Indian Commies And Leftists Abroad

[Bharatvarsh]

I created this topic to collect the names and info on our commies and leftists who are abroad and work tirelessly to screw Hindus and support Muslim terrorism.

I am aware that some like Angana Chatterjee are well known but there are lesser fish floating around that are not known.

For a start:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Vinay Lal
History

http://www.uclaprofs.com/profs/lal.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->  Ironically enough, Goldberg was involved in a major UC controversy that would have provided her an ideal soapbox to complain about the university’s intellectual apartheid.  The only problem is that Goldberg simply didn’t care about the issue.  As Chair of the Task Force on Course Descriptions (serving under the UC-wide Academic Senate), Goldberg dealt with the case of the Fall 2002 UC Berkeley course, “The Politics and Poetics of Palestinian Resistance,” taught by notorious radical (and teaching assistant) Snehal Shingavi.

The course was infamous for its catalog description, which laid out its extreme pro-Palestinian ideological precepts and then cautioned, “Conservative thinkers are encouraged to seek other sections.”  The course was not unusual in content, or even in its spittle-soaked claims of a “brutal Israeli military occupation of Palestine” that has “systematically displaced, killed and maimed millions of Palestinian people.”  Rather, it was unusual only in its forthright declaration of its overwhelming bias; most professors couch their classroom bias in generic language.


            A May 9, 2002 Wall Street Journal opinion article by Roger Kimball first publicized the course description, and in particular, that pithy, sound-bite friendly declaration, “conservative thinkers should seek other sections.”  What ensued was no less than an epic political sh1t-storm, which was matched by an equally epic cover-up on the part of Berkeley Chancellor Robert Berdahl.  In the end, Shingavi was neither fired nor even removed from the course.  Instead, the course description was bowdlerized, an English department faculty member was assigned to monitor the class, and the English department chair met with students on the first day of class to reaffirm their right to open discussion and fair grading.  On a broader level, there was a flurry of task force formations, the imposition of new bureaucratic rules, and much voting to express and reaffirm concern of various types, ad infinitum.  Untouched in the entire controversy was the underlying issue of why Shingavi (a fifth-year graduate student and a leader in the violent Berkeley group Students for Justice in Palestine) could get approval to teach such a biased course, particularly on a topic to which his political activism proved he could bring no objectivity.  Instead, the report ended with a host of cheerful comments from 11 of the 14 final participants.  The forced conclusion: “See?  Berkeley doesn’t have any problems.  This was all a big conservative overreaction.”

http://www.uclaprofs.com/profs/goldberg.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
So I googled Shingavi and came up with this:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Schools:
Lowery el, Attended 1981 - 1986
Watkins Middle School, Attended 1986 - 1989
Langham Creek H S, Attended 1989 - 1993, Class of 1993

Schools (Other):
Langham Creek HS, Trinity University, University of California at Berkeley

College/University:

University of California - Berkeley, Attended 1997 - Present, Ph.D., English
Trinity University, Attended 1993 - 1997, Class of 1997, Bachelor's Degree, English/Economic

Occupation:

graduate student instructor
Affiliations:

United Auto Workers local 2865, International Socialist Organization, Berkeley Stop the War Coalition, Campus Antiwar Network

Hobbies and Interests:

politics, literature, art, film, socialism, history, television, poetry (a new-found love of the ghazal)

Favorite Books:

A Sinking Island, The God of Small Things, Love in the Time of Cholera, Kalidasa's Shakuntala, The Interior Landscape, The Palm at the End of the Mind, Absalom, Absalom!, Kanthapura, Unfortunately, It Was Paradise, Mrichchakatikam, Seasons of Migration to the North, Nightwood, Waiting for the Barbarians, Twilight in Delhi, All About H. Hatterr, Rebel's Silhouette, Midnight's Children, Hibiscus on the Lake, Samskara, Lihaf, Tehdi Lakir, History of the Russian Revolution, Men in the Sun, Kulliyat-e-Kaifi Azmi, Andhere Mein, Shekhar: Ek Jivani, the Collected Works of John Donne, Paradise Lost, Queen Mab, Black Boy, Mrs. Dalloway, Angare, The Collected Poems of Constantin Cavafy, The Old Social Classes and Revolutionary Movements of Iraq, Me Grandad 'Ad an Elephant, The Brothers Karamazov, Shikawaa-o-Jawaab-e-Shikawaa, The Pound Era, Angare

Favorite Movies:

Khamosh Pani, Sholay, Diksha, Land and Freedom, The Battle of Algiers, Paheli, My Beautiful Laundrette, Norma Rae, Memento, Tape, The Legend of Bhagat Singh, Naseem, Subeh, Mughal-e-Azam, Garam Hawa, Arth, Earth 1947, Six Degrees of Separation, Pyaasa, Love Me If You Dare, Vanaprastham

Favorite Music:

Hans Eisler, Iqbal Bano, Asha Bhosle, Cheb Khaled, Marcel Khalife, Umm Kulthum, Chitra, Nina Simone, Jagjit Singh (except when he sings Vajpayee's poems), Noor Jehan, Begum Akhtar, Amir Jamal, Bombay Jayashree, Shreya Ghoshal, Pandit Jasraj, MS Subbulakshmi

Favorite TV Shows:

The Closer, Simpsons, Alias, Six Feet Under, Project Runway, Daily Show, News Radio, The Practice, Roseanne, Iron Chef, Grace Under Fire, Good Eats, Daria, Boston Legal, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, The Closer ... anyone who knows me knows that I can always find something on TV to watch

Zodiac Sign:

Libra

About Me:

I'm a socialist, and probably a poet at heart, though I write bad poetry and so have all but given up attempting to compose moving verse -- I'm settling for semi-competent prose. I've just finished a translation of a Hindi novel which is now available from Oxford University Press (hint, hint), and I'm trying to finish my dissertation ... but Bush keeps going to war or invading another country and protesting him keeps getting in the way. In the meantime, INQUILAB ZINDABAD !
http://profiles.friendster.com/inquilab<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
These are kinds who will poison the minds of NRI students with their one sided propaganda in universities and we need to be aware of them.

So keep posting new names whenever you come across them.

[Bharatvarsh]

Here is another one:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Chetan Bhatt BA PhD
Professor

E-mail c.bhatt@gold.ac.uk

Chetan Bhatt is on a three-year Leverhulme Trust Major Research Fellowship, The Geosociology of Religious Violence, which started October 2005 and ends September 2008.

While on research leave, he will continue to supervise PhD students and welcomes new MPhil / PhD students, especially in areas related to transnational religious movements and networks, military studies and warfare theory, new processes of imperial sovereignty, and contemporary social and political theory / philosophy. His areas of current (2007) PhD (co-)supervision include: gender, secularism and the British state; new modes of Israeli state power and Zionism; international NGOs, governance and development; the transformations of political Islam; nationalism and aesthetics. Past areas of PhD (co-)supervision have included: Turkish nationalism, religion and the state; modernity, emergency and health policy; diverse families / sexualities; Trinidadian carnival; Indian cinema and the south Asian diaspora; new religious movements and ideologies in Euro-America; Kantian judgement, orientation and normativity; Romanticism and Orientalism.

He previously taught at the Department of Sociology at the University of Essex and the Department of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Southampton (the latter as an ESRC research fellow). His did his PhD (Politics and Sociology) at Birkbeck College, University of London and his BA Hons (Social and Political Sciences) at Sidney Sussex College, University of Cambridge.

