far behind. What followed was a disastrous encounter in which the seven heroes went down fight in a blaze, leaving a trail of slaughtered enemy troops. Shivaji was deeply regretted his letter that lead to his ace general's death and made sure that his clansmen were well-provided and promised Rajaram to Prataprao's daughter. Anandrao Bhosle was now made acting Sarnobat and Shivaji asked him to punish the Moslems severely. He ably rallied the dejected Maratha troops. He made a deep thrust into the Bijapur territory and bore down on Bahlol Khan. At this point the Mogol army under Diler Khan came to the aid of Bahlol Khan and fell on Anandrao. Anandrao seeing himself outnumbered decided to resort to the classic tactic of feigned retreat like that used by the Mongols and with his cavalry rode into Karnataka at extraordinary speed. The Khans unable to keep up gave up, with Bahlol Khan retreating to Kohlapur which had taken earlier and Dilir retreating northwards after a failed attempt on Panhala. Within a month Anandrao struck at Sampgaon near Bankapur which was Bahlol Khan's jagir and looted his treasury carrying away 150,000 gold coins and 3000 ox-loads of other plunder. He demolished a Dutch outpost there and plundered it. Alarmed Bahlol Khan and Khizr Khan tried to intercept Anandrao but the Marathas strongly retaliated killing Khizr Khan and his brother and putting to flight Bahlol Khan. In the process the Anandrao captured several war-elephants, several hundreds of horses and their cash reserves. He then avoided any further brushes with the enemy and rapidly retreated to the Maratha territory. Soon there after Shivaji held a grand review of troops at Chiplun in the Konkan and appointed Hambirrao Mohite as the Sarnobat in place of Prataprao, recognizing his great deeds in the attack on the Mogols during the invasion of Baglana, Khandesh and Ahmedabad.

Anandrao also played a notable role in the campaigns of Shivaji in South India: In early 1678 Anandrao led a division of troops along with Shivaji in the capture of Lakshmeshvar and Gadag in Karnatak from the Adilshahi control. In middle of the same year he along with the able brAhmaNa general Hanumante conquered the fort of Vellore and took the region. He was then sent north by Shivaji in the next year to deal with the Mogol garrison in central Maharastra near Akola. He scored a great victory on the Mogols capturing the fort of Balapur from them. Then in late 1679 when Dilir Khan invaded Bijapur, the British simultaneously attacked the Marathas on the West coat. Shivaji facing a possible 3 front war personally invaded Khandesh along with Hambirrao Mohite to counter-attack the Mogols while he sent Anandrao with 10,000 troops to pincer the Mogols by appearing before Bijapur. Angre was dispatched to lead the Maratha navy against the Britons. Anandrao moved just south of Pandharpur and attacked the Mogol army. Through a constant series of harrying attacks he kept frustrating his attempts to besiege Bijapur. Dilir to his alarm realized that he might be caught between two Maharatta armies escaped by making a westwards diversion in course of which he slaughtered many Hindus. After this last successful attack on the Mogols trying to besiege Bijapur Anandrao Bhosle passes out of Maratha history.

The accounts indicate that clearly he had, like his elder half-brother, inherited Shahji military abilities and wasa notable commander of Shivaji, probably as capable of Hambirrao himself. Yet, most Maharatta accounts are rather silent about him. Further, while Shivaji clearly trusting him with many important operations, and appointing him to an unusual high command, never really made him Sarnobat, even though he briefly acted in this capacity. Why was this ? Perhaps his birth outside the wedlock was a black mark that precluded him from occupying such a rank without a scandal. Perhaps Shivaji was also concerned that his blood relationship to Anandrao might have possible consequences on his successors if he legitimized his half-brother with a formal high appointment.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->(Nanasaheb's letters)

1. When I read your letter I was simply thrilled with joy. Indeed I felt mightily happy. I cannot express all that fully in a letter. Literally my mind was flooded with thoughts. All the territory from the river Attock to the Indian Ocean is the land of Hindus and not of the Turks. These have been our frontiers from the times of Pandavas down to those of Vikramaditya. They preserved and enjoyed it. After them the rulers turned out to be quite effete and the Yavanas ( Mohammedans ) rose in power. The Moghuls seized the Kingdom of Hastinapur. And eventually during the regime of Alamgir we were reduced to such straits that the wearer of every Yandyopavita (the sacred thread) was required to pay a jijeya tax of Rs. 3-8 and to buy cooked food.

At such a juncture was born Shivaji Maharaj, the founder of the era and the protector of the religion. However his mission was confined to a limited area. Then came Nanasaheb and Bhausaheb of respected memory. Heroes of such pre-eminent prowess that the like of them have not been born. And now everything has been restored to us under the benign and illustrious auspices of Shrimant (Peshve) owing to the astuteness and valour of Patil Boa. But how was all this achieved! Because we had won we thought it had been an easy matter. If it had been the case of Mohammedans, volumes of histories would have been written about it. Amongst the Mohammedans even the smallest matter is extolled by them to the skies. While amongst us Hindus we are inclined not even to refer to our exploits however magnificent they may be. Indeed results difficult to achieve have been achieved. The Mohammedans think and say that the accursed Hindus have established their supremacy!

And really Patil Boa has broken the heads of those who tried to raise them. In fact the unachievable has been achieved. To establish order and reap its benefit like the great kings is still ahead. I am afraid our merits will fail and the work will be spoiled. The achievements are not limited to the acquisition of territory and regaining of our kingdom, but include the preservation of Vedas and Shastras, rehabilitation of religion, protection cows and Brahmins, establishment of suzerainty and the diffusion of our fame and victory. To keep all this intact depends on you and Patil Boa. If there is difference amongst you the enemy is bound to grow strong. Now my misgivings are at rest. It was really splendid ! Very excellent! The enemies are besetting us on all sides. I was very uneasy. Your letter has been a relief to me ( 1793 A. D. ).

http://hindusarise.com/<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Hauma Hamiddha+Dec 27 2006, 01:03 PM-->QUOTE(Hauma Hamiddha @ Dec 27 2006, 01:03 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->This remarkable issue was .....
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Hauma,
I recently read that Shahaji had written a letter to Ali Adil Shah II (of Bijapur) in 1656. In the middle of this letter complaining of the terms of his service, he says "I have served several kings, but always maintained my self respect. We are rajputs" (As quoted in Stewart Gordon: Page 88: The Marathas 1600-1818 who in turn quotes Ithihas Manjari by D.V. Apte, Poona 1923 )

Does anyone know what is Apte's source?

-Digvijay

[Guest]

Depending upon one version, Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje was born on today's date in year 1630. (Feb 19, 1630). What do our experts opine?

[Hauma Hamiddha]

<!--QuoteBegin-digvijay+Jan 3 2007, 08:44 AM-->QUOTE(digvijay @ Jan 3 2007, 08:44 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin--> I recently read that Shahaji had written a letter to Ali Adil Shah II (of Bijapur) in 1656. In the middle of this letter complaining of the terms of his service, he says "I have served several kings, but always maintained my self respect. We are rajputs"
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Apte and Balkrishna point to a letter preserved apparently the archives of Deccan College in Pune. I have not personally examined this letter to confirm the above, but other reliable sources like the Ghorpade of Mudol having seen it mention that Shahji had called himself a Rajput.

[Hauma Hamiddha]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bodhi+Feb 19 2007, 09:15 PM-->QUOTE(Bodhi @ Feb 19 2007, 09:15 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Depending upon one version, Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje was born on today's date in year 1630.  (Feb 19, 1630).  What do our experts opine?
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Bodhi- Tilka has made a remarkable study on this point. The different Maharatti sources give different dates for his birth. If I ever get some time I will try to write on that. Below is a cut and paste of Tilak's proposed 4 most likely dates:

1. Shaka 1549, Prabhava, Vaishakha Shudha 2, Saturday (7th April 1627)
2. Shaka 1549, Prabhava, Vaishakha Shudha 5, Tuesday (10th April 1627)
3. Shaka 1548, Kshaya, Vaishakha 2, Monday (17th April 1626)
4. Shaka 1548, Kshaya, Vaishakha Shudha 5, Thursday (20th April 1626)

The year prabhava and kShaya are in the 60 year Jupiter cycle (ShaShaThi samvatsara) that currently has gone out of phase between North and South India.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Hauma Hamiddha+Feb 19 2007, 11:42 PM-->QUOTE(Hauma Hamiddha @ Feb 19 2007, 11:42 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->The year prabhava and kShaya are in the 60 year Jupiter cycle (ShaShaThi samvatsara) that currently has gone out of phase between North and South India.
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Thanks! Can you please elaborate more on ShaShaThi Samvatsar, prabhava, and kShaya -when you get a chance?

[Guest]

An excerpt from Govind Sakharam Sardesai's monumental work "A New History of Marathas, Vol II - 1707-1772". This is about Peshwa Madhavrao whom considering the circumstances that he faced and the way he dealt with them should be probably the best of all Peshwas or at least as good as Bajirao I. At times it may seem very eulogic, but if you read the previous chapters on Madhavrao's reign in this book you can but agree with what Mr Sardesai says.

