History Of Freedom Fighters

[ramana]

From Hindu, 15 Aug., 2008
Link:

http://www.hindu.com/2008/08/15/stories/...620500.htm


<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Va. Ve. Su. Iyer, the face of Tiruchi in the struggle for freedom


— Photo: R. Ashok

In Memory: Va. Ve. Su. Iyer memorial in Tiruchi.

Tiruchi district’s share in India’s freedom struggle was personified by Va. Ve. Su. Iyer, the leader who attracted international attention, and the ‘never say die’ attitude of several other inspiring leaders like T. S. S. Rajan, N. Halasyam, P. Rathinavelu Thevar, T. S. Arunachalam, T. V. Swaminatha Sastri, Nana Saheb, P. Sanglia Pillai and Ladapuram Guruswamy.

They stood in the forefront of freedom struggle giving it tough to the British regime. A staunch nationalist, revolutionary, scholar and above all a litterateur, Va. Ve. Su. Iyer (Varahaneri Venkatesa Subrahmanya Iyer) was Born on April 2, 1881 in Varahaneri in Tiruchi city. Selfless and dedicated, he joined hands with those great patriots Maha Kavi Bharathiyar and Aravinder of Puducherry in the freedom struggle and helped to spread patriotic fervour among people.

He initially studied and practiced law. Later, he went to practice in Rangoon (now Yangoon) and from there to London, where he qualified as a barrister. Late Iyer knew many languages including Tamil, English, Sanskrit, Latin and French.

<b>While in England, he met Gandhiji for the first time and spoke to him vehemently about the revolutionary creed as the only means of winning Independence for the country. </b>

<b>While undergoing Barrister course in London, late Iyer developed close contacts with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a revolutionary, who was sentenced to 50 years of imprisonment by the British regime and lodged in the cellular jail in Andaman Islands. </b>

Revolutionary activities of the time in London, Mumbai, Pune and Nasik were traced back to the guidance of Veer Savarkar in London. Finally Veer Savarkar with his associates like Va. Ve. Su. Iyer were arrested and sent back to India for trial in 1910 by a ship. <b>Savarkar and his friends like Va. Ve. Su. Iyer attempted a brave escape from the ship at Marseilles Port in France in 1910. </b>This heroic act became a glorious and legendary chapter in the history of our freedom movement.

Unfortunately for Savarkar, the French Police on Guard captured him and handed him over to the British Authorities.<b> Va. Ve. Su. Iyer managed to swim across the English Channel to elude the British police. Iyer, on his return to India, set up a Gurukula at Chernamahadevi in Tirunelveli district, designed to prepare our young men in the spirit of hoary ancient culture of India, to become true servants of their motherland.</b>

<b>He arrived in Puducherry in 1916 and imparted training to youths in using firearms and preached violence and prescribed political assassination as a means to national freedom. He made special arrangements for the revolutionary activities. He remained in Puducherry till 1920 and then went to Chennai where he continued his nationalistic activities. </b>

Late Iyer edited ‘Desapakthan’ for some time and later started a Tamil literary magazine ‘Bala Bharathi’. He also rendered translation of Thirukkural and Kamba Ramayanam into English. <b>He died at the age of 44 on June 3, 1925.</b>

The State Government, as a mark of respect to this great revolutionary, constructed a memorial at Saraganeri Agraharam in Tiruchi city in 1999. His life history and photographs are displayed and a library is also functioning here.

SYED MUTHAHAR SAQAF

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What an eventful life!

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Dayananda Saraswathi  </b>
<b> The Messenger Of Armed Revolution </b>
The patriotism of Swamy Dayananda was not merely an effusion of words. He was also a man of heroic action. The War of Independence in 1857 was a failure. The Indian National Congress was born in 1885. Swamy Dayananda was one of the heroes who, after the 1857 failure, kept the love of freedom alive in the hearts of Indians till the Congress was founded. For this purpose he travelled throughout India. He tried to bring the princes of different states together and so he founded several

Branches of the Arya Samaj in places like Jodhpur, Udaipur and Shahpur, and many princes became his disciples. Swamy Dayananda was fully convinced that only an armed revolution could drive the British out of India. Therefore he sent a noted revolutionary, Shyamji Krishna Varma, to France, so that he might receive inspiration as well as training for his mission.