Chetan Bhatt jointly coordinates the Department of Sociology's Xenos research initiative which focuses on new theoretical and empirical approaches to geosocial and geopolitical conflict, www.goldsmiths.ac.uk/xenos

Publications include:

Bhatt, C. (forthcoming 2008) ‘The Spirit lives on:  race and the disciplines’, in P. Hill-Collins & J. Solomos eds., The Handbook of Racial and Ethnic Studies (London & New York: Routledge).

Bhatt, C. (forthcoming 2008) ‘The times of movements:  a response to Judith Butler’, British Journal of Sociology, March.

Bhatt, C. (2007), ‘Frontlines and interstices in the global war on terror’, Development and Change, vol. 38, no. 6, November, pp. 1073-1093,

Bhatt, C. (2006) ‘The Fetish of the Margin: Religious Absolutism, Anti-Racism and Postcolonial Silence‘<link to: http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/lwis...01/art00008>, in New Formations, Special Issue - Postcolonial Studies After Iraq, no.  59, Autumn, pp. 98-115,

Bhatt, C. (2005) ‘From the rivers of hate:  strange travels in Indo-German fantasy’ A. Schneider, A. Fitz, M. Kröger and D. Wenner eds. Atlas of Indo-German Fantasies, (Parthas: Berlin), ISBN: 3866019106,

Bhatt, C. (2004) ‘Contemporary geopolitics and alterity research’ in M. Bulmer & J. Solomos eds. Researching Race and Racism - Social Research Today Series (London: Routledge) ISBN: 0415300908

Bhatt, C. (2004) ‘ Majority ethnic claims and authoritarian nationalism’, in E. Kaufmann ed. Majority Groups and Dominant Minorities: Conceptualizing Dominant Ethnicity, (London:  Routledge). 


Bhatt, C. (2004) ‘Democracy and Hindu nationalism’, Democratization, Special Issue:  Religion, Democracy and Democratization,vol 11, no. 4, August 2004, pp. 133-154

(Also reprinted as: Bhatt, C. (2005) ‘Democracy and Hindu nationalism’ in J. Anderson ed. Religion, Democracy and Democratization, (London & New York:  Routledge), ISBN: 0415355370.)

Bhatt, C. (2004) ‘Doing a dissertation’ in C. Seale ed. Researching Society & Culture, Second Edition, (London:  Sage)

Bhatt, C. (2002) ‘The land, the blood and the passion: the Hindu far-right’ in J. Weeks, J. Holland & M. Waites eds. Sexualities and Society: a reader (Cambridge: Polity) ISBN: 0745622496 / 0745622488

Bhatt, C. (2001) Hindu Nationalism:  origins, ideologies and modern myths (Oxford, Berg/ New York, New York University Press). ISBN 1859733484 PB / 1859733433 HB, 232 pages.

Bhatt, C. (2001) ‘Kant’s raw man and the miming of primitivism:  Spivak’s Critique of Postcolonial Reason’ Radical Philosophy,  January, ISSN:  0300-211X, pp. 37-44

Bhatt, C. (2000) ‘Ethnic absolutism and the authoritarian spirit’ in V. Bell ed. Performativity and Belonging (London:  Sage), ISBN  076196522X HB / 0761965238 (PB)

Bhatt, C & Mukta, P eds. (2000) Hindutva in the West:  resurgent Hinduism and the politics of diaspora, Ethnic and Racial Studies Special Issue, 23:3, May, ISSN 0141-9870, pp. 401-616.

Bhatt, C. (2000) ‘Dharmo rakshati rakshitah:  Hindutva movements in the UK’, Ethnic & Racial Studies Special Issue, 23:3, May, ISSN  0141-9870, pp. 559-593.

Bhatt, C & Mukta, P. (2000) ‘Hindutva in the West:  mapping the antinomies of globalization’, Ethnic and Racial StudiesSpecial Issue, 23:3, May, ISSN 0141-9870, pp. 407-441.

Bhatt, C. (2000)  ‘Primordial Being:  Enlightenment, Schopenhauer and the Indian subject of postcolonial theory’, Radical Philosophy, April, ISSN 0300-211X, pp. 28-41. 

(Also reprinted as:  Bhatt, C. (2002) ‘Primordial Being’, in P. Osborne & S. Sandford eds. Philosophies of Race and Ethnicity (London: Continuum / Athlone) ISBN: 0826459935 / 0826459943, pp. 40-62)

Bhatt, C. (2000) ‘The lore of the homeland: Hindu nationalism and indigenist neoracism’ in J. Solomos & L. Back eds. Theories of Race and Racism: a reader (London: Routledge), ISBN 0415156718 HB / 0415156726 PB.

Bhatt, C. (1999) ‘Ethnic absolutism and the authoritarian spirit’, Theory, Culture and Society Special Issue 16:2, April, ISSN 0263-2764, pp. 65-85.

Bhatt, C. & R. Lee. (1997) ‘Official knowledges, the free market and identity formation’ in J. Oppenheimer & H. Rickett eds. Acting on AIDS (London:  Serpent’s Tail), ISBN 1852425539.

Bhatt, C. (1997) Liberation & Purity: race, new religious movements and the ethics of postmodernity (London & Bristol, Penn, Taylor & Francis/UCL Press) ISBN 1857284240 PB / 1857284232 HB, 306 pages.

Bhatt, C. (1994) ‘New Foundations:  contingency, indeterminacy and black translocality’ in J. Weeks ed. The Lesser Evil & the Greater Good:  the theory and politics of social diversity, (London:  River’s Oram) ISBN 185489055, pp. 138-164.

Policy-related publications include:

C. Bhatt (2003) Promoting Race Equality in the English NHS, Commission for Racial Equality, April, 50 pages.

Bhatt, C., Phellas, C. & Pozniak, A. (2000) National African HIV Prevention Projects, Evaluation Report to the Department of Health / EHHA, (London:  Goldsmiths College/Enfield & Haringey Health Authority) ISBN 0902986635,  84 pages.

Bhatt, C. (1997) Positive Responses: HIV and African communities in Enfield & Haringey (London: Enfield & Haringey Health Authority), 93 pages

Bhatt, C. (1996) Looking at Epidemiology (vol. 1) (London: The HIV Project) ISBN 1899240209, 40 pages.

Bhatt, C. (1996) HIV Primary and Secondary Prevention issues in African communities (vol. 2) (London: The HIV Project) ISBN 189924025X, 52 pages.

Bhatt, C. (1996) Needs Assessment (vol. 3) (London: The HIV Project) ISBN I899240306, 46 pages.

Bhatt, C. (1992) ‘Empowerment and Understanding’, in S. Sandberg et al eds. Working Where the Risks Are (London:  Health Education Authority) ISBN 1854484214

http://www.goldsmiths.ac.uk/sociology/staff/bhatt.php<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

Amartya Sen the most famous Indian commie who sits in the UK says:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Here, we find not internal pluralism alone but external receptivity as well. Incidentally, the grammarian Panini was apparently an Afghan!

http://www.hindu.com/seta/2005/09/22/stori...92200211700.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
I don't know how this retard won the Nobel Prize.

Panini was from modern day Attock (or near it) which falls in Pakjab today, during Panini's time the area had no Pathans or any other Afghan groups in Attock as we have today, at that time it was under Indian influence. This moron needs to read some history.

[Shambhu]

Well, if we do look at it seriously, Amartya Sen is a Khalifatistani.

Because that is how future generations will know him. Since the UK will be officially renamed Khalifatistan in 2059*. And students from, say, Madrassah-e-Brighton or Dar-ul-uloom-Nottingham will wonder, in 2068, how a guy with a name from Al-Hind, Amar-ti-yah Sehn, came to be such a prominent Khalifatistani.