"CHAPTER XXVI
TRAGIC END
{1772}
1 The Peshvsa's incurable malady. 4 The wife and the mother.
2 His last will. 5 Character of the Peshwa.
3 Peaceful death. 6 Foreign eulogy.
7 Anecdotes.
1. The Peshwa's incurable malady.—What a tremendous strain must have been caused by the momentous events described above on the body and the mind of a boy called upon at the age of sixteen to manage the concerns of a far flung Empire in its hour of the greatest peril. A tall lean but muscular figure, fair and commanding in appearance, soon lost all its original vigour, particularly when it was discovered that an insidious wasting disease had housed itself in his frame unnoticed. For some time the patient fought the malady with his inborn courage and continued his usual hard work. Towards the end of 1770 he proceeded from Poona bent on completing his work in the Karnatak, but he so quickly broke down on the way, that he had to return from Miraj and yield himself to proper treatment. Thus his last two years were spent in seek ing health, now at Katore on the Godavari, then at Sidhtek, and lastly at Theur in the vicinity of Poona.
There was then no scientific treatment of tuberculosis, a disease called by the ancients Raj-Yakshma or the prince of diseases. In his case it was of the intestinal variety as can be ascertained from the unbearable pain in the stomach, which often made the Peshwa cry out for a dagger to open his bowels with. The lungs and the chest were intact. The Peshwa did not take long to realise that his end was approaching, but happily lived long enough to learn that splendid victories in the north had crowned his all too short a career and that Haidar Naik in the south had also been humbled though not crushed in the summer of 1772. The Mughal Emperor had again come under Maratha protection early in that year and been restored to his seat at Delhi, in opposition to the British plans, thereby exhibiting to the world that the batle of Panipat had not made a final decision. The various members of the Maratha confederacy had all been completely restored to the Pfeshwa's allegiance, so that it became a legitimate boast of the Maratha nation that obedience and harmony were never more in evidence in the Maratha State than at this period. The Bhosles of Nagpur, the Gaikwads of Baroda, the Ghorpades of Gootty, the Pratinidhi and Babuji Naik were mercilessly corrected. The arch-intriguer Gangoba, Holkar's Diwan, was made an example of; Tukoji Holkar, Ahalyabai, Mahadji Sindia became attached to the Peshwa as never before. The restraint put on the Peshwa's uncle Raghunathrao, checked the factious tendency among others as well. Dada's supporters Chinto Vithal, Sadashiv Ramchandra, Sakharam Hari learnt the lesson of their lives. Even men like Haripant Phadke and Nana Phadnis, the most confidential and trusted secretaries of the Peshwa, stood in the greatest awe of their master.1
The veteran Sakharam Bapu shrank from playing his evil pranks. In the autumn of 1770 when work accumulated with which the Peshwa's failing strength could not cope, he called upon Sakharam Bapu to dispose of the routine work and initiate Narayanrao into the administration. Brahmans were employed at different shrines to recite prayers and solicit divine favour for restoring the Peshwa's health. His mother Gopika-bai suggested certain sanctified rites, which were punctiliously carried out by Nana Phadnis under his own personal supervision. When returning from Miraj to Poona the Peshwa was weighed against gold on the bank of the Krishna; he was also again weighed at Katore on the Godavari and the metal was distributed in charity to the poor. Janoji Bhosle who had recently made his submission expressed great concern on account of the Peshwa's ailment ; he specially came to Poona during
1. G'angadhar Tatya had to suffer confinement for three years for evading payment of heavy ransom of thirty lacs laid on him for having been the main instigator of Raghunathrao's rebellion. He was severely caned in open Darbar, a treatment unbecoming for the head of a state in the opinion of some, but which doubtless served to strike terror into every heart.
the summer of 1772, personally to plead with him to soften the rigour of his uncle's confinement, lest, as was then believed, the prisoner should practise evil rites for hampering the Peshwa's recovery.-
While the Peshwa was seriously laid up at Poona, his mother too became very ill at Nasik and desired to proceed to Benares to end her life at that holy place. But the lady was persuaded to abandon her intention, as she was unable to bear the strain. The Peshwa wished to meet her ; she could not come to Poona, nor could the Peshwa be taken to Nasik in his precarious state of health.; Narayanrao used to be in close attendance upon the Peshwa, but the latter was not entirely satisfied with the way he behaved. This boy was fanciful, easily excitable, and inclined to disregard elderly folks and advisers. It is recorded in a paper dated 28th August 1771 that the Peshwa administered some strong advice to Narayanrao, on various matters. The severity of the admonition discloses the Peshwa's extreme dissatisfaction with the young lad's character.
The Peshwa was placed under expert treatment. Of the physicians who treated the patient in his last days at least three names are available. One was Baba Vaidya of Poona ; there was a European physician probably from Goa; and there was one north Indian celebrity named Ganga Vishnu hailing from Jaipur who treated the Peshwa for some two years.
2. The last will.—After the summer months of 1772, the Peshwa visibly grewr worse and all hopes of recovery began to be given up. He strongly desired to end his life in the presence of his family deity Ganesh, and was therefore removed to the famous shrine at Theur where permission was granted to all and sundry to come and see him. Here he sent for his uncle Raghunathrao along with Narayanrao and the principal officers, and in their presence executed what has been called his last will, which is dated 30th September 1772, and which thus runs in substance :—
1. "All my debts should be paid even by using, if neces-
2. Janoji died at Tulzapur immediately after on 16th May 1772.
3. It is recorded that Gopikabai saw him at Poona for a few days
in April 1771.
dared to approach him. Sakharam Bapu and Nana Phadnis kept him constant company during his last days, and were enjoined to conduct the affairs of the State after him, making Narayanrao the Peshwa. In face of the cruel untimely death which he knew was fast approaching, with scarcely the strength to move his limbs in bed, he uttered not a single sigh of disappointment or sorrow. The thought that he had fulfilled his life's task cheered him to the last. He invited Ramshastri to his presence as also the other worthies of his court and spoke parting words to each and all. To the last moment he retained his senses, and expired at 8'clock in the morning of Wednesday Kartik Krishna 8th, 18th November 1772.
4. The wife and the mother.—The Peshwa's wife Ramabai showed equal fortitude by immolating herself on the funeral pyre of her husband. She walked in procession in the midst of funeral music and the beating of drums for the distance of about half a mile from the temple to the river, where the cremation was to take place. Reaching the burning ghat at the edge of the water, she stood boldly and cheerfully on the holy stone (Dharma-shila] in front of her husband's lifeless form, gave away in charity all the ornaments she was wearing, entrusted Narayanrao to the care of Dada Saheb, and with a serene countenance gave her blessings to all the assemblage. A small stone memorial erected in her pious memory stands today to remind the curious visitor of the blessed life of this loving pair, who departed in close company never to be parted in after life, Rama and Madhav, as the people believed, the very incarnation of Lord Krishna and his consort Lakshmi.
Ramabai, daughter of Ramchandra Ballal Joshi of Miraj, was married on 9th December 1753 when she was six or seven years old and departed life at the age of twenty-six. She was handsome, strong and healthy. She bore her husband no children. She was a devoted wife always in awe of her husband and never interfered in concerns outside the palace. She often visited the holy places in the Deccan.
Madhavrao's mother Gopikabai was also a typical woman, strong-willed, shrewd and experienced from having watched the rising course of the Maratha State since the days of her renowned father-in-law. Madhavrao, it would seem, had taken
more alter his mother than his father. During the first year or two of her son's Peshwaship she directed the affairs of State and offered advice on questions of moment. But when she came to realize that her interference bred a factious spirit at the court, she retired completely from Poona and took up her permanent residence at Gangapur near Nasik on the Godavaii. Here she passed all her remaining life in prayer and worship till her death in 1788. She had an annuity of Rs. 12,000 assigned for her expenses. Though the mother and the son did not often meet, they exchanged frequent and regular correspondence which breathes intense affection and mutual regard. Madhavrao reported to his mother mostly in his own hand in Balbodh script every little affair of importance, not only of personal health but also those of a political character, battles, treaties, behaviour of officers and relatives. He freely sought her advice on critical occasions but never accepted it against his own judgment. Once she recommended that transit duties be remitted in the district of Nasik, as there was famine and grain scarcity. But the Peshwa did not accept the recommendation, urging that if he allowed remittance in one district, he wrould have to do the same in all others. Gopikabai was at least ten years older than Raghunathrao, who feared and respected her outwardly, although she spurned him for his wicked and selfish ways.
5. Character of the Peshwa.—O( all the Peshwas Madhavrao stands by common consent as the greatest in point of character. He possessed all those qualities which a good ruler ought to have, thorough honesty, love of impartial justice, quick despatch, concern for the welfare of the people committed to his charge, and an independent judgment, formed after full enquiry, upon wrhich he acted without fear or favour. If one takes into account that he was only sixteen when called upon to manage the complex affairs of a widely spread Empire, and that within some eleven years, of which many were wasted in an unnecessary civil war and in fighting a consuming dis ease, he carried to completion the main objects of his three eminent predecessors, then only can one form a correct estimate of his powers. Indeed, he stands as an outstanding figure in Maratha history and as a brilliant ornament to his nation. He possessed the statesmanship of Balaji Vishvanath, a valour second only to that of Bajirao, and a sternness which his fathervlacked. He wiped off the disgrace which the Maratha nation had suffered on account of the disaster at Panipat, and restored the Maratha fortunes to such a glory that it is rightly claimed that the premature death of this young Peshwa was a greater blow to the Maratha State than the disaster of Panipat. The great historian Grant Duff has justly emphazised the same view by saying, that "the plains of Panipat were not more fatal to the Maratha Empire than the early end of this excellent prince."
When the battle of Panipat carried away the three leading members of the Peshwa's house, Bhau Saheb, Vishvasrao, and Nana Saheb soon after the first two, it was commonly believed that the Maratha State would sopn collapse. But Madhavrao in a short time managed to raise a new generation of capable leaders to take the place of those that had perished, and he raised the State to such a height of glory that if luckily he had been spared a few years more, there was every chance of the dream of a Maratha Empire for India conceived and fostered by Shivaji, Bajirao and others, coming true. Maratha supremacy never meant extinction of the Muslim or other nationalities. It only meant that supreme political power would rest with the Marathas. The Marathas claimed religious freedom for themselves and for all those who inhabited this vast continent. They did not suppress the Mughal Emperor of Delhi : they helped him to regain his lost throne and to maintain his rights and authority. They only claimed to guide his political counsels.
But the preeminent service of Madhavrao consisted not so much in his achievements and conquests, either in the south or in the north, as in the general improvement of the moral tone of the Maratha administration to which hardly any of his predecessors had attended. Corruption was severely rooted out, the revenue system was so reformed as to conduce to the welfare and prosperity of the people. The judiciary began to function efficiently under the management of the eminent judge Ram Shastri. Complaints came to be speedily noticed and wrong-doers rightly punished. Many vexatious taxes and
imposts were removed. Definite rules and conditions of service were framed and promulgated for the jagirdars and their military equipment.4 The whole administrative staff of officials came to be purged of various evil practices that had become rampant. The system of Veth or exaction of forced labour from lower classes, was entirely abolished, and every kind of service came to be paid for in cash. The very name of this Peshwa came to be held in awe by the rulers and the ruled in and out of the Maratha State. Agencies were employed to gather secret news by which reports of evil practices reached him, so that even his immediate servants used to be in great fear of the Peshwa's punishment. Quite a new generation of honest and efficient officials, clerks, accountants, super -visers, revenue collectors, military suppliers, came to be reared up. Leaders and commanders of military corps shed their proverbial lethargy and became alert and obedient. The want of efficient artillery was keenly observed by this Peshwa, and he organized a special branch for the manufacture of fire-arms and ammunition. Indeed, this was one of the most important subjects which the Peshwa personally supervised and continuously toiled to improve.
Madhavrao was not only an administrator but by experience quickly became an efficient commander of large armies as well. He often exhibited unexampled valour and skill in strategy. He was certainly an autocrat of the type that was then common all over the world, but he was benevolent and selfless like his contemporaries in Europe. He devoted his whole life to the service of his people.
The mere mention of a few outstanding names among his immediate and trustworthy subordinates, is enough to convince us how this Peshwa reared up a new race of men and purified the corrupt system of administration, raising it to a high level. Ram Shastri, Govind Shivram Tatya, Naro Appaji, Mahadaji Ballal Guruji, Trimbakrao Pethe, Gopalrao Patwardhan, Ram-chandra Ganesh, Visaji Krishna, Nana Phadnis and his cousin Moroba, Haripant Phadke and his brothers, are some of the celebrities of Madhavrao's creation. These names are to this
day remembered as almost household words in Maharashtra, it is these men that worked to preserve the Maratha State in the chaotic situation which overtook it after this Peshwa's death. There is also a number of names of the opposite type who were severely dealt with and ultimately reclaimed. The Pratinidhis, Janoji Bhosle and his brothers and his minister Dewajipant, Chinto Vithal, the Chandrachud family, Babuji Naik, Murarrao Ghorpade, Naro Shankar, Sadashiv Ram-chandra, all these learnt a new and salutary lesson. Ram Shastri was to Madhavrao more than what Ramdas was to Shivaji. He was a real guru and the final referee in all matters of a mundane nature, even outside his department of justice. He along with Govindpant Tatya and Guruji formed a trio which was respected and feared by high and low alike for their pure and upright character. Most of the sardars, Mahadji Sindia, Tukoji Holkar, Ahalyabai, Damaji Gaikwad and his sons, the large family of the Patwrardhans, these and others became devoted and obedient servants of the Maratha State. The net revenue of that State at the time of this Peshwas death has been variously calculated and may be reliably put down at about ten crores of rupees annually in the coin of those days.
The trials and hardships to which Madhavrao was exposed since the very start of his short career, compelled him to de tect the most vulnerable spot in the Maratha body politic. The Maratha State since Shahu's days had developed not as a strong unitary Government but as a confederation of states loosely held together under the central authority. In this confederacy the rights, duties and responsibilities of the feudatories had never been clearly defined or rigidly enforced. Madhavrao inherited this unfortunate legacy and found to his cost that the jagirdars either openly defied the central authority or joined the enemies of the State. With the help of competent confidential advisers he gradually succeeded in checking the evil by punishing the wrongdoers and creating solidarity and a workable unity in the Government. This significant achievement becomes plain not only in his wars and administrative measures, but even in the jealousy, which his growing power excited in the minds of the British. On 10th March 1771 the Madras Council wrote,—" From the present conduct of the Marathas both in the north and in the south and from the
genius, spirit and ambition of Madhavrao we are inclined to suspect that their designs are not confined to the mere collection of Chauth, but extend to the subjugation of the whole peninsula."-'
6. Foreign eulogy.—Sir Richard Temple, by no Cleans an admirer of things eastern, records the following eloquent testimony about the character of this Peshwa.
4t In some of the characters just depicted there has been found virtue of the secondary type, energy, courage, enthu siasm, patriotism and the like ; buC in none of them is to be .seen virtue of the purer, nobler, loftier quality. In Madhavrao there is virtue of the best stamp. In trying moments he evinced not only presence of mind but also a proud consciousness that by him an example should be set to all around. He chose ministers with discrimination, some of whom justified his choice by their subsequent achievements. He enforced strictness in the service of the state and strove to procure honesty so far as that was procurable in a corrupt age. If an instance occurred of bad faith in high places, he would denounce it with a frankness surprising to those who lived in evil times. Though obliged to keep the uncle out of positions which afforded opportunities of doing harm, yet he showed the utmost consideration towards his relative. When two of his officers during a siege wanted to fight a duel over a quarrel, he told them, instead to scale the deadly breach, promising to decree in favour of the disputant who should first plant the national flag upon the rampart. His care extended to the fiscal, the judicial, and the general departments. All men in his day knew that the head of the state was personally master of the work, was the friend of the oppressed and the foe of the oppressor, and was choosing agents who would carry out his beneficent orders. His thoughtfulness and considerateness were untiring and were often shown in a signal or graceful manner. For instance, he conferred benefits upon the descendants of the cavalry leader Santaji Ghorpade, who had been assassinated by Shivaji's son and successor, in order that such tardy justice as might be possible after the lapse of a generation, should be done. All
the while he was engaged in war and politics. He had to hold his own against the Nizam of the Deccan ; to drive back Hydar All of Mysore, to retrieve that disaster at Panipat which had grieved his father to death. While greatly superior to his predecessors as a civil ruler, he was not inferior to them as a warlike commander. His lieutenants were just retrieving the Panipat disaster, when his own health, always delicate, gave way. Anticipating death, he adjured his uncle to protect the next Peshwa, who would be a boy to avert disunion from the reigning family and save the empire from distraction. What reply he received we know not: at all events he was allowed to die in hope ; we shall soon see how cruelly the hope was belied. True to the habits of his race, he retired to a rural village not far from Poona, and died quietly in the 28th year of his age ; and that village is to this day regarded by the Marathas as one of the most classic spots in their historic land. His childless widow, to whom he was devotedly attached, burnt herseli with his corpse, to satisfy her grief as well as to obey the behests of her religion. This is an instance of those who arc virtuous in their joint life and to whom death brings no separation.
That Madhavrao, a Hindu Prince, should have done so-much in so brief a life as his, under such disadvantages and despite such temptations that, before being cut off, in the heyday of his career, he should have evinced such capacity as this, not only in affairs susceptible of management by youthful genius, but also in matters ordinarily demanding the experience of ripe years, is truly astonishing. Indeed, he is for ever to be revered as the model prince, ' the flos regum' and as one of the finest characters that the Hindu nationality has ever produced."*'
Writes Kincaid, ik Threatened both by domestic and foreign enemies, Madhavrao triumphed signally over all. Yet his triumph had brought him no rest- Victorious over his foes he-had spent his years in tireless labour to better the condition of his people. Every department was quickened by his supervision, his industry and his example. His secret intelligence was faultless ; and no matter how remote the officer guilty of
acts of tyranny, he rarely escaped punishment. The Peshwa's armies went well-equipped on service for the entire military organization was under his direct control. Quick to anger, he was no less quick to forgive. And the only fault that the harshest critic can find in this admirable ruler is, that he shortened a life precious to his people by his arduous and unceasing toil."
7. Anecdotes.—Maharashtra still loves to repeat a number of anecdotes and reminiscences illustrating the high moral character of this Peshwa, which are doubtless substantially true and give an accurate picture of his personality. When Madhavrao like a pious Brahman, at first began to devote much of his time to prayer and ritual, Ram Shastri sternly rebuked him for neglecting his secular duties and advised him to repair to Benares to spend his life there, if he were inclined to be so sanctimonious. The Peshwa quietly and thankfully took the hint and dropped his priestly role. He doubtless possessed an irritable temper, but that only disclosed his aversion for injustice and wrong and his impatience to correct blemishes. On that account he soon came to be feared arid obeyed.
When he found that death was near, he set about destroying the accumulated store of secret state papers, referring to the low intrigues of his officials and servants. Sakharam Bapu learning what the Peshwa was doing, approached him and humbly remonstrated against this procedure. The Peshwa unable to move from his bed, asked Bapu to hand him a certain packet from the adjoining chest. When Bapu brought the bundle out, the Peshwa asked him to open it, read the contents and tell him whether he should destroy or keep it. To his amazement Bapu discovered that the papers in that bundle referred to his own secret intrigues and plots of a criminal nature deserving punishment. The Peshwa had in his possession those proofs of Bapu's guilt, but had never let him know what accusations had reached him through various channels.
Madhavrao's attention to details excites our admiration. He inquires about the construction of unauthorized buildings in Poona. He scrutinizes the lists showing the number and pay of his attendants. From the Karnatak he inquires how
Nana Phadnis was behaving in Poona, like a master or a servant.7 He wishes to be informed of the arrangements for supplying fodder to the cattle attached from Babuji Naik's establishment at Baramati. His daily accounts contain references to very small items of expenditure such as Rs. 1-8 for lamp oil supplied to clerks. He personally chooses dresses and presents to be given to Nizam Ali and his suite or to an envoy from Goa or to Ghazi-ud-din. He minutely examines cases of embezzlement. There used to be much corruption among inspecting officers sent out to examine the military equipment of the jagirdars and sardars, the number and quality of their men and horses, their saddles and arms and accoutrements. The inspectors when bribed certified that there were no deficiencies. When complaints were received, the Peshwa sent his own trusted agents such as Guruji, Nana Phadnis, Naro Appaji to detect irauds. When these special agents arrived for inspection, the whole official staff was in consternation and quaked for the heavy punishments that awaited them. It would thus appear that this Peshwa's rule was far above that of his contemporaries in rooting out official corruption and venality.
The Peshwa would not allow the ryots to be molested on any account. He paid compensation to them when they suffered losses from the march of troops. During his tours he personally inquired into the people's grievances and removed the iniquities that he noticed. Remission of revenue was granted when there were political disturbances or failure of rain. A Kotwal's duties and the rules which should guide him in his management of the towns, are found clearly set down in various documents issued by the Peshwa, and now reproduced in the Peshwa's Diaries.
This Peshwa's death ushers in a new phase in Maratha history which will form the subject of my concluding volume."

End of excerpt

What I find truly great about Madhavrao may be summarised in the following points

1. Maturity and immense sense of responsibility displayed at a very tender age of 16. I know at the age of 16 my father had to get behind me to study for my exams and I'd no clue of my future. Here is a chap who has lost his father, the empire is bankrupt due to a debilitating war, its prestige shattered due to an embarassing loss, its principal warlords and statesmen lost to war in one day and it is all rebuilt brick by brick by a 16 year old in the face of one of the most turbulent times in Indian history, with neighbors like the vily Nizam, the ambitious Hyder Ali, and the British on ascendant, not to mention the intrigues of his own uncle. No wonder Madhavrao was made of a different stuff altogether for exactly 10 years later his brother Narayanrao showed himself thoroughly incapable of handling far less difficult circumstances than what his elder brother had faced

2. That he not only coped and survived the difficult times but also managed to effect some major changes in some neglected areas of administration. Revamping the administrative machinery, reducing corruption, putting in place a system of strict checks and balances

3. His sense of justice, his upright character

4. As a manager I admire his ability to bring things under his control and influence every matter that affects him. He had such energy and zeal, such clarity of thought at such young age, and he was able to get things done

5. He managed to get a strong set of people around him who could be trusted and relied upon and he managed to keep a check and even make good use of troublemakers. He very ably managed people far senior to him in age. He had a clear vision and could look ahead than others; he could see the British as a grave threat to Marathas and always distrusted them.

6. Lastly and more importantly he achieved all this while always battling against a debilitating illness which constantly sapped whatever energy he had. But inspite of this he managed to leave behind a far stronger empire than what he inherited. If only he had lived a few more years, if only..........

Probably Sardesai is right when he says that Panipat was a far lesser loss than the early death of Madhavrao

[Bodhi]

One should study the behaviour of the kAyastha and khattrI ministers of the later marahaTTA-s like shinde-s and holkars. I think these individuals, although efficient in administration but secularized/de-nationalized after centuries of dhimmitude in service of their Moslem rulers, might have played their part in eventual decline of marahaTTA-s. Anyone aware of any analysis of this aspect?

[Bodhi]

superstar hindutva thinker writes:

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->As the aging Thackeray ponders his loss of political splendour, he would do well to enlarge his currently puny canvass to the mega dimensions of the original Maratha sardeshmukh. Shivaji strove consciously for power as an instrument for the resurrection of dharma (righteousness), and termed his quest as “Hindavi Swarajya,” a word with geographical and spiritual-cultural connotations. When in his teens in 1645 CE, he began administering his father's estate under a personalized seal of authority in Sanskrit, a hint that he envisaged independence and adhered to the Hindu tradition. A 1646 CE letter to Dadaji Naras Prabhu refers to an oath that Shivaji, Prabhu, and others took in the presence of the deity at Rayareshwar, to establish “Hindavi Swarajya.”

The Peshwa, in contrast, accepted the Persian script under the influence of a Muslim courtesan, and narrow-mindedly refused to convert her to Hindu dharma despite her keenness to embrace the faith. As a result, the Marathas bowed to the Mughal emperor when they reached Delhi and missed a historic opportunity to re-establish Hindu rule; a classic case of muscle without mind, power without political sense! The rest is history.

http://vijayvaani.com/FrmPublicDisplayAr...spx?id=948
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

where is she going I wonder, and what depths our so-called Hindu journalists have reached in their utter ignorance.

<!--emo&:angry:--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/mad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='mad.gif' /><!--endemo-->

[Bodhi]

<b>bAjIrAva the “narrow minded”?</b>

It is because we hold shrImatI sandhyA jaina in high esteem as a hindU-minded journalist with an influencial reach and a tremendous potential, that we read with shock and disappointment the following lines coming from her pen:

“…in his teens in 1645 CE, he (shivAjI) began administering his father’s estate under a personalized seal of authority in Sanskrit, a hint that he envisaged independence and adhered to the Hindu tradition… The Peshwa, in contrast, accepted the Persian script under the influence of a Muslim courtesan, and narrow-mindedly refused to convert her to Hindu dharma despite her keenness to embrace the faith. As a result, the Marathas bowed to the Mughal emperor when they reached Delhi and missed a historic opportunity to re-establish Hindu rule; a classic case of muscle without mind, power without political sense! The rest is history.” (link)

Above is of course inaccurate as most readers would already know, but becomes difficult for us to ignore because it disrespectfully targets our favourite hero the first bAjIrAva, the ablest disciple of shivAjI.

Let us tackle the errors part by part, starting with the thing about Persian.

In context of the contemporary times, usage of Persian was a lesser evil, since it was the prevailing language of diplomacy and politics, and was used by most Hindu kings in their correspondences, before, during and after the times of cHatrapati and peshavA, up until English language elbowed out pArasIka tongue in status, eventually replacing it. Do we need to remind how gobinda siMha wrote zafarnAmah in Persian, and how raNajIta siMha had coinage and titles issued in Persian, and how most of the ambar archive is full of that language? Only those courts which had managed to keep themselves totally aloof were able to continue with the native languages.

Even within shivAjI’s court, Persian titles and terms gave way to saMskR^ita ones very late in his regime. sabhAsada records that it was not until his rAjyAbhiSheka ceremony that the “Sanskrit titles were ordered to be used in future to designate their offices, and the Persian titles hitherto current were abolished.” Thus it was not until as late as cHatrapati’s coronation that ‘peshavA’ became mukhya-pradhAna, ‘majUmadAr’ became AmAtya, ‘waqiyA-navIs’ mantrI, ’shurU-navIs’ sachiva, ‘dabIr’ sumanta, and ’sar-i-naubat’ senApati. This too, of course under the guidance of the early paNDita-pradhAna-s, the predecessors of brilliant bAjIrAva. It was also by the guidance of his far-sighted peshavA-s that cHatrapati commissioned a handbook of working saMskR^ita too for the new-founded hindU state.

A whole chest of letters written by (the clerks of) shivAjI during the early days are in Persian. For instance, his famed letter sent for maharaja jayasiMha kacHavAhA during the famous siege, published by bAbU jagannAtha dAsa of vArANasI, speaks about establishing a Hindu collaboration to root out the Islamic tyranny: “Great Monarch mahArAjA jaisiMha, you are a valiant kShatriya, why do you use your strength to further the power of the dynasty of bAbUr? Why shed the costly Hindu blood to make the red-faced musalmAns victorious? … If you had come to conquer me, you would find my head humbly at the path you tread, but you come as a deputy of the tyrant, and I can not decide how I behave towards you… If you fight in championing our Hindu Religion, you shall find me your comrade in arms… Being so brave and valiant, it behoves you as a Great Hindu General to lead our joint armies against Emperor instead, and indeed let us go together and conquer that city of dillI, shed our blood instead in preserving the ancient religion which we and our ancestors have followed…”.

The above letter of shivAjI is, not in maharaTTI saMskR^ita or hindI, but in Persian, so are several others among shivAjI’s letters and orders. One must bear the contemporary situation in mind, before blaming bAjIrAva of “in contrast, accepting the Persian script under the influence of a Muslim courtesan”.

In fact peshavA-s, and in particular the rare visionary the original bAjIrAva along with his son, did the most meaningful service than anyone else since the days of vijayanagara empire, in reviving the devabhAShA. This is acknowledged even by the saMskR^ita-basher like Sheldon Pollock in his ‘The Death of Sanskrit’, where he quoted a stanza of a gujarAtI poet who “sensed that some important transformation had occurred at the beginning of the second millennium, which made the great literary courts of the age, such as Bhoja’s, the stuff of legend (which last things often become); that the cultivation of Sanskrit by eighteenth-century rulers like the Peshwas of Maharashtra was too little too late; that the Sanskrit cultural order of his own time was sheer nostalgic ceremony.”