Arya Samaj and the gurukulas (homes of gurus wheredisciples stayed and received instruction). shaped patriots and gave them training and inspiration for armed revolution. Swamy Shraddhananda, Bhai Parama- nanda, Lala Lajapat Ray and Lala Hardayal were Arya Samajists who openly fought to drive the British out of India. Famous young revolutionaries like Gendalal Dixit, Roshanial and Ramprasad Bismil were proud to call themselves Arya Samajists.

From the very beginning the British were suspicious of Swamy Dayananda. Therefore, a team of spies followed the Swamiji everywhere. It has been found that the British had a hand in the poisoning of the Swamiji at Jodhpur.
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[Bodhi]

<b>Hunt for martyr skull in cop vaults</b>

14 Aug 2008, 0408 hrs IST, Jhimli Mukherjee Pandey & Krishnendu Bandyopadhyay,TNN

KOLKATA: Somewhere in the vaults of the Kolkata Police records section is a skull with two bullet holes. It holds the key to solving a century-old mystery involving a legendary freedom fighter - and also one of the most macabre chapters of the city police's history during the Raj days.

Many believe the skull is that of Prafulla Chaki, who shot himself in August 1908 after the failed attack on magistrate Kingsford with fellow revolutionary Khudiram Bose.

For decades, Kolkata Police has been trying to solve the mystery. Now, on the 100th anniversary of Chaki's martyrdom, a DNA test will reveal if the skull is a national treasure or a hoax. If it turns out to be Chaki's, it will find pride of place in the Police Museum.

Chaki and Khudiram had hurled bombs at a carriage they thought was Kingsford's, but ended up killing two British women instead. Chaki, on the run, was cornered by police at Samastipur railway station in Bihar.

It was a Bengali officer of Calcutta Police, Nandalal Bandopadhyay, who saw through his disguise and trapped him. Chaki was then living under the false name of Dinesh Ray.

Instead of surrendering, he chose to shoot himself in the head - he died a free man.

Chaki's trial took place after his death. Calcutta High Court ordered the production of his remains to prove that he was not Dinesh Ray. Officers of Calcutta Police severed the head from a body believed to be Chaki's and brought it to the city preserved in tincture iodine. Court records say it was produced before the judge but what happened after that is shrouded in mystery.

It is believed that P C Lahiri, an inspector of Calcutta Police, kept the head buried in his own garden on Free School Street (where Dunlop House came up later). When the Intelligence Branch office was set up in 1916, the head was brought here. After Independence, it was exhumed, cleaned up and sent to a museum at the Police Training School (PTS).

There it stayed for a long time until historian Amalendu De discovered it in 1994-95. Then police commissioner Tushar Talukdar and Nihar Ranjan Roy, officer-in-charge of the detective department's crime records section, took up the case.

"It came as a huge surprise to us that the skull could be Prafulla Chaki's. We decided to trace its authenticity so that it could be installed with full honour, instead of being tucked away in anonymity," Talukdar told TOI on Wednesday.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/article...8,prtpage-1.cms

[Bodhi]

<span style='color:red'>New Insight Into Khudiram Martyrdom </span>
Jhimli Mukherjee Pandey | TNN

<img src='http://inlinethumb44.webshots.com/11627/2228267300100818794S500x500Q85.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

One of the most enduring legends of the freedom struggle is that of an 18-year-old boy climbing the gallows with a smile on his face. The smile stayed when the hangman pulled the lever, Khudiram Bose’s last cry of ‘Vande Mataram’ still resonating in the air.

The young martyr’s courage seems all the more awe-inspiring in the light of new information discovered in the state archives by historians. Khudiram’s lawyer, Narendra Kumar Basu had moved a clemency petition before the British government, keeping in mind the tender age of Khudiram. It is not known whether the revolutionary knew of this petition or whether it was filed without his consent.
The plea was rejected but it could not put a dent on Khudiram’s courage. The researchers, who dug up details of the mercy petition, say it will be some time before they conclude their findings but they already have enough evidence on the petition.

<b>Teen Heroics </b>

Khudiram had joined the revolutionary group, Yugantar, when he was just 16 years old. It was the Partition of Bengal in 1905 that fired up his patriotism. With the instinct of youth, he was drawn to militant nationalism. Soon, he was said to be going around planting bombs near police stations and targeting British officials, showing amazing courage and coolheadedness in the face of danger.