* : For those who want to know the exact date of the renaming, it is February 30, 2059. February will have 31 days, as per the Pseudosecular-i-Hind-Fatwa-Al-Modeen Act of 2054.

[Husky]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bharatvarsh+Apr 26 2008, 09:01 PM-->QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Apr 26 2008, 09:01 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Amartya Sen the most famous Indian commie who sits in the UK says:
<!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Here, we find not internal pluralism alone but external receptivity as well. Incidentally, the grammarian Panini was apparently an Afghan!

http://www.hindu.com/seta/2005/09/22/stori...92200211700.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
I don't know how this retard won the Nobel Prize.

Panini was from modern day Attock (or near it) which falls in Pakjab today, during Panini's time the area had no Pathans or any other Afghan groups in Attock as we have today, at that time it was under Indian influence. This moron needs to read some history.
[right][snapback]80931[/snapback][/right]<!--QuoteEnd--></div><!--QuoteEEnd-->Population of C and E Aghanistan in ancient times was completely ethnically Indian and they were specifically Hindus. (Even today many Afghans might still be ethnically Indian but many also have other ancestry such as Mongolian.) And those of far W Afghanistan used to be Iranian and Zoroastrian.

Besides, whether Panini was long ago born from what is now geographically Pakjab or Afghanistan does not matter - although Bharatavarsha is right, of course, about his birthplace having been in what centuries later would become Pakistan. But trying to connect modern Afghanistan to the Hindus of historical Uppaganistan is as preposterous as trying to tie the modern European settlers of Tasmania to the accomplishments of the original Tasmanians who lived there before the christoterrorist invasions of Australasia commenced. (In case someone does not know: it's a matter of well-known history that Tasmania's population was murdered out by faithful christoterrorists.)

Also, ever since the islamic invasions started long ago, a great many Hindu populations regularly had to escape Afghanistan after fighting disaster for as long as they could (just like they had to leave Pakistan), so who's to say that all of Panini's descendants today do not reside solely in India? Entire Hindu communities moved into the interiors of what is the smaller Indian geography of today, so it's not unlikely.
Entire Zoroastrian communities from Iran still move into India (as I have read on Iranian Zoroastrian forums, for example Derafsh Kavyani). Population shifts of Hindus due to islamiterrorism into Hindu regions of India was far greater in the past.


Besides, islamics - whether from TSP, Afghanistan, India or Bangladesh (or elsewhere) - can never claim historical Hindus or Hindu accomplishments. Just like christians of Indian ethnicity have no claim whatsoever on Hindu ancestors or accomplishments. All that is solely our inheritance. We have the same treasure as always, but fewer people to divide it amongst.
But don't worry, they still have their non-existent story-book villain jeebus and their ethically repulsive mohammed.


And just like Margaret "Airing-her-dhoti" Roy, communist Amartya Sen is but another proud card-carrying member of the christoterrorist persuasion (Indian christians regularly list him in their ranks. I do feel bad for them for not having anyone worthwhile to list, but Amartya Sen does come off mildly better than jeebus, so maybe that's something). But his christocommunism explains his christoterrorist lying. Just like christolying was what christerrorist Margaret Roy was infamously caught doing not too long ago.

[Bharatvarsh]

I need to retract my earlier statement, turns out the moron sen never won a Nobel in reality, economics doesn't have a nobel, he won:

The Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Sveriges_...of_Alfred_Nobel

I found another dirtbag leftist:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Sunaina Maira is Assistant Professor of Asian American Studies in the English and Anthropology departments at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Her new book, Desis in the House (Temple University Press, 2002) explores nostalgia, authenticity, and the aesthetics of "cool" in the subculture of second generation Indian American youth in New York City. She is also the co-editor of Contours of the Heart: South Asians Map North America (Temple University Press, 1996), for which she received the Before Columbus Foundation's American Book Award in 1997.

http://www.asiasource.org/arts/maira.cfm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Israel and India - New Best Friends in an Age of Terror?

http://news.pacificnews.org/news/view_arti...b0d00591cb690ec<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
In it she says:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->But what I didn’t know was that Palestine would be so culturally familiar to me as a South Asian and that the hospitality and warmth of all the people I met would be so overwhelming.

http://news.pacificnews.org/news/view_arti...b0d00591cb690ec<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd--><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Knowing the history of British colonization in India and elsewhere, I recognized this as a typical practice of the colonizers, who take from the colonized elements of their culture what they find appealing and claim it as their own. There is always cultural exchange and borrowing between communities, of course, but the difference in the case of Israel is that it is a colonial power appropriating the culture of the natives who were displaced and dispossessed. It is also a country that was invented as a home for people who chose not to live with the natives as equals, but to dominate them as a community with special rights and with a presumably superior, “Western” culture.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The second important historical shift is that India established full diplomatic relations with Israel in 1992. The Bharatiya Janata Party government deepened the military and intelligence cooperation between the two countries that had already been in place, but covertly, since the 1950s. By 2004, Israel had become India’s largest arms supplier, and India emerged as Israel’s biggest arms market.

Underlying this new alliance is a deeper issue of ideology and political orientation in the current moment. India and Israel have begun to emphasize a common enemy in their respective “anti-terrorism” operations which were framed by both nations as a battle against “Islamic militants,” a framework that gained global currency with Bush’s launching of the War on Terrorism. India and Israel’s new honeymoon reversed India’s historical stand of support for the Palestinians who were still living under occupation and apartheid and ignored India’s own experience with colonization. Despite some criticism of this new India-Israel axis and symbolic gestures toward the Palestinian Authority, the United Progressive Alliance government has continued the policy of strengthening ties with Israel. This is despite the fact that Israel continues to maintain its military, political, and economic stranglehold on Palestinians who still do not live in a fully sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza, or in a truly democratic nation in Israel.

At the same time as the alliance between India-U.S.-Israel formed a new political triangle, a parallel development has occurred in the U.S. Hindu right-wing groups, such as the Indian American Political Action Committee and the Hindu American Foundation, linked to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad America and overseas branches of the RSS, have forged alliances with powerful pro-Israel lobby groups such as the American Israel Political Action Committee and the American Jewish Committee. Hindutva groups are meeting Zionist organizations to learn about strategies to advance religious nationalist agendas and suppress any criticism of their political movements. These U.S.-based groups have helped strengthen India-Israel ties and propagate the notion that Hindu and Jewish Americans are victims of a common enemy defined as “Islamic terrorism,” for example, through organizations such as Democracies against Terror which is an alliance of Zionist and Hindutva activists based in Fremont, Calif.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Picture of the south asian dirt bag:
<img src='http://www.watsoninstitute.org/images_events/SairaSSASA.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

[ramana]

From the Telegraph, 24 May 2008

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->ENEMIES OF THE STATE
- Women and men who choose the margins 
Cutting Corners Ashok Mitra


She was born Krishna Chandavarkar. Love for music ran in the family. She had, even as a tiny tot, a deep, rich, sonorous voice. Rigorous training undergone in the early teens strengthened its texture; it also helped her to negotiate effortlessly the hills and valleys the scales encompassed. The cadence of sensitivity was, however, her very own. Demand for her renditions was intense in the neighbourhood. Another Kishori Amonkar, many thought, was about to emerge. She disappointed them. The prowess of her will nudged her away from music to pursuits of the intellect. There was, in addition, an innate concern for social issues.