Indeed, after kAshI it was pUnA which had emerged as the greatest center of saMskR^ita revival in the eighteenth century, under lavish patronage of the peshavA. A flourishing saMskR^ita university was established here by him, and a network of smaller schools, or Tol as they were called, encouraged throughout the empire, to educate the people in the devabhAShA. Many scholars were patronized here, producing several poetries and commentaries, as much as the political situation could afford.

mahAdeva govinda rANaDe writes in his ‘Introduction to the Peishwa’s Diaries’: “Reference has already been made to the Dakshina grants paid to Shastris, Pundits and Vaidiks. This Dakshina was instituted in the first instance by the Senapati Khanderao Dabhade, and when, on the death of that officer, his resources were curtailed, the charity was taken over by the State, into its own hands. Disbursements increased from year to year, till they rose to Rs. 60, 000 in Nana Fadnavis’ time. These Dakshina grants redeemed to a certain extent the reprehensible extravagance of Bajirao’s charities (refering to the son, not father). Learned Sanskrit scholars from all parts of India – from Bengal, Mithila or Behar and Benares, as also from tho South, the Telangan, Dravida and the Karnatic – flocked to Poona, and were honoured with distinctions and rewards, securing to them position throughout the country which they highly appreciated.”

Earlier this year we had accidentally run into a researcher from yavanadesha, who was doing some research about Greeks living in India in the Eighteenth century. He informed that peshavA had probably contracted a couple of Greeks from vArANasI, to help his pUnA scholars translate some of the Greek Classics of Homer into saMskR^ita. We can not say how true it is, but such impression does reflect on the services of peshavA in reviving saMskR^ita.

Now, coming to the “Muslim courtesan” part, reference here is to mastAnI, whom bAjIrAva “narrow-mindedly refused to convert to Hindu dharma”.

This is nothing short of blasphemy against the most genius Hindu Warrior and Strategist we have known since cHatrapati himself. mastAnI was a daughter of a Hindu father (some say of cHatrasAla himself) and a Moslem courtesan, married to bAjIrAv as a upapatnI by cHatrasAla, during bAjIrAva’s victorious campaign in mAlavA (where he again decisive hammered the Hyderabad Nizam in the classic battle of Bhopal, dashing his ambitions towards North for ever). Incidentally, it is from this victorious campaign that bAjIrAva returned not only with mastAnI, but also with elderly bhUShaNa, who was living his retired life at bundelakhaNDa, who accepted bAjIrAv’s invitation to relate to shAhUjI his reminisces of shivAjI. (The result was a poetry that came to be known as shiva-bAvanI, 52 pada-s dedicated to important milestones of shivAjI’s career; the famed “sivAjI na hoto tau sunnata hota sabakI” is from this work.)

It was not bAjIrAva because of whose “narrow mindedness” the re-conversion of mastAnI did not happen, but that of the ultra-orthodox brAhmaNa-s who had even out-casted bAjIrAv himself on accusations of eating meat, drinking wine, smoking tobacco and keeping Moslem wife etc. A son of bAjIrAva through mastAnI, named by bAjIrAv as kR^iShNarAva, was raised privately by him as a brAhmaNa and as per some pUnA traditions, even his thread-ceremony was performed at kasabA gaNapati, but he was not accepted as a Hindu by the more orthodox and was forced to live like a Moslem under the name of shamshIr bahAdur. This seed of bAjIrAv valiantly fought against abdAlI and fell in the battle of pAnIpat at the age of twenty-seven.

Orthodoxy’s rejection of bAjIrAva, his status not withstanding, was so strong that even the thread ceremonies and weddings of bAjIrAva’s legitimate sons were threatened to be boycotted if either bAjIrAv or mastAnI came anywhere near the ceremonies. bAjIrAv indeed did not attend these. bAjIrAva’s younger brother chimanAjI appA, the hero of vasaI, also never accepted mastAnI, and it is said that he even tried to eliminate her once when bAjIrAv was away leading the final battle of his life, in crushing the Hyderabad Nizam one more time before his untimely death, and was restrained from doing so by none less than shAhU himself.

However, in contrast contemporary records indicate that the peshavA-s themselves had quite an open outlook, especially about re-converting hindU-s that had under duress become musalmAna-s. mahAdeva rANADe provides some crucial data from peshavA’s diaries themselves: “ln those times of wars and troubles, there were frequent occasions when men had to forsake their ancestral faith under pressure, force, or fraud, and there are four well-attested instances in which the re-admission into their respective castes, both of Brahmins and Marathas, was not merely attempted but successfully effected, with the consent of the caste, and with the permission of the State authorities. A Maratha, named Putaji Bandgar, who had been made a captive by the Moguls, and forcibly converted to Mahomedanism, rejoined the forces of Balaji Vishvanath, on their way back to Delhi, after staying with the Mahomedans for a year, and at his request, his readmission, with the consent of the caste, was sanctioned by Raja Shahu. A Konkanastha Brahmin, surnamed Raste, who had been kept a State prisoner by Haider in his armies, and had been suspected to have conformed to Mahomedan ways of living for his safety, was similarly admitted into caste with the approval of the Brahmins and under sanction from the State. Two Brahmins, one of whom had been induced to become a Gosawee by fraud, and another from a belief that he could be cured of a disease from which he suffered, were readmitted into caste, after repentance and penance. These two cases occurred one at Puutamba, in the Nagar District, and the other at Paithan, in the Nizam’s dominions, and their admission was made with the full concurrence of the Brahmins under the sanction of the authorities.”

At one other place, rANAde provides some more important data that tells us about a much broader outlook the peshavA-s displayed in matter of the caste dynamics: “The right of the Sonars to employ priests of their own caste was upheld against the opposition of the Poona Joshis. The claim made by the Kumbhars (potters) for the bride and the bride-groom to ride on horse-back was upheld against the carpenters and blacksmiths who opposed it. The Kasar’s right to go in processions along the streets, which was opposed by the Lingayats, was similarly upheld. The right of the Parbhus to use Vedic formulas in worship had indeed been questioned in Narayanrao’s time, and they were ordered to use only Puranic forms like the Shudras. This prohibition was, however, resented by the Parbhus, and in Bajirao II’s time the old order appears to have been cancelled, and the Parbhus were allowed to have the Munja or thread ceremony performed as before. A Konkani Kalal or publican, who had been put out of his caste, because he had given his daughter in marriage to a Gujarathi Kalal, complained to the Peishwa, and order was given to admit him in the caste. In the matter of inter-marriage, Balaji Bajirao set the example by himself marrying the daughter of a Deshastha Sowkar, named Wakhare, in 1760.”

So much for the “narrow minded”, let us now come to the final and the most important mistake: “as a result, the Marathas bowed to the Mughal emperor when they reached Delhi and missed a historic opportunity to re-establish Hindu rule”. The blame is of course entirely misplaced, indeed a closer analysis will show that bAjIrAv’s energies were continuously driven towards striking down the mughal seat in dillI, and he was restrained from completely taking them out because of a bigger strategy and by shAhUjI’s command. One must read the desperate letters exchanged between him, the maharaTTA generals and envoyes in dillI court, at the time of the invasion by nAdirshAh from Persia. In one letter there is a clear reference of waiting for the “most perfect time” for “eradicating the moghal seat and placing the crown of the Emperor on the rANA of mevADa” (Refer to Vol II of A New History of Marathas by G S Sardesai).

shAhUjI felt, probably correctly, that this would be a misadventure, because maharaTTA power was spread too thin for any such move and he issued a clear policy statement to this effect to his officers. One must remember what even bhUShaNa says about bAjIrAva, at one place he calls bAjI a ‘bAja’ (hunt-hawk) who is eager to thrash the partridges of dillI but is obedient to his hunter-master of satArA.

But this encircling dillI, but not altogether taking out the puppet moghals, was a part of greater strategy as well as the currents of history.

First, there had been ill-ominous precedents of the unfortunate fate when hindU-s tried taking dillI openly: the sad case of short-lived enterprises of khusarU in fourteenth century and of himU in sixteenth, and bAjI would have hesitated to repeat that course in the Eighteenth.

Contrary to this jinxed option however, there was a more successful alternative model on the other hand, provided by the hindU history. How shivAjI’s father had once played a similar game succesfully with Adila nizAma shAha, whom he had protected as a puppet against jahAngIr, could have been more fresh in the memories of shAhU and bAjIrAv. Didn’t powerful grandfather of mahArANA pratApa, saMgrAma simha follow a similar approach in his own time to encircle dillI, by reducing its moslem occupant to a protectee and focusing instead on taking out the more potent jehAdI-s?

Therefore a more wise policy is what bAjIrAv and shAhU must have decided to follow, with following factors driving their strategy decision:

a) The center of gravity of jehAd had already shifted within moslem sphere, away from moghal imperial camp and towards independent moslem upstarts in va~Nga, hyderAbad and awadha, besides the rise of mercenaries like Afcrican Blacks and ruhillA-s etc. It was apparent that moghals had become toothless, and nothing was to be gained in practical terms by trying to eliminate the moghals, whereas there were several benefits of allowing them a status of a declared protectorate and go after the more potent jehAdI-s.

b) North Indian Hindus, especially rAjapUta-s, were still not ready to weild a common front, much less submit to a maharaTTA-s federal arrangement. sikh, jATa, and gorakhA were yet to become prominent on the radar.

c) It was therefore felt, quite correctly, that the policy has to be two fold: one, somehow not letting the jehAdI-s to unite under a common banner and join a common front. two: keeping rAjapUta-s in friendly relations and give them any reason to be alarmed. Both the ends were quite well served by positing of being a friend and protector of the dillI crown for the time rather than a predator threatening the replacement of moghal suzerainty over rAjapUtAnA by the maharaTTA one. Likewise, it disallowed a cry of unity under moghal banner within ghAzI aspirants, which was tested in the battle of bhopAla, where none came to the rescue of nizAm when bAjIrAv curtailed his feathers in North.

On this point, one should observe that the East India Company also imitated quite exactly the same strategy as bAjIrAva several decades after him, and with a complete success. Clive and Cornwallis imitated him in great detail, including posing to be a Hindu Saviour and protector of moghal crown, and friend of rAjapUta-s and so on, while they took out the more potent forces one by one, including the maharaTTA-s themselves!

d) Militarily too, bAjIrAva was confident of great mobility of maharaTTA cavalry, pioneered by him in now moving and fighting in open fields, long distances away from the base, and fashioned probably after taking cues on this point from changIz khAn! (read the eye-opening thriller on this subject by the AchArya of manasataraMgiNI). This mobility therefore could allow to quickly reach the theatre of operation over a much larger area and did not depend too much on a very fixed large encampment for maharaTTA forces, which further supported the view of letting dillI remain under moghal puppets, rather than requiring to be directly administered.

e) There was an administrative aspect too. Taking of dillI would require quite a lot of administrative machinery and overheads to be invested. shAhU was of the opinion that maharaTTA administration itself required to be more solidified before any such formal expansion has to become effective. This was quite a correct assessment too. Since the days of shivAjI, feudal structures like the jAgIradArI and mansabadArI, the hallmarks of moghal administration, were frowned upon. maharaTTA Generals used to be generally paid employees of state (although not necessarily the soldiers), no fiefs were allowed, no personal grant of lands distributed, no permanent subedArI-s given, no personal forts and fortesses allowed to be constructed. A letter of shivAjI written to his eldest son-in-law clearly reflects this where he declined the appeal of the latter for grant of a jAgIr to him, explaining his well-thought policy in this matter. But this system was probably not too scalable for a larger empire, and therefore we see it began to be slightly modified since bAjIrAv and shAhU, when a fort or zone was granted near ‘permanently’ to an officer hereditarily. He himself granted dhArA in MP to the pawAr Generals (dhAra, the old capital of bhojadeva was thought to be rightfully belonging to the pawAra-s, the descendants of the paramAra-s). But much later the vacuum that arose in the maharaTTA core, which later peshavA-s could not fill, saw the federalist system falter before it had properly stabilized, leading to the independence of sindhiyA, holkar, gAyakavADa, bhonsalA-s etc. leading to the total decline of the central authority. But at the time of bAjIrAva, the system was clearly not in place yet and maharaTTA nation could not have afforded to take up the overhead of administering dillI and its vassals, not to mention the effort needed in putting down the revolts it would have incited everywhere.

Thus the policy of circling the moghals, reducing them to the point of extinction, slowly letting them get dismantled by themselves, but not outright eliminating them from dillI seat.

We hope shrImatI jaina shall correct the inadvertent but grave mistake of having insulted the great Hindu Hero.

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27 Year War That Changed Course Of Indian History





Schoolchildren in India learn a very specific blend of Indian history. This school version of history is stripped of all the vigor and pride. The story of Indian civilization spans thousands of years. However for the most part the schoolbook version dwells on the freedom struggle against British and important role played in there by the Indian National Congress. We learn each and every movement of Gandhi and Nehru, but not even a passing reference is made to hundreds of other important people and events.



My objection is not to the persons Gandhi or Nehru. However the attention they get and the exposure their political views and ideology gets is rather disproportionate.



And thus it comes no surprise to me that rarely we talk about an epic war that significantly altered the face of Indian subcontinent. The war that can be described the mother of all wars in India. Considering the average life expectancy that time was around 30 years, this war of 27 years lasted almost the lifespan of an entire generation. The total number of battles fought was in hundreds. It occurred over vast geographical expanse spanning four biggest states of modern India- Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka. For time, expanse and human and material cost, this war has no match in Indian history.



It started in 1681 with the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s invasion of Maratha empire. It ended in 1707 with Aurangzeb’s death. Aurangzeb threw everything he had in this war. He lost it all.



It’s tempting to jump into the stories of heroics, but what makes the study of war more interesting is the understanding of politics behind it. Every war is driven by politics. Rather war is just one of the means to do politics. This war was not an exception.



Shivaji’s tireless work for most of his life had shown fruits by the last quarter of seventeenth century. He had firmly established Marathas as power in Deccan. He built hundreds of forts in Konkan and Sahyadris and thus created a defense backbone. He also established strong naval presence and controlled most of the Western ports barring few on end of Indian peninsula. Thus tightening the grip on trade routes of Deccan sultanates, he strangled their weapons import from Europe and horses import from Arabian traders. These Sultanates launched several campaigns against Shivaji, but failed to stop him.



On the Northern front, several Rajput kings had accepted to be the vassals of Mughals. Aurangzeb had succeeded to the throne after brutal killing of his brothers and imprisonment of his father. With Rajput resistance mostly subsided and the southern sultanates weakened, it was only matter of time before Marathas were in his cross-hair.



At the time of Shivaji’s death in 1680, Maratha empire spanned an area far more than the current state of Maharashtra and had taken firm roots. But it was surrounded by enemies from all sides. Portuguese on northern Coast and Goa, British in Mumbai, Siddies in Konkan and remaining Deccan sultenates in Karnataka posed limited challenge each, but none of them was capable of taking down the Marathas alone. Mughal empire with Aurangzeb at its helm was the most formidable foe.



For the most part, Aurangzeb was a religious fanatic. He had distanced Sikhs and Rajputs because of his intolerant policies against Hindus. After his succession to the throne, he had made life living hell for Hindus in his kingdom. Taxes like Jizya tax were imposed on Hindus. No Hindu could ride in Palanquin. Hindu temples were destroyed and abundant forcible conversions took place. Auragzeb unsuccessfully tried to impose Sharia, the Islamic law. This disillusioned Rajputs and Sikhs resulting in their giving cold shoulder to Aurangzeb in his Deccan campaign.



Thus in September of 1681, after settling his dispute with the royal house of Mewar, Aurangzeb began his journey to Deccan to kill the Maratha confederacy that was not even 50 years old. On his side, the Mughal king had enormous army numbering half a million soldiers, a number more than three times that of the Maratha army. He had plentiful support of artillery, horses, elephants. He also brought huge wealth in royal treasuries. Teaming up with Portughese, British ,Siddis, Golkonda and Bijapur Sultanates he planned to encapsulate Marathas from all sides and to form a deadly death trap. To an outsider, it would seem no-brainer to predict the outcome of such vastly one sided war. It seemed like the perfect storm headed towards Maratha confederacy.



Enormous death and destruction followed in Deccan for what seemed like eternity. But what happened at the end would defy all imaginations and prove every logic wrong. Despite lagging in resources on all fronts, it would be the Marathas who triumphed. And at the expense of all his treasure, army, power and life, it would be the invading emperor who learned a very costly lesson, that the will of people to fight for their freedom should never be underestimated





Timeline – Marathas under King Sambhaji (1680 to 1689):



After the death of Shivaji in 1680, a brief power struggle ensued in the royal family. Finally Sambhaji became the king. By this time Aurangzeb had finished his North missions and was pondering a final push in Deccan to conquer all of the India.



In 1681 sambhaji attacked Janjira, but his first attempt failed. In the same time one of the Aurangzeb’s generals, Hussein Ali Khan , attacked Northern Konkan. Sambhaji left janjira and attacked Hussein Ali Khan and pushed him back to Ahmednagar. By this time mansoon of 1682 had started. Both sides halted their major military operations. But Aurangzeb was not sitting idle. He tried to sign a deal with Portughese to allow mughal ships to harbor in Goa. This would have allowed him to open another supply route to Deccan via sea. The news reached sambhaji. He attacked Portughese territories and pushed deep inside Goa. But Voiceroy Alvor was able to defend Portughese headquarters.



By this time massive Mughal army had started gathering on the borders of Deccan. It was clear that southern India was headed for one big conflict.



Sambhaji had to leave Portughese expedition and turn around. In late 1683, Aurangzeb moved to Ahmednagar. He divided his forces in two and put his two princes, Shah Alam and Azam Shah, in charge of each division. Shah alam was to attack South Konkan via Karnataka border while Azam Shah would attack Khandesh and northern Maratha territory. Using pincer strategy, these two divisions planned to circle Marathas from South and North and isolate them.



The beginning went quite well. Shah Alam crossed Krishna river and enterd Belgaum. From there he entered Goa and started marching north via Konkan. As he pushed further,he was continuously harassed by Marathas. They ransacked his supply chains and reduced his forces to starvation. Finally Aurangzeb sent Ruhulla Khan for his rescue and brought him back to Ahmednagar. The first pincer attempt failed.



After 1684 monsoon, Aurangzeb’s another general Sahabuddin Khan directly attacked the Maratha capital, fort Raygad. Maratha commanders successfully defended Raygad. Aurangzeb sent Khan Jehan for help, but Hambeerrao Mohite, Commander-in- Chief of Maratha army, defeated him in a fierce battle at Patadi. Second division of Maratha army attacked Sahabuddin Khan at Pachad, inflicting heavy losses on Mughal army.