It was qualities such as these that led the revolutionaries to pick him, along with Prafulla Chaki, for the job of assassinating magistrate Kingsford in Muzaffarpur in 1908. Kingsford, known for his harshness towards freedom fighters, had recently been transferred there from his earlier position of chief presidency magistrate. Khudiram and Chaki were asked to draw up their own plan. They kept a close watch on Kingsford’s movements and decided to strike when he would leave European Club in the evening.

On April 30, 1908, the duo staked out the club waiting for Kingsford’s carriage. About the same time that the magistrate would drive out, a horse carriage emerged from the gates. Thinking it was Kingsford, the duo hurled bombs, blowing it to bits. Unfortunately, it wasn’t the magistrate’s coach. Two women — Mrs Kennedy and her daughter — were killed.

Police launched a manhunt for the revolutionaries. Chaki, cornered at Samastipur station, shot himself dead. Khudiram was arrested and put on trial.

<b>New Revelations</b>

Recently, the West Bengal home-political department and the intelligence branch sent declassified documents to the state archives, with a day-by-day account of Khudiram’s trial till his hanging on August 11. The documents shed new light on the revolutionary’s last days in jail.

According to these documents, on May 1, Khudiram had accepted the murder charge in front of Muzaffarpur district magistrate, Woodman. But a few days later, when he was tried at Alipore sessions court, his “confession” sounded somewhat different. The records claim that the young revolutionary had said he was “convinced into committing the act” by Chaki.

“Unfortunately, by then British government had prepared a full fledged ‘case’ against him. Though his counsel fought hard to protect him, it didn’t help. Khudiram Bose was sentenced to death by hanging. His lawyer sent out a mercy appeal to the lieutenant governor to spare the young man’s life and commute his sentence to life imprisonment,” said Atish Dasgupta, director of the archives, who is leading the team of scholars in their quest. Khudiram’s case was fought by Narendra Kumar Basu, a veteran lawyer of the high court then, who refused to take any fees.

<b>Mysteries linger </b>

“The lawyer appealed that since Bose was just 18 years old, the government could take pity on him and allow him to live, though not completely pardon him because he was guilty of killing two innocent women,” Dasgupta told TOI. The clemency petition also hinted that Khudiram had no links with any extremist group and that the arms were given to him by Chaki.

“Though the fact about the mercy appeal is somewhat established, we are yet to find out whether Khudiram was at all involved in filing the plea, or it was his counsel’s own initiative,” Dasgupta said.

“Our records say that after the appeal was rejected, Khudiram suddenly became very quiet, somewhat withdrawn, so much so that when he was repeatedly asked by the jailor prior to the execution whether he knew that he would be hanged, he would just nod in the affirmative. When asked if he was scared, he would nod vigorously to say no,” Dasgupta said.

The state archives will display the new findings on Khudiram, along with some rare photographs, in November to commemorate 100 years of the death of four of the earliest revolutionaries — Khudiram Bose, Prafulla Chaki, Kanailal Dutta and Satyen Bose.

<b>The Muzaffarpur Incident </b>

Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki were sent to Muzaffarpur, Bihar, to assassinate Kingsford, the Calcutta Presidency Magistrate, who was later appointed magistrate of Muzaffarpur

Khudiram and Chaki kept a watch on Kingsford’s movements and prepared a plan to kill him. On the evening of April 30, 1908, the duo waited in front of the gate of the European Club for Kingsford’s carriage. When a horse coach came out of the gate, they hurled bombs and blew up the carriage. However, the vehicle was not carrying Kingsford and two British women — the wife and daughter of barrister Pringle Kennedy — were killed instead. The revolutionary duo fled. Prafulla committed suicide when cornered by police at Samastipur railway station. Khudiram was arrested a few days later, tried and hanged to death. He was just 18

<b>HERO’S LIFE </b>

Dec 3, 1889: Born in Mahabani village of Midnapore

1905: Turning point in his life: The Partition of Bengal stirred the revolutionary in him and he joined an ‘underground’ organization Yugantar. At the age of 16, he was said to be planting bombs in police stations and targeting British officials

April 30, 1908: He tried to assassinate Kingsford but ends up killing two British women by mistake

Aug 11, 1908: Hanged in Muzaffarpur jail

<img src='http://inlinethumb10.webshots.com/21001/2737730030100818794S500x500Q85.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

<img src='http://inlinethumb29.webshots.com/43420/2048781600100818794S500x500Q85.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

Above pictures taken in Muzaffarpur Jail by police, a day or two before hanging. He appears very calm and resolute.