Ideology is not an inherited property, it is a gift of the environment one breathes in. In Krishna’s case it was perhaps the influence of an uncle or a cousin coming home full of radical ideas after a term in prison. The stirrings were yet vague, but Krishna had already sorted out in her mind the dilemma of choices and decisions. She opted for economics; the intent was to use the knowledge acquired from this branch of study to advance the cause of the nation’s under-privileged. Krishna turned out to be a star student in the Bombay School of Economics and Sociology and began her teaching career there. She married a fellow economist, Ranganath Bharadwaj, and the two of them decided to travel to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for further research. The wife was indisputably more brilliant than the husband. This could have been a factor, or it could have been something else; they separated soon after their daughter, Sudha, arrived. Krishna got her PhD, returned to Bombay and kept winning laurels for her forays into hitherto unexplored frontiers of economic theory. Simultaneously she continued work on issues of income inequalities and the production function in Indian agriculture.

While all this was happening, a curious incident took place. The economist, Piero Sraffa, friend and confidant of both Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti, was a recluse in Cambridge, England, silently toiling away on editing the works of David Ricardo. He was widely known for both the profundity of the wisdom he tucked into himself and his reluctance to transcribe this wisdom into writing. It was general knowledge though that he was trying to build a halfway house between Marx and Ricardo. His little volume, crammed with insight, Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities, got published in the early Sixties and took the world of economics by storm. Few could grasp its implications and long critiques were written here and there, with the object of interpreting Sraffa’s point of view. Sachin Chaudhuri, editor of Bombay’s Economic Weekly, had an unerring instinct for discerning who could do what most effectively. He gave the review copy of Sraffa’s book to Krishna Bharadwaj. The review article Krishna wrote created a flutter in the academic dovecots: the world now knew what Sraffa meant. Krishna’s piece became a classic, perhaps the only instance of a review article being set down as compulsory text in university curricula.

Krishna moved from Bombay to the Delhi School of Economics and, after a few years, to the Jawaharlal Nehru University. She lectured, researched, produced papers and, during sabbaticals, dug roots in Cambridge to edit the collection of Sraffa’s writings. Sraffa, who had become Krishna’s close personal friend, had meanwhile passed away, but she took upon herself the Sraffa quest of establishing a bridge between Ricardo and Marx. Her life was, however, cut short in the early Nineties, by the virulence of a malignant brain tumour.

It is not so much of Krishna, but of her daughter, Sudha, that one wants to talk about though. Sudha was a prodigy in every sense of the term. For instance, while still barely seven or eight, she would engage in debates on logical positivism, mercilessly laying bare the entrails of the doctrine. The only child of a busy, divorcée mother, she had to create her own world and build her own hypotheses. She sat through all her examinations with an easy nonchalance, topping in each of them. Her five years at the Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur, were a repetition of the story. A piping first class resting in her pocket, the world was at her feet, more so since, by virtue of the place of her birth, she was the possessor of an American passport.

She could have gone away to the US, earned academic plaudits and plenty of money in a university position. She could have joined a transnational corporation as some sort of a technical apparat. She could have become a management guru in India itself, or travelled high along the totem pole of the Indian administrative service. She did none of these. Once she reached the age of 18, she walked to the US embassy in New Delhi, disowned her American nationality, and returned her passport. Sudha then slipped away into the wilderness of the Chhattisgarh forests.

She was, for a time, associated with Shankar Guha Neogi’s devoted group at Bhilai, fighting against the rampant corruption indulged in by middle- and low-level bureaucrats and local contractors. To wrest proper wages for the toiling workers in the mines and plants located in the region was a major item on her agenda. She soon branched out to the wider issues of Dalit and tribal rights. Sudha began living with the adivasis, and learnt fast to think in the manner they do. She and her husband adopted an adivasi child as their daughter. It has been a life of relentless struggle: to establish and protect the rights of the Dalit and tribal population, the right for land, the right for education, for health and for security against marauding landlords and rentiers.

Which is to say, Sudha is engaged in the same kind of activities Binayak Sen was more or less engaged in, again in Chhattisgarh. The authorities have a particular way of sizing up individuals like Binayak Sen and Sudha Bharadwaj: these people mix too much with the tribals, therefore they are dangerous. Any person or group of persons working for the cause of tribals is officially ordained enemy of the State, any agitation to establish tribal rights is reckoned as insurrectionary activity. Sen was taken in precisely on this ground. His sphere of work was providing health facilities, and the dissemination of information about such facilities, among the tribal population. He was therefore a marked man and was arrested. Conceivably, Sudha’s fate will be no different.

For every 9,999 young Indians from affluent families who either fly away to the US or join a trans-national corporation or choose to be a programming boss in an IT outfit or aspire to be top brass in the government system, there will still be a Binayak Sen or Sudha Bharadwaj. This is bound to be so since, every now and then, rationality, which is an integral element of the human mind, tends to assert itself against the rampant asymmetry of the human condition. True, not all rational minds always think rationally. One or two nonetheless do.

The 9,999 young Indians who choose the primrose path will, it goes without saying, roll in money. A Binayak Sen or a Sudha Bharadwaj will live a hard, marginal existence. A question will still keep nagging. If economists and mathematicians succeed in arriving at a common measure for accretions to national welfare on the basis of today and what would accrue in the future and are, at the same time, able to assign comparable weights to contribution by individual citizens, will not the contributions of Binayak and Sudha far outflank those by the rest of the crowd?

<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->NRI bodies oppose US visa to Modi

New Delhi, July 2: In a major embarrassment to Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, a group of Indian-American organisations has written to US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice urging her not to allow Modi to enter the United States.

The Gujarat CM has been invited to be the chief guest at the second World Gujarati Conference, called ‘Chaalo Gujarat’, a major three-day event from August 29 to 31, organised by the Association of Indian Americans of North America (AIANA) to “reconnect the younger generation with their place of origin”. Thirty five thousand people from India and the Gujarati diaspora are expected to attend, with prominent invitees including Mukesh and Anil Ambani, technocrat Sam Pitroda, economist Jagdish Bhagwati, singer Pankaj Udhas and cricketers Irfan Pathan and Parthiv Patel.

However, the letter, written under the banner of the Coalition Against Genocide (CAG) and supported by 25 civil society organisations, alleges that Modi’s coming to the US is “to rally the support base among Indian diaspora communities and raise international legitimacy and standing,” adding that “it would be dangerous at this juncture of Indian political process to give Mr Modi that long denied and much-coveted window.”

The missive goes on to outline how “minority communities in his state continue to face systematic human rights violations,” and holds Modi responsible for the deaths of over 2,000 Muslims and the displacement of 2,00,000 more. Six years after the “state sponsored violence,” there have been very few convictions and Muslims continue to suffer economic and social boycott, reminds the letter.

It also mentions the anti-conversion law enacted by Gujarat making it difficult for any Hindu to convert to any other religion.

Meanwhile, a source from Modi’s office told The Indian Express that the Chief Minister will not apply for a visa until and unless the US reviews his previous application. Modi was denied a US visa in 2005 after his allegedly biased handling of the communal violence in Gujarat in 2002. The US State Department had also revoked his tourist visa then.