In early 1685, Shah Alam attacked South again via Gokak- Dharwar route. But Sambhaji’s forces harassed him continuously on the way and finally he had to give up and thus failed to close the loop second time.



In april 1685 Aurangzeb rehashed his strategy. He planned to consolidate his power in the South by taking expediations to Goalkonda and Bijapur. Both were Shia muslim rulers and Aurangzeb was no fond of them. He broke his treaties with both empires and attacked them. Taking this opportunity Marathas launched offensive on North coast and attacked Bharuch. They were able to evade the mughal army sent their way and came back with minimum damage.



On Aurangzeb’s new Southern front, things were proceeding rather smoothly. Bijapur fell in September 1686. King Sikandar Shah was captured and imprisoned. Goalkonda agreed to pay huge ransom. But after receiving the money, Aurangzeb attacked them in blatant treachery. Soon Goalkonda fell as well. King Abu Hussein of Goalkonda was captured and met the same fate as Sikandar Shah.



Marathas had tried to win mysore through diplomacy. Kesopant Pingle, (Moropant Pingle’s brother) was running negotiations, but the fall of Bijapur to mughals turned the tides and Mysore was reluctant to join Marathas. Still Sambhaji successfully courted several Bijapur sardars to join Maratha army.



After fall of Bijapur and Goalkonda, Aurangzeb turned his attention again to his main target – Marathas. First few attempts proved unsuccessful to make a major dent. But in Dec 1688 he had his biggest jackpot. Sambhaji was captured at Sangmeshwar. It was in part his own carelessness and in part because of treachery. Aurangzeb gave him option of converting to Islam, which he refused. Upon refusal, Aurangzeb, blinded by his victories, gave Sambhaji the worst treatment he could ever give to anyone. Sambhaji was pareded on donkey. His tounge was cut, eyes were gorged out. His body was cut into pieces and fed to dogs.



There were many people who did not like Sambhaji and thus were sympathetic to Mughals. But this barbaric treatment made everyone angry. Maratha generals gathered on Raygad. The decision was unanimous. All peace offers were to be withdrawn. Mughals would be repelled at all costs. Rajaram succeeded as the next king. He began his reign by a valiant speech on Raygad. All Maratha generals and councilmen united under the flag of new king, and thus began the second phase of the epic war.



27 Years War TimeLine – Marathas under King Rajaram (1689 to 1700)



To Aurangzeb, the Marathas seemed all but dead by end of 1689. But this would prove to be almost a fatal blunder. In March 1990, the Maratha commanders, under the leadership of Santaji Ghorpade launched the single most daring attack on mughal army. They not only attacked the army, but sacked the tent where the Aurangzeb himself slept. Luckily Aurangzeb was elsewhere but his private force and many of his bodyguards were killed.



This positive development was followed by a negative one for Marathas. Raigad fell to treachery of Suryaji Pisal. Sambhaji’s queen, Yesubai and their son, Shahu, were captured.



Mughal forces, led by Zulfikar Khan, continued this offensive further South. They attacked fort Panhala. The Maratha killedar of Panhala gallantly defended the fort and inflicted heavy losses on Mughal army. Finally Aurangzeb himself had to come. Panhala surrendered.



Maratha ministers had foreseen the next Mughal move on Vishalgad. They made Rajaram leave Vishalgad for Jinji, which would be his home for next seven years. Rajaram travelled South under escort of Khando Ballal and his men. The queen of Bidnur, gave them supplies and free passage. Harji Mahadik’s division met them near Jinji and guarded them to the fort. Rajaram’s queen was escorted out of Maharashtra by Tungare brothers. She was taken to Jinji by different route. Ballal and Mahadik tirelessly worked to gather the scattered diplomats and soldiers. Jinji became new capital of Marathas. This breathed new life in Maratha army.



Aurangzeb was frustrated with Rajaram’s successful escape. His next move was to keep most of his force in Maharashtra and dispatch a small force to keep Rajaram in check. But the two Maratha generals, Santaji ghorpade and Dhanaji Jadhav would prove more than match to him.



They first attacked and destroyed the force sent by Aurangzeb to keep check on Rajaram, thus relieving the immediate danger. Then they joined Ramchandra Bavadekar in Deccan. Bavdekar, Vithoji Bhosale and Raghuji Chavan had reorganized most of the Maratha army after defeats at Panhala and Vishalgad.



In late 1691, Bavdekar, Pralhad Niraji , Santaji ,Dhanaji and several Maratha sardars met in Maval region and reformed the strategy. Aurangzeb had taken four major forts in Sahyadrais and was sending Zulfikar khan to subdue the fort Jinji. So according to new Maratha plan, Santaji and Dhanaji would launch offensives in the East to keep rest of the Mughal forces scattered. Others would focus in Maharashtra and would attack a series of forts around Southern Maharashtra and Northern Karnataka to divide Mughal won territories in two, thereby posing significant challenge to enemy supply chains. Thanks to Shivaji’s vision of building a navy, Marathas could now extend this divide into the sea, checking any supply routes from Surat to South.



The execution began. In early 1692 Shankar Narayan and Parshuram Trimbak recaptured Rajgad and Panhala. In early 1693 Shankar Narayan and Bhosale captured Rohida. Sidhoji Gujar took Vijaydurg. Soon Parshuram Trimbak took Vishalgad. Kanhoji Angre, a young Maratha Naval officer that time, took fort Kolaba.



While this was in work, Santaji and Dhanaji were launching swift raids on Mughal armies on East front. This came as a bit of surprise to Aurangzeb. In spite of losing one King and having second king driven away, Marathas were undaunted and actually were on offensive. From Khandesh, Ahmednagar to Bijapur to Konkan and Southern Karnataka, Santaji and Dhanaji wrecked havoc. Encouraged by the success, Santaji and Dhanaji hatched new action plan to attack Mughal forces near Jinji. Dhanaji Jadhav attacked Ismail Khan and defeated him near Kokar. Santaji Ghorpade attacked Ali Mardan Khan at the base of Jinji and captured him. With flanks cleared, both joined hands and laid a second siege around the Mughal siege at Jinji



Julfikar khan, who was orchestrating Jinji siege, left the siege on Aurangzeb’s orders and marched back. Santaji followed him to North, but was defeated by Julfikar Khan. Santaji then diverted his forces to Bijapur. Aurangzeb sent another general Kasim Khan to tackle Santaji. But Santaji attacked him with a brilliant military maneuver near Chitaldurg and forced him take refuge in Dunderi fort. The fort was quickly sieged by Santaji and the siege only ended when most of the Mughal soldiers starved and Kasim Khan committed suicide. Aurangzeb sent Himmat Khan to reinforce Kasim Khan. Himmat khan carried heavy artillery. So Santaji lured him in a trap in the forest near Dunderi. A sudden, ambush style attack on Mughals was followed by a fierce battle. The battle ended when when Himmat Khan was shot in head and died. All his forces routed and Santaji confiscated a big cache of weapons and ammunition.



By now, Aurangzeb had the grim realization that the war he began was much more serious than he thought. He consolidated his forces and rethought his strategy. He sent an ultimatum to Zulfikar khan to finish Jinji business or be stripped of the titles. Julfikar khan tightened the Siege. But Rajaram fled and was safely escorted to Deccan by Dhanaji Jadhav and Shirke brothers. Haraji Mahadik’s son took the charge of Jinji and bravely defended Jinji against Julfikar khan and Daud khan till January of 1698. This gave Rajaram ample of time to reach Vishalgad.



Jinji fell, but it did a big damage to the Mughal empire. The losses incurred in taking Jinji far outweighed the gains. The fort had done its work. For seven years the three hills of Jinji had kept a large contigent of mughal forces occupied. It had eaten a deep hole into Mughal resources. Not only at Jinji, but the royal treasury was bleeding everywhere and was already under strain.



Marathas would soon witness an unpleasant development, all of their own making. Dhanaji Jadhav and Santaji Ghorpade had a simmering rivalry, which was kept in check by the councilman Pralhad Niraji. But after Niraji’s death, Dhanaji grew bold and attacked Santaji. Nagoji Mane, one of Dhanaji’s men, killed Santaji. The news of Santaji’s death greatly encouraged Aurangzeb and Mughal army.



But by this time Mughals were no longer the army they were feared before. Aurangzeb, against advise of several of his experienced generals, kept the war on. It was much like Alexander on the borders of Taxila.



The Marathas again consolidated and the new Maratha counter offensive began. Rajaram made Dhanaji the next commander in chief. Maratha army was divided in three divisions. Dhanaji would himself lead the first division. Parshuram Timbak lead the second and Shankar Narayan lead the third. Dhanaji Jadhav defeated a large mughal force near Pandharpur. Shankar Narayan defeated Sarja Khan in Pune. Khanderao Dabhade, who lead a division under Dhanaji, took Baglan and Nashik. Nemaji Shinde, another commander with Shankar Narayan, scored a major victory at Nandurbar.



Enraged at this defeats, Aurangzeb himself took charge and launched another counter offensive. He laid siege to Panhala and attacked the fort of Satara. The seasoned commander, Prayagji Prabhu defended Satara for a good six months, but surrendered in April of 1700, just before onset of Monsoon. This foiled Aurangzeb’s strategy to clear as many forts before monsoon as possible.



In March of 1700, another bad news followed Marathas. Rajaram took his last breath. His queen Tarabai, who was also daughter of the gallant Maratha Commander-in- Chief Hambeerrao Mohite, took charge of Maratha army. Daughter of a braveheart, Tarabai proved her true mettle for the next seven years. She carried the struggle on with equal valor. Thus began the phase 3, the last phase of the prolonged war, with Marathas under the leadership of Tarabai.



The signs of strains were showing in Mughal camp in late 1701. Asad Khan, Julfikar Khan’s father, counselled Aurangzeb to end the war and turn around. This expedition had already taken a giant toll, much larger than originally planned, on Mughal empire. And serious signs were emerging that the 200 years old Mughal empire was crumbling and was in the middle of a war that was not winnable



Mughals were bleeding heavily from treasuries. But Aurangzeb kept pressing the war on. When Tarabai took charge, Aurangzeb had laid siege to the fort of Parli (Sajjangad). Parshuram Trimbak defended the fort until mansooon and retreated quietly at the break of monsoon.The mughal army was dealt heavy loss by flash floods in the rivers around. These same tactics were followed by Marathas at the next stop of Aurangzeb, Panhala. Similar tactic was followed even for Vishalgad.



By 1704, Aurangzeb had Torana and Rajgad. He had won only a handful forts in this offensive, but he had spent several precious years. It was slowly dawning to him that after 24 years of constant war, he was no closer to defeating Marathas than he was the day he began.



The final Maratha counter offensive gathered momentum in North. Tarabai proved to be a valiant leader once again. One after another Mughal provinces fell in north. They were not in position to defend as the royal treasuries had been sucked dry and no armies were left in town. In 1705, two Maratha army factions crossed Narmada. One under leadership of Nemaji Shinde hit as deep North as Bhopal. Second under the leadership of Dabhade struck Bharoch and West. Dabhade with his eight thousand men,attacked and defeated Mahomed khan’s forces numbering almost fourteen thousand. This left entire Gujarat coast wide open for Marathas. They immediately tightened their grip on Mughal supply chains.



In Maharashtra, Aurangzeb grew despondent. He started negotiations with Marathas, but cut abruptly and marched on a small kingdom called Wakinara. Naiks at Wakinara traced their lineage to royal family of Vijaynagar empire. They were never fond of Mughals and had sided with Marathas. Dhanaji marched into Sahyadris and won almost all the major forts back in short time. Satara and Parali forts were taken by Parshuram Timbak. Shankar Narayan took Sinhgad. Dhanaji then turned around and took his forces to Wakinara. He helped the Naiks at Wakinara sustain the fight. Naiks fought very bravely. Finally Wakinara fell, but the royal family of Naiks successfully escaped with least damage.



Aurangzeb had now given up all hopes and was now planning retreat to Burhanpur. Dhanaji Jadhav again fell on him and in swift and ferocious attack and dismantled the rear guard of his imperial army. Zulfikar Khan rescued the emperor and they successfully reached Burhanpur.



Aurangzeb witnessed bitter fights among his sons in his last days. Alone, lost, depressed, bankrupt, far away from home, he died sad death on 3rd March 1707. “I hope god will forgive me one day for my disastrous sins”, were his last words.



Thus ended a prolonged and grueling period in history of India. The Mughal kingdom fragmented and disintegrated soon after. And Deccan saw rise of a new sun, the Maratha empire.





Reflection: Strategical Analysis:



In this war, Aurangzeb’s army totaled more than 500,000 in number (compared to total Maratha army in the ballpark of 150,000). With him he carried huge artillery, cavalry, muskettes, ammunition and giant wealth from royal treasuries to support this quest. This war by no means a fair game when numbers are considered.



The main features of Aurangzeb’s strategy were :-



Use of overwhelming force to demoralize the enemy – This tactic had proved successful in Aurangzeb’s other missions. Thus he used this even in Maharashtra. On several occasions giant Mughal contigents were used to lay siege to a fort or capture a town.



Meticulously planned sieges to the forts – Aurangzeb knew that the forts in Sahyadri formed backbone of Maratha defense. His calculation was to simply lay tight siege to the fort, demoralizing and starving the people inside and finally making them surrender the fort.



Fork or pincer movements using large columns of infantry and cavalry – With large number of infantry and cavalry, pincer could have proved effective and almost fatal against Marathas



Marathas had one advantage on their side, geography. They milked this advantage to the last bit. Their military activities were planned considering the terrain and the weather.



The main features of Maratha strategy were :-



Combined offensive-defensive strategy – Throughout the war, Marathas never stopped their offensive. This served two purposes. The facts that Maratha army was carrying out offensive attacks in Mughal land suddenly made them psychologically equals to Mughals launching attack in Maratha land, even though Mughals were a much bigger force. This took negative toll on Mughal morale and boosted morale of their own men. Secondly, these offensive attacks in terms of quick raids often heavily damaged enemy supply chains taking toll on Mughal army.

The forts formed backbone of Maratha defense. Thanks to Shivaji, the every fort had provision of fresh water. The total forts numbered almost 300 and this large number proved major headache to Aurangzeb.



Defense of forts till onset of Monsoon – Forts are an asset in rest of the year, but are a liability in monsoon as it costs a lot to carry food and supplies up. Also the monsoon in coasts and ghats is severe in nature and no major military movement is possible. Thus Marathas often fought till Monsoon and surrendered the fort just before Monsoon. Before surrendering they burned all the food inside. Thus making it a proposition of loss in every way. Often times Marathas surrendered the fort empty, but later soon won it back filled with food and water. These events demoralized the enemy.



Offensive attacks in terms of evasive raids – Marathas mostly launched offensive attacks in the region when Mughal army was away. They rarely engaged Mughal army in open fields till later part of the war. If situation seemed dire, they would retreat and disperse and thus conserve most of their men and arms for another day.

The rivers Bhima, Krishna , Godavari and the mountains of Sahyadri, divide entire Maharashtra region is in several North- South corridors. When Mughal army traveled South through one corridor, Marathas would travel North through another and launch attacks there. This went on changing gradually and in the end, Maratha forces started engaging Mughals head on.



A noted historian Jadunath Sarkar makes an interesting observation. In his own words, “Aurangzeb won battle after battles, but in the end he lost the war. As the war prolonged, it transformed from war of weapons to war of spirits, and Aurangzeb was never able to break Maratha spirit.”



What Marathas did was an classic example of assymetric defensive warfare. The statement above by Mr. Sarkar hides one interesting fact about this assymetric defense. Is it really possible to lose most of the battles and still win the war?



The answer is yes, and explanation is a statistical phenomena called “Simpson’s paradox.”. According to Simpsons paradox, several micro-trends can lead to one conclusion, however a mega-trend combining all the micro-trends can lead to an exact opposite conclusion. Explanation is as follows.



Say two forces go on war, force A with 100 soldiers and force B with 40 soldiers. Now say in every battle between A and B, the following happens.



If A loses, they lose 80% of the soldiers fighting.

If B loses, they only lose 10% of the soldiers fighting.

If A wins, they lose 50% of the solders fighting.

If B wins, they lose only 10% of the soldiers fighting.



In the case above, the ratio of (resource drain of A / resource drain of B ) is higher than (initial number of A soldiers / initial number of B soldiers). So even if A wins battle more than 50% of the time, they will lose their resources faster and, in the end, will lose the war. All B has to do is keep the morale and keep the consistency.



One of the most famous warrior in ancient Indian history seems to agree with the conclusion above. In “Bhishma- perva” of Mahabharata, pitamah Bhishma begins the war-advice to king Yudhisthira with a famous quote -

“The strength of an army is not in its numbers”





It was not Shivaji’s personality but his vision and his values was what Deccan fought for. They imbibed that vision and made it their own. After that, they were not fighting for their hero, they were fighting for themselves. The secret of why people simply refused to surrender to Mughal power can be found not in Shivaji’s heroics, but somewhere else. The secret lies in the reforms he brought.



During the short span of his governance, Shivaji brought a manifold of reforms. For the purpose of discussion, I will divide them into four categories. Governance reforms, political reforms, defense reforms and social reforms.



Governance reforms deserve first attention. After the coronation, Shivaji put in place fully functioning governance consisting of Ashta-Pradhan (eight ministers). These eight men were noted statesmen in their era. They laid foundation of formal economic policy, foreign policy and other functions of government.



One key aspect differentiated Shivaji’s governance through ministers from the prevailing “watan and jahagir” type of governance – division of work based on function rather than geography. To put in management terms, this was “horizontal decentralization” where each minister was responsible for only one function, say judiciary branch, but was responsible for the entire empire. This was much better than vertical decentralization of “watan” system, where one person would be named in charge of all affairs of a small region. Horizontal decentralization helped keep uniformity across the whole empire and made it easy for people to migrate, do business, and remain one political entity. Also when divided this way, different branches of government keep check on each other and stop each other from running amok. These ministers kept military focused on the military objectives. They checked personal rivalries between individual commanders. In addition these ministers provided a crucial diplomatic support complementing the military ventures.



Second, Defense strategy reforms. The combined choice of Guerrilla warfare as tactics, the reliance on light infantry and and a solid line of more than 300 strengthened forts represents Shivaji’s coherent defense strategy. Unlike Rajputs, who stuck to their code of warriors even as Mughal and Persian invaders broke every possible rule of ethics, Marathas retaliated in tit-for-tat way. They preferred guerrilla warfare for defense and engaged in open field battles only when necessary. They never disrespected the women like Khilji and Ghori did, so they were certainly ethical minded. But they never shied from attacking their enemies at night if required. They were more committed to the political objective than the personal objective of bravery.