[ramana]

Two summary articles in Hindu.

1) Freedom Struggle in Hyderabad

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Freedom struggle in Hyderabad


Staff Reporter


HYDERABAD: The idea of freedom for old generation Hyderabadis differs vastly from the broad one prevailing all across the nation. Having seen or participated in the Telangana Armed Struggle, they can not readily associate the word ‘freedom’ with August 15 as they do it with September 17, the day the Princely State of Hyderabad was united with the Indian Union through police action.

Though the Telangana Armed Struggle has the highest recall value in Hyderabad, it could not have really taken off had there been no moorings in the nation-wide struggle for self rule. However, with the movement lacking support from the ruling Nizam, the situation here was entirely different from the general scenario in other princely states. Lack of momentum was also due to the large scale illiteracy and poverty in Telangana region where 80 per cent of the rural population was landless. The land was concentrated in the hands of Nawabs, Jagirdars, Deshmukhs, and Landlords and the general public was under constant repression.

Nevertheless, the nationalist movement had branched off to Hyderabad State as well. A State Congress did exist, but stayed out of harm’s way by considering the national movement only against the British and not against the princely States. It did not win the support of the Nawabs who wanted the status quo to continue. The State Congress, then populated by Arya Samajis, was given very limited social activity.

Setting up of Andhra Maha Sabha in 1920s allowed the literate people, Telugu speaking middle class, intellectuals and small businessmen to have a common platform where they could exchange views about literature and social issues. Madapati Hanumantha Rao, the eminent educationist was the first President of the Andhra Mahila Sabha. However, they could not go any further or announce their political agenda as the activities of the organisation were under constant watch by the Nizam’s police. The organisation received a booster in terms of Independence aspirations with Ravi Narayana Reddy becoming its member and later President.

Ravi Narayana Reddy’s first presidential speech at Andhra Maha Sabha was about international politics and demand for democratisation. It attracted young and radical elements to rally around the communists. Even prior to Ravi Narayana Reddy assuming the leadership of Andhra Maha Sabha, there was a student rebellion in the backdrop of ‘Vandemataram’ movement of 1938.

Contrary to the wishes of the students of Osmania University, orders were issued by the authorities proscribing the singing of the national song inside the university or hostel campus.

The students, upon being forced to vacate the hostels, rose up against the order. P.V.Narasimha Rao, who was to become the Prime Minister of India later was one among the expelled students. Others included Tiruvarangam Hayagrivachari, and Arutla Ramachandra Reddy. The students were praised for their patriotism by the likes of Jawaharlal Nehru, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, and V.D. Savarkar.

The leadership of the Hyderabad State Congress till then dominated by Hindu religious forces from Aryasamaj and Hindu Maha Sabha, turned more nationalistic after the arrival of Swami Ramanand Tirtha. Designated as the President of the State Congress in 1946, he attracted many young men who would later play prominent roles in independent India. PV Narasimha Rao, SB Chavan, Veerendra Patil, and Marri Channa Reddy were notable among them.

When it became clear that the British would leave the country, a resolution was passed at a social session of the Hyderabad State Congress in May 1947, towards accession of the princely state to the Indian Union. The session saw the initiation of ‘Join India Movement’ led by the likes of Swamy Ramananda Thirtha, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao and others who sat on Satyagraha and got arrested.

People who wished to be part of Independent India observed the Join India Day on August 7, 1947.

Their desire to hoist the National Flag on August 15 was not indulged by the Nizam who, not very keen on losing his stranglehold over the region, declared independence from the British two days before on August 13. Notwithstanding the restriction, the Tricolour fluttered across different streets in Hyderabad on the Independence Day. Swamy Ramananda Thirtha hoisted the flag at Sultan Bazar.

The struggle was later taken over by the Telangana guerrilla movement in full throttle, which ended with the Indian Army led by Gen.J.N.Choudhari entering the state and overseeing the surrender of Nizam’s army. By 1950-51 the guerilla action had considerably degenerated.

(With inputs taken from www.aicc.org.in, ‘Telangana People’s Struggle and Its Lessons’ by Puchchalapalli Sundarayya, and

www.suravaram.com)
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and

Vignettes of freedom struggle in Krishna

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->
Vignettes of freedom struggle in Krishna

PHOTO: RAJU V.

