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Media In India/elsewhere -2

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Media In India/elsewhere -2
Can you give some links to Kaczynski work etc.
Kaczynski is a circus phenomenon with not much scope. The main serious work which describes the post-industrial landscape of the west (and associated modernistic neurosis) is Ellul's "The Technological Society/System".

http://www.jesusmanifesto.com/wp-content/u...llul/system.pdf

The points presented are important in analyzing the roots of the<i> avant garde</i>-type of discourse imposed upon India's society (MF Hussain, the modernistic iconoclasts, South Asians, etc). But the western power structure as it immediately impacts India is more accurately represented by RM in 'Neocolonialism' and 'Whiteness'.

links to kaczynski: bio work influences
Wasnt he the Unabomber guy?
<!--QuoteBegin-dhu+Aug 5 2008, 01:45 PM-->QUOTE(dhu @ Aug 5 2008, 01:45 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--> <b>
There is one very clear link with Indian Sajaists- Vijay Prasad's unambiguous endorsement and childish fascination with Kaczynski's ramblings. </b> Kaczynski had been brooding over Ellul but gave his "manifesto" a peculiarly American twist by bringing in a major rant against liberals and how they subvert the normal impulses of self-survival.  Ellul himslef would never generalize about supposed liberal and conservative divisions but would see them as faces of the same "system" aka technique.  I suspect that many Sajaists deem these lines of anti-technique works to be the most revolutionary.  <b>
I think these guys like Prasad project the type of technical "system" described in Ellul (western system of racism for the less technically inclined) to the "brahminical" "caste" "Hinduism" "oppressive" "fedal" "systems" in India.</b>  This is western "manifesto" culture which we are dealing with and will have to cope with.  Manifesto culture was clearly visible in luther's antics.
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What about Vinay Lal.

There seems to be social group with same age profile and education when the marxist and leftism was waning in the west in late 60s.

The US was bracing itself to increase its GDP to that it could face off Soviet Union.
It went on a massive industrialization which this guy talks about.


<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>
On media and propaganda</b>

Ellul saw the power of the media as another example of technology exerting control over human destiny. As a mechanism of change, the media are almost invariably manipulated by special interests, whether of the market or the state. Using the term propaganda to address both political and commercial communication, Ellul wrote:
“  <b>It is the emergence of mass media which makes possible the use of propaganda techniques on a societal scale. The orchestration of press, radio and television to create a continuous, lasting and total environment renders the influence of propaganda virtually unnoticed precisely because it creates a constant environment. Mass media provides the essential link between the individual and the demands of the technological society.  ”</b>

In all of this, Ellul continued to place his understanding of technology and its proper role in this present society in a context that recognizes a faith in the eternal. This allowed Ellul to propose a more explicit alternative to the technology of the technician than those provided by some of his contemporaries, such as Heidegger.

To throw this wager or secular faith into the boldest possible relief, Ellul places it in dialectical contrast with Biblical faith. As a dialectical contrast to La Technique, for instance, Ellul writes Sans feu ni lieu (published in 1975, although written much earlier). Whereas technology is the attempt of human beings to create their home in this world, the Bible denies that people, the children of a Creator God, can ever be truly at home here.
<b>
Ellul adhered to the maxim "Think globally, act locally" throughout his life. </b>He often said that he was born in Bordeaux by chance, but that it was by choice that he spent almost all his academic career there. After a long illness, he died in his house in Pessac, just a mile or two from the University of Bordeaux campus, surrounded by those closest to him. Not long before his death, the treatment for this illness illustrated to him once again one of his favourite themes - the ambivalence of technological progress.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->What about Vinay Lal.

There seems to be social group with same age profile and education when the marxist and leftism was waning in the west in late 60s.

The US was bracing itself to increase its GDP to that it could face off Soviet Union.
It went on a massive industrialization which this guy talks about.
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Right, it was Vinay Lal (not vijay prasad) who gushingly prescribed Kazynscki in his university course. At that time, I thought it was odd of him to do so, but couldn't figure out why. The point about Ellul is that there is a very clear western supremacist strain present in his writings, which can be seen reflected in kazinsky's hack essay. do search for "western/west" in kazinsky's essay; it reads like typical conservative/militia/libertarian work at these points. This is counterintutive for a ultra-environmnatlist liberalist anti-technology piece. Such a prowestern stand (along with an hyperliberalism) is masked by an affected anti-west posture in Meera Nair and Arundhati --- but comes out quite plainy in Meera Nanda. That is, all pretenses of the anti-west discourse in Indian Communism/Liberalism etc are dropped in Meera Nanda. We always keep forgetting pro-western/british stand taken by Communists pre-independence.

added later:

Ellul's entire line thinking flows out of indignation at the paradoxes of "planned obsolescence" and "continuous consumption" - as opposed to the "conspicuous consumption" which motivated Marx.
Propaganda, Persuasion & Deception (pdf) - Quotations
<b>The Protocols of Ritual Defamation
How values, opinions and beliefs are
controlled in democratic societies.</b>
By Laird Wilcox
2002
"The critical element in political maneuver for advantage is the creation of meaning: the construction of
beliefs about the significance of events, of problems, of crisis, of policy changes, and of leaders. The
strategic need is to immobilize opposition and mobilize support. While coercion and intimidation help to
check resistance in all political systems, the key tactic must always be the evocation of meanings that
legitimize favored courses of action..." MURRAY EDELMAN, "Political Language and Political Reality," PS,
Winter 1985.
118
“At the extreme, the process of stereotyping eventuates in dehumanization: the enemy is judged to be so
inhumanly evil or contemptible that anything may be done to “it” without subjectively compromising one’s
own humanity and sense of loyalty.” AUSTIN TURK, Political Criminality, 1982.
“Freedom of the mind requires not only, or not even especially, the absence of legal constraints but the
presence of alternative thoughts. The most successful tyranny is not the one that uses force to assure
uniformity but the one that removes the awareness of other possibilities.” ALAN BLOOM, The Closing of
the American Mind, 1987.
Definitions: The term “protocol” refers to a set of rules or established method. The term “ritual” refers to
a predictable, stereotyped pattern that embraces number of elements, as in a ritual. The term
“defamation” refers to the destruction or attempted destruction of the reputation, status, or standing in
the community of a person or group of like-minded persons by deliberately unfair, false, misleading or
hateful communication.
Defamation might be confused with mere criticism, opposition or expression of opinion, which is
necessary for a free society. The essence of a democratic system depends on a large degree of freedom
of expression and of give and take in the marketplace of ideas. It is only through the vigorous exploration
of alternative explanations and sorting of conflicting facts and competing ideas that wise and reasonably
just decisions can take place. Hypersensitive individuals or groups often claim to have been unfairly
defamed when they have merely been criticized or challenged with results unsatisfactory to themselves.
It is important to differentiate between deliberate ritual defamation on the one hand, and mere criticism
and disagreement on the other.
For the purposes of this brief essay, the central element is defamation and the necessarily accompanying
stigmatization in retaliation for the real or imagined attitudes, opinions or beliefs of the subject, with the
intention of silencing or neutralizing his or her influence, and/or making an example of them so as to
discourage similar independence and “insensitivity” or non-observance of taboos on the part of others.
Ritual defamation differs in nature and degree from simple criticism or disagreement in that it is
aggressive, organized, premeditated and skillfully applied with the idea of neutralizing or eliminating an
opponent rather than simply refuting or proving him incorrect. Ritual defamation is often performed by
an organization or representative of a special interest group.
The elements of a Ritual Defamation are these:
1. In a ritual defamation the subject (hereinafter referred to as the "offender") must have violated
a particular taboo in some way, usually by expressing or identifying with a forbidden attitude,
opinion or belief. It is not necessary that he “do” anything about it or undertake any particular
course of action, only that they engage in some form of communication or expression. In some
cases even that is not necessary, only that they are associated with or "linked" to a taboo idea
or behavior in some way. It is largely directed against presumed attitudes, opinions or beliefs.
2. The primary method of attack in a ritual defamation is to assail the character of the offender,
and never to offer more than a perfunctory challenge to the particular attitudes, opinions or
beliefs expressed or implied. Any kind of debate with the offender is absolutely forbidden. The
primary tool of ritual defamation is stigmatization through character assassination.
3. An important rule in ritual defamation is to avoid engaging in any kind of debate over the
truthfulness or reasonableness of what has been expressed, only to condemn it. To debate the
issue opens the issue up for examination and discussion of its merits and to consider the
119
evidence or arguments that may support the forbidden views, which is just what the ritual
defamer is trying to avoid. The primary goal of a ritual defamation is censorship and repression
and marginalization of the offender.
4. The offender is often somebody in the public eye - someone who is vulnerable to public
opinion - although perhaps in a very modest way. It could be a businessman, schoolteacher,
public official, newspaper writer, scholar, or merely an outspoken citizen. Visibility enhances
vulnerability to ritual defamation.
5. An attempt, often successful, is made to involve others in the ritual defamation. In the case
of a public official, other public officials will be urged to denounce the offender. In the case of a
student, other students will be called upon to reject and ostracize them, in the case of a teacher,
other teachers will be recruited, and so on.
6. In order for a ritual defamation to be effective, the offender must be dehumanized to the