Additionally Shivaji launched Navy. Though the Maratha ships were smaller and the weapons inferior in technology, they gave Marathas capabilities to open a sea front. This sea front played a big role in the 27 year war by blocking Aurangzeb’s supply chains from Surat.



Several social reforms were introduced as well. It is largely this statesmanship of Shivaji that laid the foundation of indefatigable Maratha resistance. Common people fought because ,for them, going back to the horrors of previous governance was simply not an option.



On the economic front, there was a taxation reform. The previous empires had followed a system of taxation that was predatory or at times outright cruel. They had appointed Jameen-dars that collected tax on their behalf. The amount that was to be deposited in the royal treasury was fixed, but the amount that was to be collected from the peasants was left to Jameen-dars. These jameen-dars exploited this opportunity to fill their treasures, driving the farmers to bankruptcy. Over the years these Jameen-dars had built big castles, had their own armies, their own courts and they enjoyed being mini-kings.

Shivaji scrapped this system of taxation and introduced taxes where the amount that was to be collected from the peasants was fixed. The appointed officers were given only limited mandate and authority to carry out their duty – to collect taxes. They were often transferred, preventing them from developing too strong local ties. If in any year it did not rain and the farmers lost their crops, the taxes were waived.



Shivaji’s fiscal policies were conservative. Thus no magnificent monuments like Taj Mahal or Royal Mughal gardens were built by Shivaji. But it was him for whom his nation was ready to die. This fiscal conservative bend shows a striking resemblance to another visionary leader. After the American revolutionary war, Thomas Jefferson refused to pay for the extravagant ballroom maintained by British Viceroy in Virginia colonies noting that ” such mansions represent colossal waste of taxpayer money”.

By contrast, Deccan Sultanates and Mughals had shown little interest in welfare of people. During the 22 years that took to build Taj Mahal, three times there was severe draught and hundreds of thousands of people died. But Shahjahan focused all the money and efforts on building a tomb for his wife.



It’s indeed an irony that that Taj Mahal has become symbol of India while the forts that cradled the first “swaraj”, first rule of people, languish in desolation.



Epilogue:



For centuries , the mountains and valleys, towns and villages of Deccan had gotten used to being a pawn in the game of power. They changed hands as kingdoms warred with each other. They paid taxes whoever was in a position to extract them. For the most part they remained in a sleepy slumber, just turning and twisting in their bed.

Once in a while they sent their sons to fight in battles without ever asking why exactly the war is being launched. Other times they fought amongst themselves. They were divided, confused and did not have high hopes about their future.

This was the condition of Deccan when Shivaji launched his first expedition of fort Torana in 1645. By the time of his death mere 35 years later, he had transformed Deccan from a sleepy terrain to a thundering volcano.



Finally, here was a man whose vision of future was shared by a large general audience. An unmistakable characteristic of a modern concept of “nation-state”. Perhaps the most important factor that distinguishes Shivaji’s vision is that it was “unifying”. His vision went beyond building an army of proud warriors from warrior castes. It included people from all rungs of society sharing a common political idea and ready to defend it at any cost. His vision went far beyond creating an empire for himself in Maharashtra. It included a building confederacy of states against what he thought were foreign invaders. He was trying to build an Alliance of Hindu kingdoms. He went out of his way to convince Mirza-Raje Jaisingh to leave Aurangzeb. He established relations with the dethroned royal family of Vijaynagar for whom he had tremendous respect. He attempted to unify the sparring Hindu power centers.



And they responded. Sikhs in Punjab, Rajputs in Rajasthan, Nayaks in Karnataka, rulers of Mysore, the royal family of Vijaynagar were of valuable help to Shivaji and later to Marathas. It was certainly a step towards a nation getting its soul back.



While he was creating a political voice for Hindus, Muslims never faced persecution in his rule. Several Muslims served at high posts in his court and army. His personal body guard on his Agra visit was Muslim. His Naval officer, Siddi Hilal was Muslim. Thus Shivaji’s rule was not meant to challenge Islam as a personal religion, but it was a response to Political Islam.



Last but not the least, we must give due respect to one more thing. The seeds of every political revolution can be traced back to a spiritual one and this was no exception. The “Bhakti” movement in Maharashtra that began with 12th Century saint Dnyaneshwar and spearheaded by saint Tukaram (who was contemporary of Shivaji), played a role of social catalyst of immense effect. It created a forum, a pool in society where everyone was welcome. The shackles of cast system were not broken, but were certainly loosened. Once people were on the same page spiritually, it was easier for Shivaji to get them on the same page politically.



It’s tempting for a Maharashtrian to claim the root of success of Marathas solely be in Maharashtra. But at the height of it’s peak, only 20% of Shivaji’s kingdom was part of Maharashtra. When Marathas launched northern campaigns in 18th century, it was even more less. Soldiers in Maratha army came from diverse social and geographical backgrounds including from areas as far away as Kandahar to West and Bengal to East. Shivaji received a lot of support from various rulers and common people from all over India.



Thus limiting Marathas to Maharashtra is mostly a conclusion of a politician. It must be noted that the roots of Maharashtra culture can be traced to both ancient Karnataka and Northern India. Shivaji himself traced his lineage to Shisodia family of Rajputs. Maharashtrians should not be ashamed to admit that their roots lie elsewhere. In fact they should feel proud that land of Maharashtra is truly a melting pot where Southern and Northern Indian cultures melted to give birth to a new vision of a nation. Shivaji was far more an Indian king than a Maratha king.



Dear readers, here ends the story of an epic war. I hope this saga gives you a sense of realistic hope and a sense of humble pride. All you might be doing today is sitting in a cubicle for the day ,typing on keyboard. But remember that the same blood runs in our fingers that long long time ago displayed unparalleled courage and bravery, the same spirit resides within us that can once soured sky high upon the call of freedom.



Jai Hind !!



—–



References:



“History of Mahrattas” by James Duff – http://www.archive. org/details/ahistorymahrat t05duffgoog



“Shivaji and His Times” by Jadunath Sarkar – http://www.archive. org/details/cu319240240567 50



“A History Of Maratha People” by Charles Kincaid – http://www.archive. org/details/historyofmarat ha02kincuoft



“Background of Maratha Renaissance” by N. K. Behere – http://www.archive. org/details/backgroundofma ra035242mbp



“Rise of The Maratha Power” by Mahadev Govind Ranade – http://www.archive. org/details/RiseOfTheMarat hapower



“Maratha History” by S R Sharma – http://www.archive. org/details/marathahistory 035360mbp

[Bharatvarsh2]

It seems that certain denizens of a well known military forum are in fact worse than jihadis and ghazis for they have managed to place the Marathas on par with a Muslim fanatic like Tipu.



An idiot named samay there kept yapping away about the greatness of Tipu and mentioned the Peshwa's and Aurangzeb in the same breath.



Another talked about how the Mughals before Aurangzeb supposedly treated Hindus reasonably well. I suppose he never heard of what was done to Guru Arjun Dev or Akbars massacre of 30,000 unarmed Hindus at Chittor or Shah Jahan's demolishment of Hindu temples. If this means being treated well then I wonder what being treated badly would mean in his book.



Reading this reminds me of Aurobindo's words about the lack of ability to think among modern Hindus.



Truly these andha-s are a disgrace to the blood of our ancestors and far worse than Kasab or any other terrorist for they are stabbing their own heritage in the back.



Baji Rao & Shivaji must be rolling around in their graves to see that these are the degenerates for whose freedom they fought.



Tipu's great jihadi deeds are documented here for anyone interested:



http://voiceofdharma.com/books/tipu/



http://www.sabha.info/history.html

[Bharatvarsh2]

The scope of shivAjI’s plan of svarAjya

dADhi ke rakhaiyan kI DADhi sI rahati cHAti bADhI marjAda jasa hadda hinduvAne kI |

kaDhi gaI raiyati ke mana kI kasaka saba miTi gaI Thasaka tamAma turakAne kI |

bhUShaNa bhanata dilIpati dila dhakadhakA suni suni dhAka sivarAja mardAne kI |

moTI bhayI chaNDI binu-choTI ke chabAya sIsa khoTI bhaI sampati chakatA ke gharAne kI ||



The hearts of the beards burn like bonfires, such now are growing the bounds of the Hindu Nation!

Hopes of people are all answered, such is being demolished the vainglory of turuShka-s!

bhUShaNa says this hearing the heartbeat of the lord of Delhi in awe of king shivAjI the manly –

that chaNDI grows fat chewing the shikhA-less heads and wealth of the house of Chaghadai now lies in waste!!

(Verse and translation is provided by shrI Sarvesh Tiwari, whom I would like to thank for bringing my attention to this verse).



The above verse of the hindI kavI bhUShan captures the triumphal spirit of the Hindus that was awakened by the coming of the founder of the mahArATTa nation. As nAlanda and jagaddala were burning the bauddha-s felt that the dharma was supposed to end in jambudvIpa after 1500 years from the birth of the sAkyasiMha. They turned in their last days to the Hindu hope that end of the kAlI would be marked by the coming of kalkin to relieve the world of the sores caused by the dasyu-s, turuShka-s and mlechCha-s (cf. kAlachakra tantra). Now with the coming of shivAjI and with the turuShka-s being routed for the first time in ages, some Hindus even thought it was the epic end of the kali yuga. Even as shivAjI was bringing down the silsila-i-guergen, he was in a sense enacting a Hindu version of the epic played a few centuries ago by Chingiz Kha’khan. On his deathbed, just before the fall of the Tangut kingdom, Chingiz laid out the plans of vast conquest that his successors were to follow. He advised them to finish off the Tanguts and then send an army south-west to crush the remnants of the Moslem sultan and the Kalif of Baghdad. Another army was to be sent westwards to conquer the Russians and advance into Europe. A third force was to conquer the Kin empire and then complete the conquest of China by destroying the Sung. Unfortunately for the Hindus, shivAjI did not live as long as Chingiz Kha’khan. But the evidence suggests that he too had clearly made his grand plans. In a letter of 4th June 1691 CE the mahArATTa ruler rAjArAm lays out the ultimate goal of their struggles to one of his generals, hanamantrAv ghorpaDe: He states that their objective is to first reconquer Raigad, the old capital of shivAjI. Then he proposes the successive conquest of Bijapur, Golconda and Aurangabad to secure the whole of peninsular India. Then he proposes a thrust towards Delhi to put an end to Islamic rule in India. Now, it is a bit unusual for the ruler who was being hemmed in at Gingee by the Moslem marauders to make such a drastic claim. But as TS Shejwalkar pointed out that the evidence of the Aj~nA-patra suggests that this comes from the mind of shivAjI himself (we will return to that shortly). Even as the great Jihad of Awrangzeb was still in progress, in 1697 CE, Moslem astrologers made forecasts that the Mogol empire might come to an end and Hindus might take Delhi. Hindu writers were clearly mentioning the end of Mohammedanism and the end of Masjids. These are other hints that the plan of shivAjI was not an unknown one.



The family of sono paNDit

sono (sondev) paNDit was a R^igvedin brAhmaNa, whose family according to some sources came from the village of Bahut (unlocated) and according to others from a village in the Thane district. He was appointed to the administrative staff by shAhjI. In the beginning of shivAjI’s career a number of young brAhmaNa-s where attracted towards his plan of svarAjya and contributed their intellectual and organizational abilities to his cause. These included the sons of sono paNDit, the sons of nArAyaN paNDit hanmante (raghunAth and janArdan) and the “pillar” (to use MG Ranade’s word) of shivAjI’s power paNDit moro tryaMbak pingLe. Of the sons of sono paNDit, the elder son AbAjI paNDit was the first one to be deployed as a part of shivAjI’s plan to roll back to the Islamic powers from India. After securing the lands originally granted to shAhjI, shivAjI sent AbAjI to sack Kalyan. This old seat of power of the Andhra-s, where the records of the somayAga-s performed by their emperors still survive, had been seized by the Moslems during the great Jihads of Khalji and Tughlaq. The Mogols had taken it during a Jihad initiated by Akbar and a masjid had been erected on a temple during that invasion. So it was of great significance when AbAjI sondev reconquered it from the Moslems against considerable odds due to intelligent strategy, captured the local treasury and even imprisoned its governor Mullah Ahmed. It marked shivAjI-s first successful outward strike, planned to secure an outpost in the Northern Konkan to make further inroads into Islamic territory. AbAjI was also involved the planning of new mahArATTa towns like Kalyan, construction of forts including rAigaD along with moro. He was a revenue auditor for the mahArATTa nation and was one of those entrusted with running the kingdom while shivAjI was detained in dilli. His brother nIlo (nIlkaNTh) paNDit planned and executed the storming of formidable purandhar fort (earlier ceded to the Mogols). He was also the accountant general of the kingdom and also served briefly as a leader of the marATha fleet. He along with shivAjI led the naval expedition to conquer Basrur in southern coastal Karnataka to prevent the mlechCha-s from getting a foothold. Then nIlo died relatively young leaving behind two sons. The first was dull-witted, while the second, named rAmachandra paNDit at the saint rAmadAs’ behest, inherited his family’s intelligence. The rAjan was quick to spot this and had made him the chief administrator of the naval head quarters at the sea fort of Sindhudurg. He was then made accountant general at the age of 20 as the shivAjI felt that he saw in him a man who would rise to even greater heights than his father [Footnote 1]. At the age of 24 he was promoted to the post of amAtya of svArAjya and was one the officiants at the rAjyAbhisheka of shivAjI. Thus, the family of sono paNDit was close to shivAjI and was a part of his plan from an early age. Their numerous memoirs were preserved among the papers of the Kolhapur raj, in which it is stated that they had the records of the ideas and plans of shivAjI. It was rAmachandra that composed the famous Aj~nApatra which lays out clearly the vision of shivAjI. Here some points are of note in this rather remarkable document: 1) He states that they must not stop after clearing the lands from the Narmada to Rameshvaram of the kaNThaka-s and the followers of the lord of the yavana-s. Instead he makes it clear that the war should be pursued until the lands of Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Dacca, Bengal, Tattha and the whole sea coast is conquered. Finally, after these conquests the li~Nga of vishveshvara should be re-established in vArANasI. 2) He stresses the importance of securing the coast against several types of inimical forces such as phirangi (Portuguese), ingrej (English), valAndej (Dutch) and shyAmala (Africans) by raising a naval force that can counter them.



At the shmashAna of rAjArAm

With the fierce shUdra, the feral brAhmaNa and the most intelligent of strI-s, Mis-creant, we stood atop the massif of kauNDinya beside the samAdhi of rAjArAm, the third ruler of the mAhArATTa nation. The afternoon was exceedingly still and not even a breeze blew. The blazing rays of savitar’s eye glancing of the ear studs of Mis-creant danced all around on the shrubbery – now falling on a hemp herb and then on a dattUra plant. This sent us into a reverie. In 1698 after having escaped from the siege of Gingee rAjArAm returned to mahArAShTra. On the vijaya dashamI of 1699 he decided to take to field himself against the Moslems and proceeded northwards with a strong force commanded by dhanAjI jAdav. They encountered several Mogol detachments on their way and were about to fall into an ambush by a large force under Zulfikar Khan. Here rAjArAm received a secret communication from within the Mogol camp from shambhAjI’s captive wife yesubAI. Seeing, that they were outnumbered by the Mogols, rAjArAm led his men towards Brahmapuri (renamed Islampur by the Padishaw). He hoped to attack the Mogol camp directly to try to liberate shAhu. In December of 1699 rAjArAm launched a furious attack on the Mogols, which he describes in a letter sent on 22 Dec 1699 to inactive marATha sardArs to participate in the fight for the svArAjya. Awrangzeeb getting wind of the attack from his spies quickly escaped. However, the marATha-s arrived before he could complete the retreat and several prominent Mogol families and the Awrangzeeb’s daughter were taken captive. In honorable Hindu tradition she was released unharmed. She remembered the favor and made good by helping bAlAjI vishvanAth later to obtain the release of yesubAI. The marATha-s attacked the Mogol baggage train and carried of the supplies borne by 10,000 pack animals. rAjArAm confidently declared that the Mogol army would be routed in the near future. On the way to Satara which was being besieged by Awrangzeeb in person, rAjArAm suddenly collapsed. He was conveyed by a palanquin to Simhagad, where he plied himself with cannabis and opium to easy his pain, perishing on 2 Mar 1700 at the age of 30, probably from an overdose.



Even as the Jihad was thus grinding down peninsular India the plan of shivAjI, outlined in the Aj~nApatra remained imprinted in the mind AmAtya rAmachandra. From his station at Vishalgad he conducted the war non stop, strategizing constantly, and deploying his troops with extraordinary fortitude. His key move was to keep the focus on taking northern India as per the plan even as the Mogol forces incessantly hammered the marATha-s. In 1699 he dispatched nemAjI shinde and a brAhmaNa warrior chimnAji dAmodar to attack Malwa. In the battle with the Mogols, Hussain Khan the governor of Thalner was captured by nemAjI and ransomed for a sum of Rs 200,000. This greatly shook up Awrangzeeb. Then the marATha-s incited the Gond tribals who had been converted to Islam to rise against the Mogols under their leader Buland Bakht of create internal friction in the Islamic ranks. In conclusion the momentum of marATha-s even as their kings perished could be compared to that of the Mongols under the sons and grandsons of Chingiz Kha’Khan. The adherence to the visionary plan helped them achieve much more than what would have been possible given their own personal limitations – especially in the case of shivAjI, given that his successors, rAjArAm and shAhu, lacked his vigor.



mAdaNNA, akkaNNA and Gingee

The sun was barely up but that morning but Bhaganagari was already turning into a cauldron. With the non-jAmadagnya vatsa, whose ancestor had been part of the great marATha thrust to the south and our coethnic, the organic chemist, we set out to the south of the city in a van. We had a raucous time debating on the models of ocular development of insects and at other times on the chemistry of amines. Ere long we were at the suburb of Maheshwaram – it was not swank as it is these days back then. The chemist led us through some interesting sights and finally took us to the ruins of a vast temple of rudra. It was probably the largest temples in south India built since the end of the choLa-s by akkaNNA, the brAhmaNa minister of the Qutbshah. As we took in the ruins we realized that the complex might have been an enormous one announcing the revival of the Hindus in the midst of the turuShka terror. In 1685, after akkaNNA and his brother mAdaNNA had been murdered by the Mohammedans, the Mogol shahzade Muazzam Shah Alam invaded Bhaganagari and ravaged it. The first target of his was this enormous temple of rudra – how, he asked could a temple of the Kaffirs, be constructed in an Islamic sultanate? Promptly he restored Islamic order by demolishing it [Footnote 2]. As we stood there we passed into a reverie for couple of minutes when our silence was broken by the voice of the non-jAmadagnya vatsa. On our return in an animated discourse we pieced together the narrative of the great Hindu “revolution” within the Qutbshahi sultanate. Its great significance to shivAjI’s southern conquest is normally ignored by most Hindu authors who might be caught in the never-ending argument of whether akkaNNA and mAdaNNA were mahArAShTrI or telugu smArta-s.