JAI HIND!: A child getting a feel of the tri-colour in Vijayawada. —

The story of freedom struggle in the country continues to inspire generations to come. On the Independence Day, it is worthwhile to take a look at a few aspects of Indian National Movement in Krishna district.

Krishna district, more particularly Krishna Taluk, which then included parts of the present day districts of Guntur, West Godavari and Prakasam, played an important role in the national movement. Machilipatnam, the present district headquarters, which was then referred to as Bandar, was an important town.

Krishna Patrika, which played an unforgettable role in spreading the message of national leaders, was founded by the Krishna District Association in 1902. Swarajya, a weekly, was published from Bezwada from 1908.

The spirit of Swarajya was sown amongst weavers of Pedana, Mallanolu, Chintaguntapalem and Kappaladoddi by the likes of Mutnuri Krishna Rao and Puranam Venkatappayya on behalf of the Krishna District Association, when they encouraged the weavers to use powerlooms in place of handlooms.

The Vandemataram movement launched across the country against division of Bengal in 1905 reinforced the feeling of nationalism amongst people of Krishna district as well. On the invitation of Mutnuri Krishna Rao, eminent national leader Bipin Chandra Pal visited Bezwada and Bandar and addressed several meetings. Worried by the feelings of nationalism that the speeches aroused among people, the British rulers initiated several draconian steps, including arrest of a large number of people.

This was followed by visits by several other national stalwarts and the people of Krishna district joined in every important national struggle.

Mahatma Gandhi made his first visit to the district in April 1919 when he came to Bezwada to mobilise people against Rowlett Act.

He addressed a massive public meeting in Rammohan Public Library, which was translated into Telugu by Ayyadevara Kaleswara Rao.

Historic moment


Gandhiji made subsequent visits to the district at least three times, and the most historic one was for the session of the Indian National Congress in Bezwada on March 31 and April 1, 1921, when Pingali Venkaiah proposed a design for the national flag.

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Due to Independence day celebrations there will be many stories in the press. please try to visit two different news appers and capture the stories in this thread.

Thanks, ramana

[Guest]

Wiki has a good collection tagged as "Indian revolutionaries"
More detailed study on these great souls would be most welcome.

[Bharatvarsh2]

I accept that the above description does not apply to every Indian student but to a particular class. I would have considered it inappropriate to mention the above behaviour, if only a few Indian students were behaving that way. But there was a class who were devoid of self-respect and acted frivolously. Their behaviour was based on accepting slavery and therefore despicable. They were ashamed of our culture, civilisation, customs and traditions and considered them useless. They were brought up that way by their parents. When they came to England, they were further mesmerised. They were impressed by English language, literature and English way of life. They considered the English as divine. Let us consider a specific case. The person is not a modern Hindu but a Muslim. His name is Sayyad Ahmad. He founded the Aligad Movement and asked Muslims to be slaves of the English forever. When he lived in England in late nineteenth century he wrote a letter to his friends describing life in England at that time. In a letter of 1869 he wrote –

“The English have reasons to believe that we in India are imbecile brutes. What I have seen and daily seeing is utterly beyond imagination of a native in India. All good things, spiritual and worldly which should be found in man have been bestowed by the Almighty on Europe and especially on the English.”

(Ref -Nehru’s Autobiography page 461).

Above letter of Sayyad Ahmad would suffice to show how mentally degenerated and devoid of any self-respect, Indians had become. I have already illustrated this point by quoting experiences of Indians from the early days of Dadabhai Naoroji till I reached London in 1906.

Gandhi came to London to study Law in 1888. His behaviour was no different to that described above. He too tried to use Top Hat, Tail Coat and expensive ties. Many other Indians have described their experiences in a similar manner.

Motilal Nehru, like father of Arvind Ghosh too, was impressed by the British Raj. He sent his son Jawaharlal to England in his young age, who stayed in English hostels and so anglicised he had become that after studying in Cambridge University and becoming a Barrister in 1912 he paid no attention to Indian Politics which was taking shape in Europe.

Anyone can verify my statements by referring to autobiographies of Gandhi, Nehru, Charudatta, and others.