Nonetheless, it is understood that the Gujarat CM is planning to address the function through video conferencing or live telecast.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/330491.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Here are all the orgs that make up CAG:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The coalition consists of the following organizations:
Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South Asia (ASDSA)
Alliance of South Asians Taking Action (ASATA)
American Federation of Muslims of Indian Origin (AFMI)
Association of Indian Muslims of America (AIM)
Association of South Asian Progressives (ASAP)
Building Bridges of Understanding Coalition (BB)
Coalition for a Secular and Democratic India (CSDI)
Campaign to Stop Funding Hate (CSFH)
Center for Study and Research in South Asia (CERAS, Montreal)
Coalition against Communalism (CAC)
Dharma Megha
EKTA
Federation of Indian American Christian Organizations of North America (FIACONA)
Forum of Inquilabi Leftists (FOIL) 
Foundation For Pluralism
Friends Of South Asia (FOSA)
Hindu Vaishnava Center for Enlightment
Indian Christian Forum (ICF)
Indian Muslim Educational Foundation of North America (IMEFNA)
Indian Muslim Council-USA (IMC-USA)
Indian Muslim Relief and Charities (IMRC)
Indian Progressive Study Group of Los Angeles (IPSG-LA)
International South Asia Forum (INSAF)
Manavi (An organization for South Asian women)
Muslim Youth Awareness Alliance (MYAA)
NRI's for Secular and Harmonious India (NRI-SAHI)
Organizing Youth (OY)
Policy Institute For Religion And State (PIFRAS)
Sikh American Heritage Organization (SAHO)
Sneha (A network for women of South Asian origin)
South Asian Collective (SAC)
South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection (SAMAR)
South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD, Canada)
South Asian Progressive Action Collective (SAPAC)
Students For Bhopal (SFB)
Supporters of Human Rights in India (SHRI)
The Organization of Universal Communal Harmony (TOUCH)
Vedanta Society of East Lansing
Voices for Freedom (VFF)
World Tamil Organisation (WTO)
Youth Solidarity Summer (YSS)

Supporting organizations:
Center for Religious Freedom (Freedom House)
Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)
DC Collective for South Asians (DCCSA)
Genocide Watch
Institute on Religion and Public Policy (IRPP)
Interfaith Freedom Foundation (IFF)
Middle East Children's Alliance (MECA)
National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum (NAPAWF)
Project REACH
Tikkun

http://www.coalitionagainstgenocide.org/about.php<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Most are obvious, but a few interesting cases:

1) Tikkun 2) World Tamil Organization 3) Hindu Vaishnava Center for Enlightment 4) Vedanta Society of East Lansing

Tikkun is an anti Israeli magazine run by a former radical Marxist turned "rabbi" named Michael Lerner that indulges in pro Islamic propaganda.

World Tamil Organization, isn't this the same one that opposed Hindus during cali textbooks case?

And can anyone enlighten us about the other two.

I heard the Vaishnava center is a missionary influenced front organization.

From BRF:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->http://www.aidboston.org/FreeBinayakSen/appeal.htm

Gora site for Binayak Sen. The "Contact Us" page gives only an email address freebsen [@] gmail.com. Really very hush hush affair from behind the scenes.

Incidentally, this site has been endorsed by Vedanta Society of East Lansing, Michigan. So one can actually realise how "Hindu" this Society would turn out to be if dug deeper.

If you Google for Vendata Society of East Lansing, you realise that it is a paper organisation that exists only to lend weight to various petitions and campaigns orchestrated by Goras in India. Its name has been appearing along with other organisations exactly in the same sequence since 1999 in a lot of West-orchestrated campaigns such as against a dam in Madhya Pradesh, to release Binayak Sen and to deny Modi a visa. It is a paper organisation created by Goras along with other gems such as "Vaishnav Society of God Knows Where in US."

http://forums.bharat-rakshak.com/viewtopic...=4029&start=360<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Shubh Mathur

Name: Shubh Mathur
School: Connecticut College
Location: New London, CT
Department: Anthropology

http://www.ratemyprofessors.com/ShowRati...tid=732106<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Shubh Mathur is visiting assistant professor of anthropology at Connecticut College. Her first book, The Everyday Life of Hindu Nationalism: An Ethnographic Account, is being published by the Three Essays Collective, Delhi.

A death sentence in India
The case of a Kashmiri Muslim convicted for terrorism raises serious questions about the operation of Indian democracy, says Shubh Mathur.

http://www.opendemocracy.net/author/Shubh_Mathur.jsp<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Richa Nagar

http://gwss.umn.edu/faculty/coreExpertise.php?UID=nagar<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Other assholes and their positions in US academia:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Dr. Angana Chatterji, Associate Professor, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco

Dr. Haley Duschinski, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Ohio University

Dr. Shubh Mathur, Visiting Assistant Professor, Department of History, Richard Stockton College of New Jersey

Dr. Paola Bacchetta, Associate Professor, Department of Gender and Women's Studies, and Director, Beatrice Bain Research Group, University of California, Berkeley

Dr. Srimati Basu, Associate Professor, Department of Gender and Women's Studies (and Anthropology), University of Kentucky

Medea Benjamin, Cofounder, Global Exchange, San Francisco, and CODEPINK

Dr. Purnima Bose, Associate Professor, Department of English, Indiana University

Dr. Jeff Brody, Professor, College of Communications, California State University Fullerton

Adem Carroll, Chair, Muslim Consultative Network, New York Disaster Interfaith Services

Dr. Lubna Nazir Chaudhry, Assistant Professor, School of Education and Human Development, State University of New York, Binghamton

Huma Dar, Doctoral student, Department of South and South East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley

Dr. Geraldine Forbes, Distinguished Teaching Professor, Department of History, State University of New York Oswego

Dr. Sidney L. Greenblatt, President, Central New York Fulbright Association

Dr. Sondra Hale, Professor, Department of Anthropology and Women's Studies, University of California, Los Angeles

Dr. Lamia Karim, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon-Eugene

Professor Ali Kazimi, Department of Film, Faculty of Fine Arts, York University

Dr. Omar Khalidi, Aga Khan Program, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Rafique A. Khan, Community Development Planner, CRA, City of Los Angeles

Tasneem F. Khan, Kashmir Relief, Los Angeles

Dr. Amitava Kumar, Writer and Professor, Department of English, Vassar College

Rabbi Michael Lerner, Chair, The Network of Spiritual Progressives, Berkeley

Barbara Lubin, Executive Director, Middle East Children's Alliance, Berkeley

Dr. Sunaina Maira, Associate Professor, Department of Asian American Studies, University of California, Davis

Dr. Lise McKean, Senior Research Specialist, Learning Sciences Research Institute, University of Illinois at Chicago

Dr. Abdul R. JanMohamed, Professor, Department of English, University California, Berkeley

Dr. Swapna Mukhopadhyay, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Education, Portland State University

Dr. Richa Nagar, Professor, Department of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies, University of Minnesota

Dr. Vijaya Nagarajan, Associate Professor, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of San Francisco

Annie Paradise, Doctoral student, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco

Dr. David Naguib Pellow, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota

Faisal Qadri, Human Rights Law Network

Dr. Mridu Rai, Associate Professor, Department of History and Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies, Yale University

Dr. Cabeiri Robinson, Assistant Professor, International Studies & South Asian Studies, Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington, Seattle

Dr. Sabina Sawhney, Associate Professor, Department of English, Hofstra University

Dr. Simona Sawhney, Associate Professor, Department of Asian Languages and Literatures, University of Minnesota

Dr. Kalpana Rahita Seshadri, Associate Professor, Department of English, Boston College

Professor Richard Shapiro, Chair, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco

Murtaza Shibli, Editor, Kashmir Affairs, London

Dr. Magid Shihade, Visiting Scholar, Middle East/South Asia Studies, University of California, Davis

Snehal Shingavi, Doctoral student, Department of English, University of California, Berkeley

Dr. Ajay Skaria, Associate Professor, Department of History and Institute of Global Studies, University of Minnesota

Dr. Nancy Snow, Associate Professor, S. I. Newhouse School of Public Communications, Syracuse University

Dr. Rachel Sturman, Assistant Professor, Department of History & Asian Studies, Bowdoin College

Dr. Fouzieyha Towghi, Visiting Professor, Department of Ethnic Studies, University of California, Berkeley

Sandeep Vaidya, India Solidarity Group (Ireland)

Saiba Varma, Doctoral student, Department of Anthropology, Cornell University

Feroz Ahmed Wani, Social activist

David Wolfe, Human security and conflict resolution specialist

Pei Wu, Doctoral student, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
The goras were in the list, so i didnt bother cutting them out and confining it to Indian commies.