In the Sultanate of Nizamshah the learned brAhmaNa paNDita dalapati (author of nR^isiMha prasAda) began a project of subverting Islamism from within. He worked his way by his eloquent ways to the Sultan’s inner circle and convinced the Sultan to relax the Sharia on the Hindus and instead allow them to be governed separately by the dharmashAstra. He also got the Sultan to construct facilities for Hindu astronomers to carry out their studies. As a result of such efforts the Hindus got some space for themselves in the Nizamshahi Sultanate and endeavored to defend it when it was targeted by the Mogol invasion from the North (we have already talked about the efforts of shAhji on these pages). The Mogols, hence, clearly saw the Nizamshahi as bad Moslems because they were not following the path of the Rasool and they were a target of Jihad. We have Mohammed Yusuf Alawi who had come from Syria to wage Jihad on the Hindus on behalf of the Mogols but died from his wounds sustained while fighting a mArATha warrior. An inscription from Northern Maharashtra on his grave states that “Alawi fought with the Kaffirs who had blocked the way of the Musalamans had attained daraja-yi shahadat (i.e. martyrdom in a Jihad) along with his son, relatives and servants”. This movement of Hindus working within continued even after the fall of the Nizamshahi, which shAhji tried to save from the Mogols and turn pro-Hindu (there was an opposing faction of fanatic black Mohammedans led by the brave Ethiopian Maliq Ambar). Here it would worth pointing out the case of Khawas Khan and paNDita-s murAri and narahari. Around the 1620s an interesting individual of the name Khawas Khan came to power in the Adilshahi sultanate at Bjiapur. As a youth Khawas Khan belonged to a jAti of indigenous mAhArAShTrI metallurgists known as the tAmbekar-s. He was captured by the Moslems and converted to Islam. Despite his dark skin and lower position as a convert he arose as result of his intelligence and strategy. Even after his conversion for some reason he appears to have retained his affinities for the Hindus. He spotted a poor but highly intelligent brAhmaNa murAri and patronized him even as he rose through the court ranks. Both Moslem and Dutch sources explicitly mention the intellect and military skills of murAri – coming from hostile parties it must have been clearly notable. This brAhmaNa and his capable nephew narahari worked hard to improve the Hindu condition through administrative and revenue reforms (something which Mohammedans understood very little about). For example, he diplomatically negotiated with the Qutb Shah of Golconda to compensate the Hindu farmers who had been mauled by the Moslem force sent by that Sultan. Then when the Qutb Shah wanted to wage a Jihad, promising the Ghazis one golden Hon for every nose or pair of ears of Hindus they collected, narahari successfully negotiated with him to desist from such a plan (even beating back the ulema’s protestations to the contrary).



When the Mogol invasion of Shah Jahan came upon mahArAShTra, murAri and narahari induced Khawas Khan to organize the defense against the Padishah. Another powerful minister, the Turk Mustafa Khan from Iran wanted to pay a tribute with the Mogols and join hands with them to wage Jihad on the Kaffirs. But murAri somehow managed to convince the Adil Shahi Sultan to imprison Mustafa Khan and continue the resistance against the Mogols who could have inflicted devastation on the land. He also made efforts to prepare for the great famine which was spreading through land, for which the Mohammedans were totally unprepared. As a result of Khawas Khan and murAri’s efforts the Mogols were frustrated. Eventually, the Ulema and the core Moslem headed by the Qutbshahi princess who was a wife of the Adil Shah called on the Sultan to destroy Khawas Khan and murAri as their influence was converting the Sultanate into a Kaffir state. The princess declared that murAri had looked at her by lifting her pardhA and had greatly disrespected the Moslems of the land – so the Kaffir must be killed. First an African assassin was sent by the Sultan to kill Khawas Khan. But murAri dispatched his own African assassin to kill the Sultan himself – he cut down several men before being killed himself. Then murAri and narahari with the mArATha-s loyal to him tried to stage a Hindu rebellion to seize power. The sultan acted quickly he posted the head of Khawas Khan atop a minar of his palace and announced that anyone supporting the Kaffir murAri would be put to death. At the same time murAri also realized that the Hindu population with the Sultanate was under threat and opened negotiation with the Sultan to try to reach a settlement wherein he would separately administer the Hindus, but retain allegiance to the Sultan. But the Sultan struck swiftly – a large ghazi force surprised murAri at night and captured him. He was subject to typical Islamic treatment – dragged by a horse through the streets with Mohammedans jeering at him. His nose, ears and hands were lopped off. He still hurled abuse on the Sultan, when his tongue was cut off and he was paraded on a donkey and finally beheaded. This sent a grim message to Hindus regarding their position under the Sultanate – the message which shivAjI answered fittingly.



Nevertheless, the attempts at internal revolution by Hindus within the sultanates did not stop – this is where we come to mAdaNNA and akkaNNA and their brilliant coordination with shivAjI. mlechCha subversionists or authors influenced by them, such as Jadunath Sarkar (prior to his U-turn), Basham, Laine and Gordon, have characterized shivAjI as a bandit whose main objective was to plunder South India to make up for the expenses stemming from his lavishness towards brAhmaNa-s during his rAjyAbhisheka. This line comes straight from the near contemporary thinking of the Dutch and English agents who saw shivAjI’s southward movements with fear. The Dutch in particular were close to the Moslem elite and feared the arrival of shivAjI. However, the French agent and spy Francois Martin correctly records the objectives of shivAjI and mAdaNNA – it became clear to him that their objective was to restore the whole of the south to Hindu regime. At his indrAbhisheka shivAjI had clearly declared that he would put an end to slavery, and make sure that the Europeans comply with that. Thus, when shivAjI conquered south India he sent a strong message to all the European companies that he was abolishing slavery. He made it explicit that, though under Moslem rulers Europeans could buy and transport slaves across South India, it would no longer be possible in his reign. He also said that Europeans could not make slaves not try to sell any and that the marATha-s would strongly prevent any such activities. Thus, informed by the tradition of dharma, in 1677 shivAjI acted to restore human dignity, even as the mlechCha-s made money from sale of humans while claiming to be the bringers of civilization. It is not very surprising that the mlechCha sources engage in negative propaganda regarding the Hindu rAjA, especially his southern campaign.



The family of mAdaNNA came from the town of Hanamkonda, Northeast of Bhaganagari, where under rudradeva kAkatIya a large temple of viShNu and sUrya had been constructed. The father of the brothers, bhANu-jI paNDita was a revenue administrator of the town and was named after one of the deities of the town. The son mAdhava paNDita (mAdaNNA) and arkaraja paNDita (akkaNNa) were also named after the two deities of the temple. They had other siblings, one of whose sons was rAmadasa, the legendary South Indian classical musician whose tale is told in every traditional South Indian brAhmaNa household. The town of Hanamkonda was ravaged by Awrangzeb, the main temple defaced and the large idols of sUrya and viShNu were broken. Based on various lines of evidence it is clear that the brothers were polyglots who were fluent in Sanskrit, Hindi/Urdu, Marathi, Telugu and Persian [the fact they used the Modi script by default has been taken as the strongest support for their origins in mAhArAShTra]. There is an account of the Dutch agents regarding how mAdaNNA used to translate documents extempore between different languages in the court. They two brothers were initially appointed to aid the Persian official Sayyid Muzaffar in administration. It was then that they initiated the Hindu subversion of the Sultanate. In 1674 they intrigued with the new Sultan who had come to throne after the death of his father Abdullah Qutbshah to get Muzaffar dismissed from office and divested of his weapons and troops. The Mohammedan faction, especially backed by Turks and Persians, tried to restore Muzaffar but mAdaNNA maneuvered to keep him out and had himself appointed as Vazir. He quickly dismissed many of the powerful mullahs in the court and appointed Hindus to key positions. He then induced the Sultan to place his cousin yengaNNA paNDita as a military general so that he could get a handle over the army, which was still dominated by the Mohammedans. By the treaty of Gulbarga he moved to place his brother akkaNNA to keep a tab on the Adilshahi sultanate too. An year later (1675) he formulated the plan to restore peninsular India under Hindu control so that it could be a bulwark against the Mogol incursion to the South. He realized that he needed a Hindu military arm and saw that shivAjI was the man in this regard – an ideal brahma-kShatra alliance of yore could be forged. He right away contacted shivAjI and his brAhmaNa minister aNNAjI paNDit to devise a plan whereby shivAjI would be the mighty protector of the whole south against the Afghans and Mogols. shivAjI, raghunAth hanmante and aNNAjI reasoned that as soon as the Mogols were engaged in the North by other conflicts he could conquer the South completely. shivAjI also quickly realized that for his plans of ousting the Mohammedan power in India he needed the entire South as strategic depth when the Mogols would come to bear on the mahArATTa-s with the full force of the Jihad machine. Thus was born the great strategic coalition of mAdaNNA and shivAjI. As shivAjI worked out the military plan with hambIrav mohite, santAjI bhosle, his half-brother through shAhjI’s south Indian concubine, and his son-in-law harjI mAhAdik, mAdaNNA and akkaNNA put various organizational and diplomatic measures in place.



The brothers firstly worked on improving the situation of revenue administration – prior to them the Islamic agents had local tax collectors whose job was to extract taxes. The Islamic agents had their goons who would bash the tax collectors if they did not rake in the money, and in turn the local tax collectors would terrorize the local population to extract the money. In the reform by the brothers, firstly the Moslem agents were dismissed and replaced by Hindu agents under honest brAhmaNa-s. The tax administrators were then given attractive and regular salaries and a fixed schedule to remit their taxes directly to the revenue office under mAdaNNA. The taxes were assessed based on productivity to the locality and the collectors were kept under multiple layers of surveillance to cut out embezzlement. The Sultan was kept as a pensioner by the brothers and the treasury was to a good measure controlled by them. The revenue reforms by mAdaNNA found a remarkable resonance in a parallel move by shivAjI. He destroyed the old Adilshahi and Mogol system of administration under jAgir-s. Instead, he appointed a regular revenue office that would assess tax and have it remitted directly to the royal treasury. The military was then paid directly from the royal treasury. By military and diplomatic means they also checked the influence of the Dutch, English and the French. To the great dismay of the Dutch they found that they had to pay large fines for their profiteering on the coast. A Dutch diplomat complains how the brothers have displaced the Moslems who were favorable towards the mlechCha-s. The same Dutch diplomat however records akkaNNA as making it clear that as a Hindu the brothers had the interest of the true people of the land in mind, whereas the Mohammedans loyalties lay elsewhere. A subtle, but often ignore point, is that akkaNNA realized by studying the Europeans closely that their power derived from controlling sea trade. He decided that best policy was to create his own merchant navy that could operate directly in the open seas for trade – a Hindu answer of the East India companies. He initiated this by launching three large merchant ships under the Hindu entrepreneur li~NgaNNA that would directly operate off Pulicat. It was this point which greatly alarmed the mlechCha-s, especially the Dutch and the English. In particular akkaNNA took up the cause of the merchants from the tamiL country who were being harassed by the English and sent li~NgaNNA to provide them protection. A similar idea was also taken up by shivAjI who launched merchant ships, albeit of a much smaller size on the west coast. shivAjI used his navy to protect them from attacks from various sea-going mlechCha-s and shyAmala-s.



Within two years mAdaNNA and akkaNNA through their shrewd enterprise had amassed considerable surplus revenues under their control, which they decided to use to help shivAjI in his venture to conquer the south. Accordingly in 1676 shivAjI sent the diplomat nirAjI rAv to negotiate a border truce with the Mogol commander Bahadur Khan. Then he sent his other ambassador prahlAd nIrAjI to be in residence in Golconda and set up the plans with the brAhmaNa brothers. Then in the beginning of 1677 he set out to Golconda and made a grand entry into the Qutbshahi sultanate with 50,000 armed men, leaving the brAhmaNa moro tryaMbak as the viceroy in Raigad. The Sultan was in reality alarmed because of shivAjI’s reputation and agreed to come forward to meet him – fearing he might occupy Golconda. But shivAjI charmed the Sultan by stating that in Hindu tradition the junior always go to meet the elder and he would come as a younger brother. He Sultan was impressed by the discipline of the mArATha army and agreed to meet him in a palatial outpost in Golconda. Flanked by hambIrav mohite and his half-brother Anandrav bhosle, shivAjI first met with the brAhmaNa brothers and then disbursed gifts to the citizens of Bhaganagari. The Sultan upon meeting shivAjI offered him tAMbUla and perfumes and in return shivAjI presented him with a green robe. The Sultan flippantly asked shivAjI how many elephants he had. He pointed to his mAvle infantry men from the ghats and said: “These are my elephants”. The Sultan looked at their burly commander, yesAjI kank and asked him he could fight an elephant. The mAvle said it was not a big deal. The Sultan, fond of blood sport, immediately sent a giant elephant in musth against yesAjI, to the consternation of the marATha-s, But yesAjI took it on with his sword and killed it by cutting of its trunk. Now it was the Sultan and his Mohammedan generals who were alarmed at this display of strength and agreed to whatever demands shivAjI might have.



Thus, using the Qutbshah’s resources shivAjI conquered the fort of Gingee and extended his domain into the south ending the careers of several Jihadis and putting a check on the mlechCha-s who were surrounding the coast. As the drAviDa historian of the kOvaLan clan, nArAyaNan kOn put it he restored the rule of law in those regions. A key development of this campaign was the ability of shivAjI to use the entire in length of peninsular India as strategic depth against the Mogols. He rightly realized that in the head on conflict with the Mogols that was to unfold he would need to effectively use the length of the country against them – it was exactly in this regard that the last kings of vijayanagara had failed in their post-Talikota struggle. But shivAjI’s untimely demise on April 3 1680 resulted in a set back for all these plans. In 1683 after the release of the Mogol ambassador to the Qutubshah from imprisonment, he set about instituting an internal counter-revolution with fellow Mohammedans to destroy the brAhmaNa-s. He unleashed a reign of terror on brAhmaNa-s and as Muazzam invaded Bhaganagari he conspired with the internal Moslems to kill mAdaNNA and akkaNNA. The Qutbshahi Begums themselves arranged for African assassins to kill the brothers when they were returning home from court. The severed heads of the two paNDita-s was send to Muazzam, while their mutilated corpses were put on display in Bhaganagari. Immediately after their murder, a major pogrom was launched against the brAhmaNa-s with every one of their houses looted and for a radius of 50 miles around Golconda and numerous brahmANa-s were slain. Nevertheless, the plans of shivAjI ultimately gave rise to the marATha ascendancy, which in turn gave birth to the modern Indian nation and attenuated if not removed the evils of the religion of peace in peninsular India.



shambhAjI’s letter to rAMsingh

The final exhibit in this epistle is the evidence for the plan of larger Hindu unity throughout India in the marATha enterprise. The rAjpUt-s though diminished in their national sense since the days of the great struggle of mahArANa pratAp and his son amar singh, but they were still not devoid of their Hindu affinities. There were still pockets of brave rAjpUt resistance that was no less in fury than that of the mahArATTa-s. One of these was led by the last of the bundela chiefs, ChatrasAl. As youth he had journeyed to shivAjI to serve in his army. shivAjI asked Chatrasal to found his own enterprise against the Mogols modeled along the lines of the mArATha one and strike Awrangzeb in the North. Chatrasal did accordingly taking Panna and initiating a great war of liberation in the North. When shivAjI was arrested in Delhi rAm singh the son of jai singh helped him with his dramatic escape and prevented his assassination by the Qazi of Delhi. In 1679 when shivAjI was ambushed in his final campaign against the Mogols, kesari singh in the Mogol camp sent a secret message to shivAjI leaking Mogol plans and allowing him and his commander haMbIrrav mohite to escape. Thus, these rAjpUt-s though given to traitorous ways were prone to express their basic sympathies. Their position was not unlike that of most common Hindus of today – they may work faithfully for the enemy, despite having their sub-current Hindu sympathies still intact. The case of rAm singh of Amber, the son of Awrangzeb’s greatest general jai singh exemplifies this. He received a proper Hindu education in Kashi and was well-versed in various shAstra-s and was a practicing vaidika Hindu in the most fanatic Islamic court, just like his father. In addition to helping shivAjI escape from Delhi, rAm singh also helped at his own cost the sIkh guru tej bAhadUr. Awrangzeb wanted to execute the guru, but rAm singh interceded and enabled him to escape a month after tej bAhadUr was given to his custody. Awrangzeb clearly saw rAm singh as being partial to the Hindus and sent rAm singh as punishment with a mere 8000 men against the rAjA of Assam chakradhvaja singh-deva and his most valiant commander-in-chief lachit barphukan. Initially, the Mogol viceroy in Assam, Rashid Khan turned against rAm singh himself, who had to drive him out by deploying a specially trained force of large war dogs. Then rAm singh advanced valiantly with his small force taking fort after fort with the ahom-s in full flight. Just as he neared the ancient pA~ncharAtrika hayagrIva sthala (the root site of the hayashIrSha saMhitA) of Kamarupa, lachit crushed the Mogol forces and pushed them into a retreat. They next tried to take the Darang for but the ahom rANI jayamati routed them in a fierce encounter. Undaunted rAm singh tried to take Gauhati for the Mogols but lachit defeated them again in a fierce battle. There a shAkta tAntrika from kAmarUpa laid an abhichAra on Munawar Khan, a Mogol subhedar, and rAm singh and the former died as a consequence of it and the later retreated in terror. After he was called back from Assam to return home, the attempt by Awrangzeb to convert ajit singh, the infant rAthoD prince, to Islam took place. The brave durgAdAs rAthoD spirited the infant away from the Mohammedans and raised a rebellion against the Mogols by helping Akbar rise against his father Awrangzeb. Then durgAdAs and Akbar were given shelter by shaMbAjI who as they were pursued by the Mogols. Another brave rAjpUt warrior, durjan sAl hADA, also joined the war of liberation in Rajasthan initiated by durgAdAs and caused much havoc by attacking and taking several Mogol outposts and driving them out of much of Marwar which had been taken earlier by the Mogols. There were also great uprisings of the bundela-s Chatrasal, prahAr singh and devI singh and another rAjpUt bhagavant singh against the Moslems in this period. The vaishya gangArAm raised the banner of independence against the Mogols in Bihar and the rAjput gopAl singh chandrAvat joined with the marATha-s to launch a series of attacks on the ghazi-s.



shambhAjI was closely following these developments and he reasoned that a pan-Indian Hindu alliance could bring the Mogols down. Awrangzeb too feared that if the rAm singh who had returned from Assam joined hands with his coethnics who were up in arms against the Mohammedan oppression he could be cut off from Delhi. Hence, he sent of rAm singh under a Mohammedan general to fight the Afridis in Afghanistan who had risen in revolt against the Mogols. In the mean time Awrangzeb took away rAm singh’s son kR^iShNa singh to the Deccan where he was personally leading the great Jihad. But he felt that kR^iShNa singh was conspiring with the durgAdas and the marATha-s, so Awrangzeb assassinated him by means of a Pathan servant in his camp. rAm singh was completely broken by this and shaken even further when Awrangzeb next asked him to send his grandson viShNu singh to the Deccan – after all his own father the famous and faithful general jai singh had been assassinated by Awrangzeb by poisoning him. So around this time shaMbAjI sent two letters in Sanskrit to rAm singh asking him to join the Hindu cause and rise against Mogols. This plan followed exactly along the line shivAjI had laid out earlier, when he tried to induce rAjputs to rise against the Mogols in the North. Thus, it gives a glimpse of the pan-Indian Hindu unity against the Mohammedans that the marATha-s had envisaged.