When the British called Indians as Brutes, instead of becoming furious, Indians would react – “Oh yes sir. We are indeed so and that is why, by divine dispensation, the British Raj has been established over us.“ I was trying to sow seeds of armed

revolution to overthrow the British rule in India. The readers can imagine how difficult, well nigh impossible was my task.

I was determined.

I had not despaired. Our youth were not useless. They were after all our kith and kin. Their blood had not been boiling at the though of slavery, but we could not say that they had no blood. Many were brilliant scholars. Their personal (if not national) ambitions were high. They achieved excellent academic results in British Universities, much higher than British students. Some were even selected to ICS or IMS services. It is true that because of their upbringing they had developed slavish mentality. But the other reason was that no one had set them higher values - those of our society, our nation. No one had challenged them. No one had told them that the fight for freedom was far more satisfying and

challenging. Nobody had taught them that it is a sin to live under slavery and it is our moral duty to overthrow the British Raj. Nobody had shown them the light.

One must remember that even persons like Dadabhai, Surendranath Banerjee, Bipinchandra Pal, Shyamji and Lala Lajpat Rai had not shown any interest in politics till late thirties of their life. Even then, they too believed that the British Raj was a ‘divine dispensation’. But in the course of time they changed. So, if we tried who knows that at least some of the Indian students, who are at present self- centred, and disinterested in politics, will turn to be revolutionaries!

Moreover these youth came from middle and rich classes and had the necessary resources. The whole of India looked to them for inspiration. If some of them could be persuaded to join our side, that was as good as hundred youth from poor families joining us. This was experience in practice. A Prince, a Collector could become our sympathetic member and help in many ways. For example, by providing finances, by providing ‘safe refuges’, by turning a blind eye to revolutionary activities, and in some cases, by even providing arms.

I have described the mental attitude of majority of Indian students in London. But I had to propagate my views among them too. We lacked revolvers and bombs – which could be purchased, but how could we buy young men to do our work? It was therefore necessary to try to persuade Indian youth to join our side.

Thirdly, just as the Indian students were devoid of self respect, I had met many priests and Gurus who were even more coward, more devoid of self respect, more selfish, and regarded the British King as reincarnation of Lord Vishnu!!

I had met many of them in India. If I could change their minds by arguing with them, why would I not succeed in London with a similar mission? As a doctor I knew the physical handicaps and also the remedies. I knew the arguments of those who were lethargic and also the answers to be given to them. I was therefore determined to try my persuasion in London.



http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/...p.v001.pdf

In short

So far I have reviewed how Indian politics developed since 1857. It is clear that before I reached London in July 1906, there were three main associations working. First two emphasised loyalty to the British Crown – namely British Committee of the Indian National Congress and Dadabhai’s London Indian Society. The third one was Shyamji’s Indian Home Rule Society. The aim of the last and that of Dadabhai was self rule under the British Empire (it was called by different names, self government, autonomy or home rule). Though there were some differences between them they did not advocate armed revolution to achieve their aims.

But they were not fanatical supporters of non-violence

It is true that neither Dadabhai nor Shyamji supported an armed revolution. Moderates thought that impracticable, while Shyamji thought it un-necessary. They all believed that Colonial Self Government could be achieved without resorting to an armed struggle. But they never said that independence achieved with armed struggle was sinful. They never accepted the argument that it was immoral to raise arms against the British and that we should never resort to it, even if it meant that we would be slaves forever. No ‘Loyal’ or anti-British Indian leader ever took such a stand. One may refer to thoughts of Moderate leaders like Phirozshah Mehta or Dinsha Wacha. Not only that, in the annual sessions of the Congress, the Moderates had unanimously demanded that the Arms Act by which Indians were disarmed, should be repealed. This included all the Moderate leaders from Dadabhai, Sudendranath, Mehta to Gokhale. It had been their unanimous demand. Then what can be said of Militant leaders like Tilak and Shyamji who worshipped Lord Rama and Shivaji and revered freedom fighters like Mazzini!!

Militants did not support an armed revolution because they thought that our position was helpless, as we had no arms and therefore armed revolution was not feasible, not because it was immoral. Congress became fanatically obsessed with non-violence only some fifteen years later, in the days of Gandhi.* Before that they were not unduly concerned with non-violence.

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* One should remember that the same followers of Gandhi however, supported armed struggle of Africans in Rhodesia, which started in the late 1960s. Not one of the followers preached non-violence to the Africans.



http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/...p.v001.pdf