Also I don't want to give publicity to the crap site where I found it.

[Guest]

Ok Bharatvarsh, let me see you connect the dots on this one :-)
Indian scientists firm believers, finds survey

[Guest]

Closet Islamists
Non-Resident Mischief Mongers

[Shambhu]

The "Closet Islamists" link right above this post:

Yossarin's advive to Geelani supporters:
Get out of the closet of socialism and secularism and embrace the Sunnat to be governed by the Koran else Syed Geelani is coming after you as soon as he is done with the nationalists in Kashmir

And one of the comments:

LOL!

This thing reminds me of the Khilafat Movement. Gandhi supported the Muslim mobilization on the Khalifa issue so as to gain the favour of Muslims in the freedom struggle. Suddenly, after the Khalifa was abolished by Turkey (Muslims themselves), all of them found themselves staring at the middle finger.

Now its the turn of our very civil “civil society” to appreciate the sight of the middle finger.

[Guest]

CAG Diva wins IMC's Tippu Sultan Genocide Award
By Ari Saja

[Bodhi]

<!--QuoteBegin-Admin+Nov 15 2008, 06:38 AM-->QUOTE(Admin @ Nov 15 2008, 06:38 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->CAG Diva wins IMC's Tippu Sultan Genocide Award
By Ari Saja
[right][snapback]90158[/snapback][/right]
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

excellent!

[Bodhi]

Whoswho of top psec crowd.

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Fighting Fascism
Yogi Sikand

Last month, the New Delhi-based human rights' group Anhad, along with some 90 other organizations, held a two-day national convention on the theme, 'Countering Fascism: Defending the Idea of India'. It was attended by scores of social activists from various parts of the country. Predictably, it received hardly any mention in the so-called 'mainstream' Indian media.

The first session of the convention was devoted to discussions about Hindutva. In his introductory remarks, the noted social activist Ram Puniyani dwelt on the ideology and politics of Hindutva, which he, as did many other speakers after him, characterized as the Indian form of fascism. He argued for the need to examine the links between Hindutva terrorism and free-market terrorism represented by Western economic and cultural imperialism, and also to recognize the fact that Hindutva fascism poses a graver danger not just to Muslims and Christians, but in fact, to all marginalized groups in the country, particularly Dalits and Adivasis, since it represents the worldview, interests and agendas of entrenched 'upper' caste elites. He pointed out that in this regard there was little difference between the 'hard' Hindutva of the BJP and the 'soft' Hindutva of the Congress, and noted the deep inroads that Hindutva forces have made into every pillar of the state, including the bureaucracy and the judiciary, besides in the educational field and the media.

Elaborating further on the theoretical analysis of Hindutva as fascism, noted historian K.N.Panikkar spoke about how the Hindutva agenda is now being advanced not so much by communal riots, as in the past, but by what he termed as 'organized attacks on Muslims and Christians, amounting to genocide', often in complicity with agents of the state. Earlier, he said, communal riots were largely localized affairs, but now these organized attacks are happening simultaneously in different parts of the country, particularly in states ruled by the BJP or by coalitions in which the BJP is a major partner. In other words, he said, 'There is a convergence between the state and Hindutva fascist organizations since the state promotes or allows these attacks'.

These well-planned attacks on Muslims and Christians, Prof. Panikkar pointed out, are characterized by far greater brutality than previously, and no effective action is taken against their perpetrators, whether by the Central or state governments. He indicated that although the present Government in the Centre had come to power on what it had touted as a 'secular' platform, it has taken no effective action against Hindutva terrorism. In this way, he argued, 'There is no fundamental difference between the present UPA Government and the previous BJP-dominated NDA Government vis-à-vis fascism. The only distinction is that while the latter was aggressively communal, the former appears passively communal. But both allow and create spaces for fascism to advance'. In the last four years of Congress-led rule, he noted, groups like the RSS, the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and their allied social and cultural outfits have made rapid inroads across the country, 'so much so that today there is hardly a village in India where they do not operate'. He also argued that many of the terror attacks and bomb blasts that have occurred in India in recent years might have been orchestrated by Hindutva groups in order to justify attacks on Muslims and Christians, whip up Hindu sentiments and thereby consolidate their vote-bank.

Noted academic and legal luminary Prof. Upendra Baxi spoke about what he called the 'Modi-fication' of India, a process of 'regression', exemplified in the form of the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, which, in his words, 'represents a totalitarian order and a politics of immunity and impunity', a situation where those in power 'can do as they want without any pull of accountability or tug of constitutionality and can practise genocidal governance, a form of governance that continuously destroys democracy'. The 'Modi-fication' of India, he added, also signifies a particular relationship between 'development' and 'destruction', characterised by a close alliance of Hindutva fascism with Western economic imperialism in the garb of 'globalisation' that is wreaking havoc with the lives of the poor.

Prof. Baxi demanded that the international convention against genocide should be incorporated into the Indian Constitution and law and that the state's 'anti-terrorism' policy be made 'ethical and constitutional'. Remarking about the lack of political will to punish perpetrators of violence against minorities, and lamenting that 'law reforms have become a joke in India', he insisted on the need for a 'legal framework through which obstruction of the administration of justice is made a serious and punishable offence'.   

'Hindutva is identical with fascism', declared the noted social activist and Arya Samaj leader Swami Agnivesh.  'The RSS is the single major source of strife and danger to the unity and prosperity of India', he announced.  He argued that Hindutva was a formidable threat to the Hindus themselves, and that it aimed not just at the suppression of Muslims and Christians but also of the so-called 'lower' castes, who together form the vast majority of the Indian population. Hindutva terrorists, he said, 'are a blot on the face of India and the Hindu religion'. He also castigated the Congress for providing covert support to Hindutva fascism, and argued the need for a new, united political struggle for social justice and communal harmony and against capitalist depredation and Hindutva fascism.

The same point was made by John Dayal, spokesperson for the Catholic Church. He noted how scores of middle-class Hindus send their children to study in Christian schools but yet passionately support, or else remain silent on, Hindutva fascism. He also pointed out the close alliance between Indian and foreign capitalists and the Hindutva lobby, remarking that it was by no means accidental that the favourite destinations for large investments are now BJP-ruled states, such as Gujarat , Orissa, and Karnataka, where labour and people's movements have been harshly repressed. He argued the need for the Church to work closely with Muslim groups in the struggle for social justice for religious minorities as they are the common targets of Hindu fascism.

Since Hindutva fascism aims also at the suppression of the 'low' castes, and the poor in general, the struggle for social and economic justice must form a central plank of popular mobilization against Hindutva, opined noted social activist and former Vice-Chancellor of Lucknow University, Rooprekha Verma. She also dwelt at length on what she opined was the growing communalization of sections of the judiciary, which, she warned, posed ominous portents for prospects of genuine democracy and secularism in the country.

Magsaysay Award winner Sandeep Pandey pointed out that possible links between Hindutva radicals and certain terror attacks urgently needed to be probed. He critiqued the growing military and 'counter-terrorism' collaboration between India, Israel and the United States, as well as the manufacturing of the image of Muslims as 'terrorists' which global powers are propagating so assiduously in order, among other things, to boost their weapons industries.  