“vayaM hindUkAH asmAn bhavanto yadAj~nApayanti tad vashyaM vidheyam iti tarhi prakR^ita viShaye shrImadbhir mukhyatAm avalaMbyai tasya yavAnadhamasya sAMprataM sakala hindUkAH sattva shUnyAH shrI-prAsAda-bhaMgAdi dharmopaplavepi svadharma rakShaNAkShamAH svadharmahInA iti manyamAnasthaMs karShaM tathA kShatriya shabdaabidheya viparyathaM tathA shruti-smR^itipsiddha-varNa-ashrama-dharma-prajApAla-rUpa-rAja-dharma-viplavaMchAsahiShNavaH svakosha-desha-durgAdiShu vidhR^itAnAdarA duShTa yavANadhipa pratidvaMdvitayaiva akabara-durgAdAsau svadeshe sthApitau yavanAdhipa-saMbaMdhinaH senAnAyakaH mA kechit kArAgR^ihe sthApitAH kechid dravaM gR^ihItvA mochitAH kechit dharmeNA kechid asmat sainikAnAm utkochaM datvApayAtAH evaM vidhA tat senAnAyakA aprayojakAH asmin samaye yavAnAdhamaH kArAgR^ihastho vidheyaH shrI sthApanAdayaH sarvepi dharmAH pravartitvA iti manasi dhR^itvA tadanukUlam AcharaMa iti vidAM kurvantu tatra bhavantI bhavantaH |”



“We Hindus are weaklings to be ordered around and devoid of an essence, so believe the Mohammedan ruffian (Awrangzeb). The destruction of temples, religious conversions and the idea that we lack the dharma we cannot be borne by us who are known to be kShatriya-s. The shruti and the smR^iti and the ordinance of varNAshrama dharma cannot be desecrated and we cannot neglect the royal duty of taking care of our citizens. We are prepared to sacrifice our wealth, land and forts etc in waging war against the evil lord of the Mohammedans. With this resolved we have offered for two years shelter for Akbar and durgAdAs. We have killed many generals of the Mohammedans, imprisoned others, some after extracting ransoms, others out of kindness and others escaped by bribery. Thus, the Mohammedan commanders have proved to be useless against us. Now the time has come to put the Mohammedan rogue (Awrangzeb) himself in prison and restore our holy sites and reestablish the practices of dharma. We have firmly decided in our mind to execute all this in the near future.”



These bold words of shambhAjI make clear the ultimate objective of svarAjya of shivAjI – the end of the religion of peace and return of dharma.



A point to note in this letter:

“anya~ncha hADA durjana-siMhaH kIdR^ik tasya koshAdi sarvaM bhavadbhir asmAbhiShcha j~nAyata eva paraMtu tena koshAdisthAne dhairyam eva matvA .asmal likhitaanusAreNa katham upaplavo vihitaH sa bhavadbhir adUravartibhiH shruta evAsti itosmAbhir vidhIyate yat tat vidhIyata evedAnIM akabara-durgAdAsau gurjara-deshaM prati preShyete…”



“There is another point. We both know how wealthy and endowed the hADA chief durjan singh was. But he sacrificed his wealth and valiantly raised the uprising at our instigation and you being so near must have seen all of it. Form our side we are planning to send Akbar and durgAdas to invade the Mogol domains in Gujarat.”



This shows that there was probably coordination between the marATha-s and the rAjpUt-s of Bundi in their uprising agains the Mogol yoke. Finally, in the letter shambhAjI mentions how they must prevent the Iranians under Shah Abbas from interfering in the affairs of prince Akbar because this would only lead to increased Moslem interference in India.



Footnote 1: MG Ranade states the rAmachandra paNDit was AbAjI’s son, but most marATha sources to my knowledge state that he was nIlo paNdit’s son.



Footnote 2: The chemist who was a master of the byways of Bhaganagari led us on another occasion to another temple of mAhAkAlI (called the mAhAnkAlI temple) in the heart of the city. It was buried in the property of a Nawab after the murder of the brAhmaNa brothers. After independence and the end of the Islamic tyrant of Bhaga, a moderate Moslem donated the land where the temple material was discovered and returned all temple artifacts that he was able to discover to the Hindus. After this the shrine was revived by purchasing more of the surrounding land from some moslems. However, this fact rankled the inner city Moslems, whose affinity to the Mogols remained undiminished. The non-jAmadagnya vatsa told us that the temple was being targeted by them. In 1998, in supposedly independent India a Moslem mob attacked the temple and destroyed the image of the deity.



http://manasataramgini.wordpress.com/201...-svarajya/

[Chiron]

Why is the thread called History of maratha "Nation" when marathas themselves chose to call their empire as "Hindavi Swarajya (Indian selfrule) is beyond understanding..



In the words of T.S.Shejwalkar, the biggest failure of Marathas was their inability to convince rest of the people about their nationalistic outlook and philosophy.

[ramana]

if you go to the first post which sets the title, the member doesnt belong to IF anymore. So it should be changed to one you suggest.

In the words of T.S.Shejwalkar, the biggest failure of Marathas was their inability to convince rest of the people about their nationalistic outlook and philosophy.

BTW, the comment is very correct. It was the faliure to connect that led to the British colonial period. And even later it made it easy for INC to put Savarkar away.

[Bharatvarsh2]

Mahadji Sindhia: life and times of a Dharmic Warrior







Amidst the fading light the bursts of gunfire and piles of the dead and dying a young man lay dying. Or at least he thought he was dying amidst the wreck of humanity with nearly sixty thousand warriors slain around him. The field of Panipat in early 1761 was stained red with the blood of Marathas and Afghans locked in a fatal and bloody embrace only broken after the last of many charges of Sadashiv Bhau on the numerically stronger enemy.







On the fatal battlefield Mahadji Sindhia lay wounded. His brothers were dead in the service of their people and pursuit of the dream of Hindu Padshahi as envisioned by Shivaji the Great. After seven hundred years of endless warfare the rise of the Maratha peoples had decisively tilted the balance of power between the Hindus and Muslims on the Indian subcontinent. Overreaching ambition however led to the disaster at Panipat but from that dark day the wounded and mangled body of Mahadji Sindhia was dragged from the heaps of the slain to freedom.







His father Ranoji Sindhia had been one of the cavalry leaders of the all conquering Maratha hero Baji Rao as he subdued most of North India. An early start at the age of 10 in the company of his brothers and father on their yearly forays swiftly displayed his aptitude on the campaign trail and ability to mould with the swift and tireless Maratha army. From the deep South of India to the invasion of Punjab in 1757.Mahadji Sindhia at an early age learnt the modes of warfare of Mughal, Afghan, North Indian and Europeans. He watched the irresistible waves of horsemen humble the once mighty Mughals and destroy the pride of the Pathans. But from the field of Panipat the dreams of empire were laid low to a point where none believed they could rise again.







A slow recovery from his wounds led to his elevation to the head of the Sindhia clan and his valour in helping defeat Tipu Sultan exalted his status. The shaky recovery of the Marathas was sealed by their decisive defeat of the Nizam Ali and thoughts of revenge now occupied their minds.







The treacherous leaders of the Indian Afghans was Najib Khan who under the tutelage of Ahmed Shah Abdali had dominated the remnants of the Mughal Empire in North India for the decade after the Battle of Panipat. They had been held at bay only by the valour of Suraj Mal leading the clans of Hindu tribesman known as the Jats in the Mathura region and the arms of the Rajput kingdoms in the deserts of Thar.







But now a new Maratha army was marching again to North India in 1769 to complete their uncompleted mission and amongst them marched Mahadji Sindhia. After a bitter battle before the gates of the Red Fort of Delhi the Afghans fled leaving the Mughals to face the Marathas alone.







Frantic efforts to collect a pan Islamic alliance to defeat the Hindus resulted in a heavy defeat within a short span of time for the Afghans as they were driven from Delhi northwards to Rohilkhand. There following the death of Najinb Khan vengeance caught up with the Afghans as his tomb was torn open in contempt and his bones thrown into a blazing fire. His grandson Ghulam Qadir however escaped. Back in Delhi the Mughal emperor Shah Alam in quivering fear allowed Mahadji Sindhia to become the defacto ruler of the remnants of the Mughal Empire ruled in the name of the Maratha Peshwa.







This was a historical moment which sent a ripple of pride throughout the Maratha Empire a culmination of their century old struggle against the Mughals and foreign domination and an apt succession to the vision of the great Emperor Shivaji. It was also a timely reply to the efforts of the last Muhammadan marauder to test the borders of ancient India - the Afghans, as their dreams of an Indian Empire fell into the dust.







A new enemy however was hovering on the horizon to dim the tide of successes. As the millennia old struggle seemed to have tipped irretrievably towards the Hindus in the rise of the Maratha Empire , the independence of the Rajputs, the rise of the Jats and Sikhs and Bundela kingdom and the rise of the Ahom peoples of eastern India a new threat was rising







The encroachments of European predatory civilisation was steadily overwhelming all indigenous cultures of the world. The regional powers of the erstwhile Mughal Empire was falling one by one to the Hindu resurgence from the end of the 17th Century onwards as the tides of history began turning against them.







Modern trained British forces was already on the subcontinent backing the nefarious tactics of the East India Company and following the devastating raids on Bengal by the Maratha cavalry from the 1740’s onwards the Nawabs of Bengal clung to British protection to save them. The British however continued to pay the yearly tribute from Bengal to the Maratha Empire until the disaster of Panipat. Thereafter the Marathas were locked into a battle for survival and then revival. The intervening decade saw the British establish their stranglehold over Bengal and began the economic rape and devastation of that province.







The attacks of the Marathas and Jats on the province of Awadh under led their Nawab to cling to British protection in 1772 and gave them the opportunity to meddle in Indian affairs. Very soon apart from Mysore virtually all the remaining Muslim states made alliances with the Europeans to preserve themselves against their Hindu adversaries.







The same year saw the death of the head of the Maratha Empire, Madhav Rao and an ensuing struggle for control in which the British saw the chance to push their feet into India. A large and well equipped British forces began to advance towards Pune, the capital of the Empire to be faced by Mahadji Sindhia.







A furious campaign saw the lands before the marching British fired and waves of Marathas cavalry harrying and attacking the British in endless attacks day and night. Eventually desperate with their supplies breaking the British began to retreat to be caught in a pincer movement at Wadgaon and beaten to utter exhaustion. The British force surrendered and signed a treaty of peace with the Marathas in a humiliating loss witnessed by the entire Indian spectrum. The Punic bad faith of the British however allowed them to repudiate the treaty as soon as they could and the war continued for another 7 years. Despite the calling of further troops and resources from across the Empire the British East India Company was eventually unable to continue the struggle and made peace in 1782.







The main architect of the war and peace was Mahadji Sindhia whose stature now rose above all others. He immediately set march for Delhi again and swept aside the pretentions of independence that the Mughals had started reasserting. The man of faith and action had now become the most powerful man in India holding the Mughlas, Afghans and British at bay. He swiftly began to match the Maratha cavalry with a formidable Europeanised infantry units and in the north an alliance with the Hindu Jat tribes of Bharatpur. The empire now starched to the Sutlej river in Punjab with virtually all states being directly or indirectly under their control







This however led to deep resentment amongst the Muslim princes of India, They had either clung to the British for protection or were fleeing across the land in search of protection. Tens and thousands of leaderless Muslims soldiers were sitting idle after the breakup of their states. The leadership of the Afghans was taken up by Ghulam Qadir and that of the Mughal soldiers Ismail Beg. In 1788 whilst Sindhia was in Rajasthan the two warlords gathered their troops to them and raised the banner of revolt. Swarms of Muhamadan soldiers, to whom the domination of the Hindus was intolerable, gathered to them and very soon vast forces were arrayed against Sindhia in the North of India. Delhi itself was taken by Ismail Beg and Ghulam Qadir as the banner of Jihad was raised to unite the confederates.







Sindhia situation was become desperate at the British were also now pressing the frontiers eager to take revenges for their previous humiliations and the spectre of the Panipat campaign began to haunt the Marathas. However with a series of masterful strokes Mahadji combined the waves of Maratha horsemen with the Europeanised Campoo regiments whilst stocking the forts and castles with the sturdy Hindu Jat warriors.







The forts of Agra and Mathura were stormed in a series of bloody battles and the fleeing Muslim coalition fled to Delhi for protection. Here Sindhia caught up with them an enforced a siege on the city. Inside the situation was become increasingly desperate. The calls of the faithful to resist the infidel were beginning to fail and the Emperor Shah Alams heart failed him. Infighting erupted between the Mughals and Afghans and in fury the Afghans cut out the eyes of the Emperor and dishonoured his family only being stopped from murdering the entire royal family by Maniyar Singh a Rajput warrior.







Sindhia took the opportunity to attack the city and after a furious struggle in which fighting erupted from outer walls to the Red Fort he broke the defences. Thousand of Afghans were stripped and dragged through the streets reviled by the city folk who they had tormented. The Mughals fled in utter defeat whilst Ghulam Qadir was captured. The blind Mughal Emperor begged Sindhia for deliverance with the break up of the Muslim alliance.







Indeed it proved the last Islamic enterprise to rule India. The unbroken resistance of the Hindu clans throughout the medieval period had prevented the Turks and Mughals alike from creating little more than armed settlements in the plains of India. Vast tracts remained under the control of Hindu states and warlords which by the close of the 1600’s had lead to huge uprisings which first shook and them brought tumbling down the corrupt edifence of the Mughals. And now a hundred years later the last vestiges of empire combined in a last alliance to break the millennia old resistance of the Hindus to end in utter defeat. Ismail Beg became a wanderer with a handful of followers whilst Ghulam Qadir lay in prison and then to gratify the vengeance of the blinded Shah Alam Sindhia ordered the Afghan prince to be dragged through the streets of Delhi for execution and his dead body to be hung from a tree.







By 1792 Sindhias triumph was complete. His hold over the Maratha Empire in the name of the Peshwa was sealed and defacto over the nominal empire of the Mughals. His name and fame had brought the once proud Mughals and Afghans to their knees and humbled the power of the otherwise victorious British Empire. As a colossus he strode over the plains of Northern India with the inspirational cavalry tactics of his noble predecessor Shivaji the Great combining it with the new model of Europeanised infantry, the campoo regiments. Factories for armaments had been established and the economic stability after decades of warfare was now ensured. The remaining Muslims states, barring that of Tipu Sultan only survived due to the protection and economic pillaging of the British who in their turn shied away from confronting the mighty Sindhia.







His calm nature amidst the turmoil’s of the age stood in stark contrast to his adversaries. His devotion to his spiritual Guru and an unshakeable faith enabled him to deal with confront and defeat the most implacable enemies. His understanding of the political and historical landscape enabled him to complete the military defeat of the remaining Muhamadan powers in the Indian subcontinent and establish a system capable of taking on the European encroachments.







His death in 1795 at a relatively young age changed the political landscape but his contribution is not forgotten or can it be underestimated. He showed that the combination of indigenous innovation and value could not only compete with but emerge victorious over a millennia of genocidal attacks and the tidal wave of monolithic globalisation.







By Sandeep Sharma.







Just a taster from the upcoming Hindu History site www.hinduhistory.info

[Bharatvarsh2]

http://ahilyabaiholkar.wordpress.com/

[Bharatvarsh2]

<<<Dear Sandhya ji,



Thank you for taking up the issue, however in your article you make an

unwarranted snide remark against the peshavA-s, specifically the Greatest of

them bAlAjI bAjIrAva, which is not only unwarranted but also inaccurate on

account of maharaTTA history.



You wrote: <<When in his teens in 1645 CE, he (shivAjI) began administering his

father's estate under a personalized seal of authority in Sanskrit, a hint that

he envisaged independence and adhered to the Hindu tradition… The Peshwa, in

contrast, accepted the Persian script under the influence of a Muslim courtesan,

and narrow-mindedly refused to convert her to Hindu dharma despite her keenness

to embrace the faith. As a result, the Marathas bowed to the Mughal emperor when

they reached Delhi and missed a historic opportunity to re-establish Hindu rule;

a classic case of muscle without mind, power without political sense! The rest

is history.>>



First of all, in context of the then prevailing times, usage of Persian was a

lesser evil, since we like it or not, it was the language of diplomacy and

politics in contemporary times, and was used by even Hindu kings in their

correspondences, before, during and after the times of cHatrapati as well as

peshavA, up until English reduced that language in the status and eventually

replaced it. The then usage of Persian was no worse than your and mine writing

today in English language.



Coming back to shivAjI’s time, even in his court Persian titles and terms gave

way to saMskR^ita ones, very late in his regime. Contemporary chronicler

sabhAsada writes that it was not until the rAjyAbhiSheka ceremony of shivAjI

that the “Sanskrit titles were ordered to be used in future to designate their

offices, and the Persian titles hitherto current were abolished.” Thus it is

then at the rAjyAbhiSheka time that peshavA himself became mukhya pradhAna,

majmuadAr became AmAtya, waqiA-navIs mantrI, shurU-navIs sachiva, dabIr became

sumanta, and sar-i-naubat senApati, and of course under the guidance of none

other than the then peshavA, the father of the more brilliant bAjIrAva. In his

aspiration of rejuvenating and re-establishing the Hindu institutions, including

the language of saMskR^ita, shivAjI was guided by his far-sighted peshavA, in

commissioning of a handbook of working saMskR^ita for his new-founded state, to

later become famous.