The second session of the convention dealt with 'Fascist Terror Networks in India '. In her introductory remarks, Shabnam Hashmi, coordinator of Anhad, spoke about the widespread and deep-rooted communalization of not just the political sphere but also of popular consciousness on what she called a 'massive and unprecedented scale'. The Congress is equally responsible, she said, for the rise of Hindutva fascism as the BJP, and she minced no words in claiming that certain actions and statements of the present Union Home Minister are no different from what one would expect from an RSS-leader. She came down heavily on the present government for its lack of political will to sternly counter Hindutva terrorism despite there being ample evidence of this, for its targeting innocent Muslims by arresting or shooting them dead in fake encounters in the name of countering terrorism, and for its dismal failure to prevent attacks on Christians.  

Well-known journalist Subhash Gatade spoke about the involvement of Hindutva terror groups in various bomb blasts that have taken place in different parts of the country. He lamented the fact that in several such cases no action at all has been taken against the perpetrators, and pointed that intelligence agencies and the police have sought to cover up many of these incidents. He spoke about the 'media's conspiracy of silence on Hindutva terrorism', adding that large sections of the media had failed to highlight the issue at the same time as they are engaged in a concerted campaign to declare scores of innocent Muslims arrested by the police as terrorists. The same view was expressed by the Nagpur-based writer and human rights activist Suresh Khairnar, who claimed that many terror attacks for which the media, the police and the intelligence agencies had blamed Muslims might actually have been the handiwork of fiercely anti-Muslim Hindutva groups, who, by seeking to attribute these attacks to Muslims, have sought to whip up anti-Muslim hatred, consolidate the Hindu vote-bank and, thereby, create a climate whereby oppression and demonisation of Muslims can be easily justified.

Noted senior Supreme Court advocate and head of the Delhi-based Human Rights Law Network Colin Gonsalves argued that it was crucial to examine the direction in which the courts were moving in India on the issue of communalism and secularism as reflected in their judgments. This would indicate both the ideology of the judges as well as what future judgments might be expected. Providing details of various Supreme Court decisions, he expressed his pessimism in this regard, suggesting that several of its recent judgments appeared to be clearly supportive of the Hindutva agenda and ideology. This, he opined, represented a decline of the judiciary's secular foundations. 'As a lawyer,', he remarked, 'I don't think the judiciary will help much in our struggle to counter communal violence, and to protect the rights of minorities, Dalits and the working classes. It hasn't helped much in the past, and it is increasingly moving in the direction of the rich. I don't say that all, or most, of the judges are pro-Hindutva, only that the doors of the law to uphold the rights of the oppressed are gradually closing'.

This, he suggested, should be seen in tandem with the mounting communalization of the police and of government-appointed commissions. He also noted the total unwillingness of the government to take any action against Hindutva terror groups as suggested by some commissions that it itself had appointed to look into cases of massacres of minorities. In many such cases, the perpetrators of violence against minorities have been left unscathed and complicit police officers protected and promoted, instead of being punished.

Another legal luminary and fellow advocate in the Supreme Court, Prashant Bhushan, referred to the menacing rise of Hindutva fascist forces that have started resorting to terror bomb blasts and are threatening to export what they consider as the 'Gujarat model' of genocidal attacks on minorities to the rest of the country. In this regard, he pointed out how scores of innocent Muslims have been arrested and languish in jail for bomb attacks for which they have no responsibility at all, and in this the police, the intelligence agencies and influential sections of the media are in league with Hindutva forces and the state. Hindutva outfits blatantly flout the law of the land by engaging in terror against minorities but yet the state takes virtually no action against them, he regretted. To prevent the hounding of innocent Muslim youth by an increasingly communalised police in the name of fighting terror, Bhushan suggested the need for an independent statutory prosecution body, separate from the police and not amenable to political manipulation, which could prosecute the police if it acts as a silent spectator or a willing accomplice in hounding innocent people who are arbitrarily branded by it as 'terrorists'. In this regard, he also suggested the setting up of an independent police complaints authority, which had been earlier recommended  by the Supreme Court but about which the Government has as yet taken no action.

Bhushan referred to communal bias in sections of the judiciary, in addition to other arms of the state. The judiciary, he said, lacked answerability, it being very difficult to impeach a judge if he was swayed or influenced by communal prejudice. To remedy this, he suggested that an independent judicial complaints authority be set up, which might make it more difficult for judges to be influenced by communal prejudices. He cited in this regard the recent report of the Nanavati Commission, stating that 'Nanavati did such a bad job that he could be tried for criminal conspiracy'. Bhushan also argued the need for India to sign the treaty of the International Criminal Court, so that if it is feared that judges might be swayed by Hindu communal prejudices in serious cases related to persecution of minorities these could be taken to the International Criminal Court instead. 'India is one of the very few countries that has not as yet signed this treaty, and if it does so we can take the case of Narendra Modi's-sponsored genocide of Muslims in Gujarat and other such cases to this court if justice cannot be had here', he remarked.

The third session of the convention was devoted to the theme 'Fascism and Neo-Liberal Economic Policies'. To consider Hindutva fascism simply as a religious or cultural or political phenomenon is misleading, suggested medical doctor and social activist Abhay Shukla. Rather, fascism, including in its Hindutva garb, also has to be understood as reflecting a certain economic agenda of entrenched and oppressive local and global elites. It is intricately related to the new 'global' face of rapacious 'neo-liberal' capitalist exploitation, and, as the case of Gujarat shows, is perfectly compatible with communal violence, which serves it by diverting the attention and wrath of oppressed classes/castes from their real caste/class oppressors onto imaginary and manufactured 'enemies', such as Muslims and Christians. The 'neo-liberal' development policies adopted by the Indian elite are generating widespread and mounting unemployment and pauperization of the poor, and Hindutva fascism thus serves as a tool to stamp out dissent and resistance of the subaltern classes, he said.

Elaborating on this thesis further, noted development economist and documentary film-maker Jaya Mehta remarked how increasing economic insecurity caused by the 'neo-liberal' economic policies leads to social psychological crises, which makes it easy for Hindutva outfits, representing the interests of entrenched elites, to play on these insecurities of the poor and the middle classes and whip up anti-Muslim, and now, increasingly, anti-Christian hatred and violence. In such a climate of economic insecurity, added independent journalist and social activist Satya Shivaraman, obscurantist religious cults flourish, holding out the illusory promise of hope amidst despair, while at the same time further exacerbating the commercialisation and politicization of religion.

Anil Choudhry, co-ordinator of INSAF, a Delhi-based activist group, further elaborated on this argument, stating that fascism, capitalism and war go hand-in-hand and that fascism must be seen as an 'economic project'. Hindutva fascism, he suggested, must be seen in the context of the current stage of the crisis of global capitalism, where, because global capital has taken over and the Indian state has given up many of its commitments to the poor, the state is now faced with what he termed as a 'moral crisis about its rationale'. Increasingly, the only rationale that it finds is 'security'-maintenance in the face of the civil-war-like conditions that the neo-liberal economic policies have themselves generated. It is in this context, he pointed out, that the manufacture of the notion of the 'Muslim-as-terrorist' must be examined, for it is on the claim of countering 'Muslim terrorism' that today numerous states seek to gain legitimacy and, indeed, their very rationale. Invoking Lenin, Choudhry described the state as the armed wing of the ruling class, and pointed to the symbiotic relationship between state terrorism and other forms of terrorism, neither of which can be understood in isolation.