Not only this, but a whole chest of letters written by shivAjI to his North

Indian contemporaries, during the early days, used to be in Persian. For

instance, look up his famed letter he sent for maharaja jayasiMha kacHavAhA of

jaipura (then ambara) when he was besieged by the latter. The letter published

by bAbU jagannAtha dAsa of vArANasI, is in Persian but speaks about establishing

a Hindu collaboration to root out the Islamic menace from dillI: “O Great

Monarch mahArAjA jaisiMha… you are a valiant kShatriya, why do you use your

strength to further the power of the dynasty of bAbUr? Why shed the costly Hindu

blood to make the red-faced musalmAns victorious? ... If you had come to conquer

me, you would find my head humbly at the path you tread, but you come as a

deputy of the tyrant, and I can not decide how I behave towards you… If you

fight in championing our Hindu Religion, you shall find me your comrade in arms…

Being so brave and valiant, it behoves you as a Great Hindu General to lead our

joint armies against Emperor instead, and indeed let us go together and conquer

that city of dillI, let us shed our blood in preserving the ancient religion

which we and our ancestors have followed... etc”.



The above letter of shivAjI is, not in maharaTTI or hindI, but in Persian, so

are several others among shivAjI’s letters and orders. One must bear the

contemporary situation in mind, before blaming bAjIrAva of “in contrast,

accepting the Persian script under the influence of a Muslim courtesan”. In

fact, peshavA-s, and in particular this one, as well as his successors, did the

most meaningful service, than any one else since the days of vijayanagara

empire, in reviving the devabhAShA. This is acknowledged even by the

arch-saMskR^ita-bashers like Sheldon Pollock in his “The Death of Sanskrit”,

where he quoted a stanza of a gujarAtI poet who “sensed that some important

transformation had occurred at the beginning of the second millennium, which

made the great literary courts of the age, such as Bhoja’s, the stuff of legend

(which last things often become); that the cultivation of Sanskrit by

eighteenth-century rulers like the Peshwas of Maharashtra was too little too

late; that the Sanskrit cultural order of his own time was sheer nostalgic

ceremony.”



You have it seems not studied the contribution of peshavA-s for the revival of

saMskR^ita, otherwise you would know that after kAshI, it was pUnA which had

become the greatest center of saMskR^ita revival in the eighteenth century. A

flourishing saMskR^ita university was established by peshavA here, and a network

of smaller schools, or Tol, as they were called, throughout the empire, to

educate people in the devabhAShA. Many poetries and commentaries were produced

here, as much as the political situation could afford. I was informed by a

researcher from Grece, whom I once ran into, when he was in India to do some

researches about Greeks living in India in the Eighteenth century, that peshavA

probably contracted a couple of Greeks from vArANasI, to help his scholars in

pUnA translate some of the Greek Classics of Homer into saMskR^ita. I can not

say how true it is, but such impression does reflect on the services of peshavA,

especially the once you blame, in reviving saMskR^ita. Even bAla ga~NgAdhara

tilaka once spoke of the peshavA's services of reviving the ancient Hindu

mother-language.



Coming to the “Muslim courtesan”, you refer to mastAnI here, whom bAjIrAva

“narrow-mindedly refused to convert to Hindu dharma”. Once again, it is nothing

short of blasphemy against the greatest Hindu Warrior and Strategist we have

known since cHatrapati himself. mastAnI was a daughter of a Hindu father and a

Moslem courtesan, and was gifted to bAjIrAv as a companion by cHatrasAla, after

bAjIrAva had decisively hammered the Nizam of Hyderabad in the classic battle of

Bhopal. (Incidentally, it is from this campaign, that he victoriously returned

not only with mastAnI, but also bhUShaNa, who was living his retired life at

bundelakhaNDa under patronage of cHatrasAla, and who accepted bAjIrAv’s

invitation with object of relating to shAhUjI his reminisces of shivAjI – a

poetry that came to be later known as shiva-bAvanI, as it has 52 pada-s, and

related important milestones of shivAjI’s career. The famed “sivAjI na hoto tau

sunnata hota sabakI” is from this work.) It was not bAjIrAva, whose “narrow

mindedness” it was to not allow the re-conversion of mastAnI, but that of the

moronic brAhmaNa-s who had even out-casted bAjIrAv himself on accusations of

eating meat, drinking wine, smoking tobacco, and keeping Moslem wife etc. (You

must know that a son of bAjIrAva through mastAnI, named by bAjIrAv as

kR^iShNarAva, and raised privately by bAjIrAva as a brAhmaNa, and some pUnA

traditions have it that his father had even performed his thread-ceremony, but

he was not accepted as a Hindu by the more orthodox and was forced to live like

a Moslem, and take the name of shamshir bahAdur. This son of bAjI valiantly

fought against abdAlI in the battle of pAnIpat and fell in the field at the age

of 27). Even the thread ceremony and marriages of bAjIrAva’s legitimate sons

even were blockaded by the orthodox chitapAvana-s, if either bAjIrAv or mastAnI

came anywhere near the ceremonies, and indeed bAjIrAv did not attend these!

bAjIrAva’s younger brother, chimanAjI appA, the hero of vassein, too never

accepted mastAnI, and even tried to eliminate her once when bAjIrAv was away

leading the final battle of his life, in finally crushing the Hyderabad Nizam

one more time before his untimely death.



Coming to “As a result, the Marathas bowed to the Mughal emperor when they

reached Delhi and missed a historic opportunity to re-establish Hindu rule”, the

blame is misplaced. Indeed, a closer analysis will show that bAjIrAv’s energies

were continuously driven towards striking down the most potent Moslem power

center of India, the mughal seat in dillI, and he was restrained from completely

taking them out only by shAhUjI himself. One must read the desperate letters

exchanged between him and the maharaTTA generals and his envoyes in dillI court,

at the time of the invasion of dillI by nAdirshAh from Persia. In one letter

there is a clear reference of waiting for the “most perfect time” for

“eradicating the moghal seat and placing the crown of the Emporer on the rANA of

mevADa”. Refer to Vol 2 of New History of Marathas by G S Sardesai for the

complete letter. It was shAhUjI who decided that any misadventure, as he felt,

probably correctly, that maharaTTA power was spread too thin for any such move,

and who issued a decree to this effect to his generals. You cite bhUShaNa, but

ignore what even bhUShaNa says about bAjIrAva! He calls bAjI a “bAja” (hawk of

hunt), who is ready to prey upon the partridges of dillI (the moghals), but is

obedient to his hunter in sitArA (shAhU).



On that note, you are also not correct when you say that bhUShaNa “quit the

Mughal capital in 1671… composed Shiv Bhooshan, a biography”. bhUShaNa was

neither a native of Moghal Capital, nor an employee of Moghals. He had left his

Kanpur home quite early, had gone to several Hindu rulers, like the Kings of

kumAyUM, and of chitrakUTa, before finally reaching shivAjI after hearing of his

miraculous flight from AgrA. Finally, his first book shivarAja bhUShaNa is not

a biography, nor did he intend it to be, but it is a book of poetics as he

himself says in its preface, that “the valour of shivAjI induced in the poet

heart of bhUShaNa, the intention to revive the native poetics, by creating a

blessed collection of meters, embellishments and phrases, which is what he now

intends to take up.”



Please pardon my nitpicking, but your blame on bAjIrAva is a major error which

needed immediate correction.



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hinducivil...sage/41867>>>



<<<<<<It is questionable if Bajirao had conquered Delhi then Maratha Rule

would have continued in India. The Marathas lost out to Ahmad Shah

Durani , as far as I can think, it was due to fighting on a

disadvantageous turf - far off from the Maratha Land, ( b ) Durani's

tactics were superior. The Maratha forces were practically wiped out on

the very first day itself.>>>



Anand ji,



There is little cause-effect connection between bAjIrAv's strategy of encircling

dillI but not wiping out moghal rule, and the loss of field to abdAlI three

decades after bAjIrAv's death.



In my opinion the contours of bAjIrAv's thinking can be summarized thus:



A) It was apparent to him that moghals had already been reduced to nominal

powers, and real military strength of moslems was now moving towards

decentralized independent hands like Bengal, Hyderabad, Awadh, the Afcrican

Black Moslems etc., (and the yet upcoming Hyder Ali in Mysore).



<img src='http://www.india-forum.com/forums/public/style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cool.gif' class='bbc_emoticon' alt='B)' /> North Indian Hindus, especially rAjapUta-s, were still not ready to weild a

common front, much less submit to maharaTTA-s. sikh, jATa, and gorakhA upstarts

were yet to appear prominently on the Radar.



C) He therefore felt, quite correctly, that the policy has to be two fold: one,

somehow not letting the Moslem states to unite under a common banner and open a

common front. two: keeping rAjapUta-s in good humour and not alarming them in

any way. This was possible by pretending for time being to be a friend and

protector of the dillI crown, rather than a foe and predator.



D) This pretension enabled him on two fronts: one, being able to fight one

Moslem power at a time, e.g. the battle of Bhopal, where moghal and awadh

remained neutral while bAjIrAv totally decimated the nizAm's forces ending his

ambitions towards the North. two, rAjapUta-s were not alarmed, as he did not

threaten to replace moghal suzerainty over rAjapUta-s by the maharaTTA one, by

presenting themselves only to be the first among equals in carrying out the task

of Hindu Independence. Refer to his frantic exchange of letters with rAjapUtas,

and urgency of going to dholapura to establish friendship with jaisiMha second

of jaipur, and sending bhUShaNa on a tour of rAjapUtAnA where he conveyed this

message to many houses. bAjIrAv was quite successful in gaining respect and

friendship of North Indian Hindu powers. He became even a personal friend of

many important figures like jaisiMha.



In fact, did not the East India Company imitate exactly the same strategy as

bAjIrAva, several decades later, and with complete success? Clive and

Cornwallis imitated him in great detail -- including posing to be a Hindu

Saviour -- but that subject on some other occasion.



E) shAhU was of the opinion that maharaTTA administration has to be more

solidified, if expansion has to be effective. This was quite correct too.

Since the days of shivAjI, feudal structure, the jAgIradArI and mansabadArI,

which had been the hallmark of moghal administration, was frowned upon.

Generals used to be paid employees of state, not independent jamindars. No

fiefs were allowed, no personal grant of lands, no permanent subedArI etc. a

letter of shivAjI written to his eldest son-in-law clearly reflects this where

he declined the request for a grant of jAgIr to him, explaining his policy.

But this was slightly modified after bAjIrAv when a fort of region was granted

'permanently' to an officer. He himself granted dhAr in MP to the pawAr

Generals, (dhAra was thought to be rightfully belonging to the pawAra-s, the

descendants of Bhojadeva the paramAra). But soon after his death and that of

shAhU, later a vacuum arose in the maharaTTA core, which later peshavA-s tried

to fill, and federalist system became the accepted order. We see the rise of

sindhiyA, holkar, gAyakavADa, bhonsalA etc. eventually leading to the total

decline of the central authority.



F) bAjIrAva was very clear that the Europeans represented a very real danger,

and had decided to not let them play any role in the politics of India.

Therefore his urgency of trying a complete wipeout of Portugese from maharaTTA

lands.



G) Militarily, his huge army consisted only of cavalry, with little or no

infantry, not unlike afghAns. He had pioneered the art of how cavalry should

move and fight in open fields, miles beyond their homeland, and in this it seems

taken cue from Changez Khan's cavalry tactics. (read a wonderful essay by the

AchArya of manasataraMgiNI on this subject.)



H) Which means that on account of unmatched mobility of troops, he was confident

of being able to rapidly reach the trouble zone -- reducing the need for large

permanent encampments of maharaTTA troops. This also allowed him to let moghals

remain in seat and dependant upon maharaTTA-s for protection, while he went

about weakening the other more potent Moslem centers.



Coming to the loss of pAnIpat several decades later. It was a result of exactly

not following the policy of bAjIrAva. maharaTTA-s were openly frowned upon all

over India, hated by Hindus of North India as much as by those of deep south,

bengal and Orissa, due to their ill deeds by now. They were looked upon as

brigands and bandits rather than soldiers of Hindu Independence. National sense

had almost evaporated from them, and replaced by simple lust and greed,

propelled more by a lacking central authority. There are many more resons,

tactical in nature, of the loss of pAnIpat, but this was the root cause for most

part -- they had lost the moral right.



But my insistence remains -- sandhyA jI has done great disservice to the memory

of this National Hero.



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hinducivil...sage/41889>>>



<<<Ravilochanan ji, will you please elaborate on the 1734 loot of nAthadwArA

temple? Which source informs this? I have of course heard about the sack of

nAthadwArA temple before, but the year is extremely unlikely. It would be more

in line with the later maharaTTA sins of looting of cash at tirupati shrine, or

extracting the poll tax from hindU pilgrims visiting the purI temple (that too

at an exhorbitant rate of ten rupees per head from the pilgrims from north and 5

rupees from those coming from southern countries! quite proto-Thackerays!) But

all of these were events of 1750-60s.



I doubt the year you mention because I had once looked up mevADa's attitude

towards bAjIrAva's through mevADian sources itself, especially the personal

correspondances between mahArANA and maharaTTA-s, and at least the neighbourhood

of this year is extremely unlikely since I could not find any mention of such an

obvious fact which should have otherwise been 'in your face'. I shall be

grateful if you can point out what are the sources which substantiate this

claim. Even Tod, who hardly few decades later wrote detailed description of

mevADa does not mention anything like this. In my visits to nAthadwArA I have

failed to get any details about this too, while of course there is evidence of

loot after 1800.



Of course, bAjIrAva had visited mevADa in 1735 after his victorious campaign in

mAlavA, desirous of seeking an interview with the then mahArANA jagata siMha at

udaipura. While maharANA declined to personally see a mere General of a lesser

king, he sent all ceremonial honours suitable for bAjIrAv, and in a written

instruction asked his Prime Minister to receive bAjIrAva with all pomp and show,

and grant him a status similar to a prince. Also interesting is that while

bAjIrAva came to mevADa to negotiate the treaty of chauth payments, the respects

he and shAhU pay to rANA are unparalleled! You may be interested in the

translated text of the letter preserved in mevADA archives and produced partly

by Tod:



shAhU to rANA via bAjIrAva:



"svasti shrI; worthy of all upamA-s; from whose actions results gains; the

regent of vighna-hartA gaNapati; the amR^ita that has emerged through the

churning of the ocean of Arya kShatriya kula; as bright as Sun; who has made a

river from the tears of the wives of our enemies; shrIman mahArAjAdhirAja

mahArANA shrI jagata siMha jI; chief of all the princes of Aryakula; this writes

shrIman shAhU cHatrapati let his humble rAm-rAm reach you!... Here all is well

with your blessings; always honour me by good accounts which I am always

expecting as source of happiness; Your favour was received by paNDita pradhAna

with great respect; ... ; let your favour between us be enlarged; what more do I

write; yours etc..."



rANA wrote to his Prime Minister bihArIlAl to treat this officer with a similar

dignity and protocol with which his own son the crown prince of mevADa was

treated, also remarking, "malhAra had come last year (referring to holkar), but

this one (bAjIrAv) is enormously more powerful, treat him such." A nominal

annual payment of Rs 1,60,000 was agreed between bAjIrAv and bihArI, payable in

three equal parts to sindhiyA, holkar and pawAra. This treaty was kept for ten

years, but after this maharaTTA-s became looters, making yearly raid of

rAjapUtAnA, bengAl, Orissa for no reason other than extracting money.



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hinducivil...sage/41905>>>



<<<Radha Ji, Better to read the maharaTTA history written by MaharaTTI-s themselves who have

produced an excellent breed of historians, with the likes of professionals like

Profs R G Bhandarkar and D K Bhandarkar, Vinayak Rajwade, Kashinath Sane,

Vasudev Khare, Dattatraya Parasnis, Vishvanath Mandlik as well as equally

brilliant although non-professionals like Justice Mahadev Ranade. Even

maharaTTI political thinkers like Balagangadghara Tilak and Vinayak Savarkar

were fine scholars and history writers, in particular Tilak who considering his

situation did a very good job as a native Indologist and historian of maharaTTA

age, writing mostly from the prison cells; the credit of identifying the correct

birth date of shivAjI goes to him. In History-writing I think, maharaTTA people

are second only to the tremendously more polished and brilliant, and my

favourite, the va~NgadeshI-s, who have given some of the best historians Hindu

race has ever produced: the likes of Jadunath Sarkar, D C Sircar and Prof R C

Majumdar.



But sorry I digressed, on maharaTTA history, if one can understand maharaTTI

language then one should read the mammoth 'marAThyAnchyA itihAsAchI sAdhane' of

V K Rajwade. For those of us with disadvantage of not knowing maharaTTI, the

basic readings in English are:



- New History of Marathas (3 vols) by G S Sardesai



- History of the Maratha People by Kincaid



- Papers on Maratha History and Introduction to Peshava's Diaries by Mahadev

Govind Ranade published by RAS Bombay



With focus on Shivaji:



- Life and Times of Shivaji by Sir Jadunath Sarkar



- Grand Rebel: An impression of Shivaji founder of the Maratha Empire by Kincaid



Those only interested in an outline may read:



- Main Currents of Maratha History by G S Sardesai



Most of the above are in public domain, and available from free downloads from

several library sites. Let me know if you can not find.



It is tragic but true that since the take over of History Research and writing

by the secularites, further research on such important subjects as the Histories

of maharaTTA, rAjapUta, jATa, sikha, gorakhA, vijayanagara, and other events of

Hindu revivals has almost come to a halt if not indeed reversed.



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hinducivil...sage/42033>>>



Above posts were from Bodhi, thought people might be interested since they contain some valuable historical info.



<<<Dear Sri Tiwari

Pranaam!!

I found this info when I was going through a history of Nathdwara published by

the Vallabh sect based on their texts (it was available at SriNathji mandir last

year). It was a detailed history of the temple. It had been claimed that the

temple was looted at least twice - once by Holkar in 1734 and once by Daulat Rao

Scindia (the real scoundrel) around 1800. I'll try to get a copy of the book

when I'll visit Nathdwara in a month or so. A friend of mine has 'forgotten'

that he borrowed the book from me. My statement was based on that book. Btw, the

book stated that the Holkars had looted the wealth of the temple and the town.

It did not state that Baji Rao was present in the raid. I personally believe

that it might have been a case of personal robbery by Holkars. But if this is

true, then it turns out that Baji Rao was not able to control his sardars beyond

a limit. It is indeed very sad that a great statesman like Baji Rao (who

destroyed the Portuguese

demons in N.Konkan) had to contend with such robbers as his sardars.



The above info aside, Your translation of the letter is very much appreciated. I

have never seen tis document. Though I have read that Shahu had great respect

for the House of Sisodiyas, Guardians of the legacy of Bappa Rawal (from whom

Shivaji was descended), I have never seen a copy of this letter. Thanks for the

same.

I noted that the letter cited by you refers to Maharana mentioning about

Malhar's visit to Mewar. It calls him very powerful and Baji Rao as more

powerful than Malhar. Is there a reason behind it? Does it point to some

misbehavior by Malhar in Mewar before he was reigned in?

regards

Ravilochanan



http://groups.yahoo.com/group/hinducivil...sage/41955>>>