The lively and immensely productive convention concluded with the announcement of a long list of plans for practical action to be taken to galvanise the struggle against communal fascism. But as to how and when and by whom these well-meaning and certainly very urgent suggestions will be taken up remains to be seen.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Dartmouth Students Rebel Against Feminist Professor's Manbashing, She Reacts by....Suing Her Students! (Part I)

"[The students] staged a rebellion..."

From Joseph Rago's Dartmouth's 'Hostile' Environment (Wall Street Journal, 5/5/08):

"After a winter of discontent, the snapping point came while Priya Venkatesan was lecturing on 'ecofeminism,' which holds, in part, that scientific advancements benefit the patriarchy but leave women out. One student took issue, and reasonably so – actually, empirically so. But 'these weren't thoughtful statements,' Ms. Venkatesan protests. 'They were irrational.' The class thought otherwise. Following what she calls the student's 'diatribe,' several of his classmates applauded.

"Ms. Venkatesan informed her pupils that their behavior was 'fascist demagoguery.' Then, after consulting a physician about 'intellectual distress,' she cancelled classes for a week. Thus the pending litigation.

"Such conduct is hardly representative of the professoriate at Dartmouth, my alma mater. Faculty members tend to be professional. They also tend to be sane.

"That said, even at – or especially at – putatively superior schools, students are spoiled for choice when it comes to professors who share ideologies like Ms. Venkatesan's. The main result is to make coursework pathetically easy. Like filling in a Mad Libs, just patch something together about "interrogating heteronormativity," or whatever, and wait for the returns to start rolling in...

"Why not? It's effortless, and there are better ways to spend time than thinking deeply about ecofeminism.

"The remarkable thing about the Venkatesan affair, to me, is that her students cared enough to argue. Normally they would express their boredom with the material by answering emails on their laptops or falling asleep. But here they staged a rebellion, a French Counter-Revolution against Professor Defarge. Maybe, despite the professor's best efforts, there's life in American colleges yet."

When I was in college 25 years ago I remember my roommate telling me about a recent lecture on "ecofeminism" in his class. The feminist professor's thesis was "just as men rape women, they rape the earth."

So here the male students in the class (the small percentage who make it to college these days) had been listening to this anti-male nonsense class after class and finally did what they should do far, far more often--they challenged it. Rather than engaging in debate, the feminist professor pretended to be a victim, cancelled classes for a week, scurried off to another school to teach, and is now suing her students. It is also quite possible that some of those who rebelled against the feminist professor were female students who've not yet been poisoned with the anti-male bigotry relentlessly pushed in Women's Studies classes.

I'm sure the professor also has/will have plenty of scurrilous things to say about the despised male rebels. One advantage though--whereas in family court women often have free reign to vilify the men who they feel done them wrong, in this case most if not all of what transpired must have happened in front of witnesses. I'll be surprised if her lawsuit goes anywhere, but you never know.

Maybe Dartmouth will settle with her and give her a hefty welfare check just to go away--after all, she is an oppressed female, and an oppressed "woman of color" to boot. In the politically correct college world, that gives her a vast advantage over her male students, though I'm sure she would never acknowledge it.

Thanks to Jean Valjean, a regular poster, for sending me the story.

http://glennsacks.com/blog/?p=2160<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
What a useless sack of sh1t for a course, "ecofeminism" my ass & not so coincidentally the prof is a dumb bimbo.

All the no good bums who major in "wimminz studeez" & assorted garbage like this mostly end up doing useless gov't jobs leeching off productive taxpayers.

[Bharatvarsh2]

Gaddafis' `blood money' dents image of Indian-origin academics

Shyam Bhatia In London



The image of UK-based NRIs has been dented following the revelation that two

prominent Indian names are closely linked to the London School of Economics'

(LSE) shamed association with the Gaddafi family.



Few in India will have heard the name of Sharmishta (Shami) Chakrabarti, a

London-born lawyer, and head of a human rights organisation called Liberty, who

became a virtual household name during the halcyon days of the Labour

government.



In her attempts to highlight human rights abuses throughout the world,

Chakrabarti became a regular participant in some of the UK's best-known radio

and television shows. So much so that in one radio poll she was included on the

shortlist of 10 persons who may run Britain. One year later she was voted second

in the `Most Inspiring Political Figure' award run by Channel 4 television.



Problems for her arose earlier this year after she did not appear to implement

her principles of upholding human rights when it came to her alma mater, LSE,

where she is both a member of the council and the court of governors.



In both roles she was part of the decision to accept a large donation from

Colonel Gaddafi, some student activists describe it as `blood money', to train

400 of what one newspaper describes as his "stooges" to "administer his vicious

totalitarian regime."



Chakrabarti said and did nothing about the rights and wrongs of accepting the

donation, said to be upwards of £2 million, although Amnesty and other human

rights groups have had no qualms about reporting how ordinary Libyans under

Gaddafi have never had an opportunity to vote, far less enjoy freedom of speech,

conscience or assembly.



When the scandal first broke, Chakrabarti was quoted as saying she had

`bucketfuls' of embarrassment and regret about what had happened. Speaking about

the reaction of the LSE ruling council, she added, "The council has been

completely united in its regret. As a human rights campaigner, I can only share

bucketfuls of both."



Such belated expressions of regret are, however, not enough for Chakrabarti's

critics who say she should at the very least resign from both the LSE council

and her job as Director of Liberty. This will not affect her many other jobs,

including Chancellor of Oxford Brookes University and a visiting fellowship at

Nuffield College, Oxford. One of her colleagues, Sir Howard Davies, has already

resigned as Director of the LSE council.



The other NRI embarrassed by LSE's Gaddafi links is Lord Meghnad Desai, born in

Vadodara, Gujarat, who is not a member of the LSE council, but one of the two

examiners of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi's Ph.D thesis that is said to be both ghost

written and widely plagiarised.



Desai has defended his role as examiner, saying, "I read the thesis and when I

examined him along with another examiner, he defended his thesis very, very

thoroughly. I don't think there's any reason to think he didn't do it himself."



Another UK-based economist, who also interacted with Gaddafi junior, has a

different perspective on his intellectual capabilities. John Christensen says in

his online blog, "Saif was not, how to say this politely, the brightest of

students. Not only was he totally uninterested in economics, he lacked the

intellectual depth to study at that level, and showed no willingness to read let

alone do course work…without making it explicit, Mr Gaddafi was expecting me to

write his essays…I was not prepared to do this."



This is the same Saif al-Islam Gaddafi who subsequently pledged a £1.5-million

donation to the LSE. A £300,000 advance sum has since been received, but the

university is now in a quandary about whether to keep what has been received,

donate it to a charity or send it all back.



Asked about Saif al-Islam's donation, Desai said last week end, "I don't believe

there was any quid pro quo, you get a Ph.D you give us one and a half million

pounds, because giving the Ph.D is not in LSE's hands. It's a University of

London Ph.D."



Asked about the rest of the Libyan money, he commented, "It obviously looks like

we were wrong. In hindsight it has become blood money. LSE has to clean up its

image and money should be going back. Any association with Libya that looks like

financial gain has to be returned."



Criticism of Chakrabarti and Desai comes less than six months after another

prominent NRI, Swraj Paul, was suspended from the House of Lords for claiming

thousands of pounds in expenses to which he was not entitled. Paul apologised

and subsequently repaid £42,000.



Fortunately, not everything is gloomy where NRIs and the LSE are concerned.

Another less well known Indian has emerged with considerable credit for his role

in demanding that LSE returns the Gaddafi money forthwith.



Ashok Kumar, education officer of the Students Union at the LSE , courageously

said last week, "We do not know for sure how much money the university was paid

but our position is that this is money stolen from the Libyan people."



http://www.tribuneindia.com/2011/20110309/main5.htm