extent that he becomes thoroughly identified with the offending attitude, opinion or belief, and in
a manner which distorts it to the point where it appears at its most extreme. For example, a
victim who is defamed as a “subversive” will be identified with the worst images of subversion,
such as espionage, terrorism and treason. An offender defamed as a “pervert” will be identified
with the worst images of perversion, including child molestation and rape. An offender defamed
as a “racist” or“anti-Semite” will be identified with the worst images of racism or hatred of Jews,
such as lynchings or gas chambers.
7. To be maximally successful, a ritual defamation must bring pressure and humiliation on the
offender from every quarter, including family and friends. If the offender has schoolchildren,
they may be taunted and ridiculed as a consequence of adverse publicity. If the offender is
employed they may be ostracized or fired from their job. If the offender belongs to clubs or
associations, other members maybe urged to expel them.
8. Ritual defamation is highly symbolic and emotional and is designed to largely bypass rational
cognitive processes. In its modern form it is a relatively sophisticated method of focusing
hatred through skillful (albeit unprincipled) manipulation of symbols, prejudices and ideas.
9. Any explanation the offender may offer, including the claim of being wronged or
misunderstood, is considered irrelevant. To claim truth as a defense for a politically incorrect
value, opinion or belief is interpreted as defiance and only compounds the problem. Ritual
defamation, it must be emphasized, is not necessarily an issue of being wrong or incorrect
about a matter, but rather of “insensitivity” and failing to observe social taboos.
An interesting aspect of ritual defamation as a practice is its universality. It is not specific to any value,
opinion or belief or to any group or subculture. It may be used against any political, ethnic, national or
religious group. It may, for example, be used by anti-Semites against Jews, or by Jews against anti-
Semites; by right-wingers against left-wingers, or vice-versa, and so on.
The power of ritual defamation lies entirely in its capacity to intimidate and terrorize through the use of
stigmatization. It embraces some elements of primitive superstitious behavior, as in placing a “curse” or
“hex” upon selected victims. It results in the tainting, labeling or marking of a person as "impure,"
somehow less than human and as an outcast. It is a tool often used against rebels and dissenters. In
totalitarian societies it is a primary means of control.
A literary example of ritual defamation is Nathaniel Hawthorn’s novel, The Scarlet Letter, where a young
woman was forced to wear a large “A” on her clothing to indicate that she had committed adultery. A
120
historical example might be the witch hunts that occurred in colonial America. A more modern example
might be the McCarthy period of the 1950’s, where both Communist and non-Communist leftists were
charged with disloyalty and subversion, and recent crusades for “political correctness” in American
society have produced a large number of victims unfairly linked to ideas or beliefs they do not hold.
Ritual defamation plays into the subconscious fear most people have of being shunned, abandoned or
rejected by the tribe or community and its accompanying psychological support systems. For some
victims the experience can be terrifying. Only the strongest psyches can survive it undamaged.
The weakness of ritual defamation lies in its tendency toward overkill and in its obvious maliciousness.
More analytical or reflective citizens might perceive it as bullying, harassment or mere cruelty.
Occasionally a ritual defamation will fail because of poor planning and failure to correctly judge the
vulnerability of the offender, or because its unprincipled viciousness generates sympathy for them.
It is important to recognize and identify the patterns of a ritual defamation. Like virtually all propaganda
and disinformation campaigns it is accomplished primarily through the manipulation of meaning and the
use of words and symbols that characterize, identify and stigmatize. It is not used to persuade an
opponent or to promote an opposing viewpoint but to inflict public punishment and humiliation. Dr.
Edward Manner, professor of philosophy at Notre Dame University, observes that “stigmatization is one
of the most oppressive, inhumane forms of punishment any group of human beings can inflict on one of
its members.” He notes that it is “a form of social control a civilized society will use rarely, and only with
the greatest of care.”
Permission to reprint What is Political Extremism? and/or The Protocols of Ritual Defamation in full is
granted providing no changes are made.

Sardesai to "debate" on cash-for-vote story
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->"I am ready to debate with the BJP over the matter but you can't force a journalist on the timeline to show the sting. That's my call and not yours (politicians)," Sardesai told media-persons..<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Why Sardesai, what's good for goose ain't good for gander? You were part of the medial gaggle that was jumping up and down *immediately* after the T-20 championship match complaining as to why a particular CM was discriminating against players of a particular community.

If some two bit reporter can call shots on how a CM should run his state, what's the harm in politicans lobbying media to make public details of the story you were part of.

Rajdeep missing the trees in the forest - at this point, his media house <b>is the story</b>. Cash for vote is just part of it.

A bit old, but check the connections:
Reliance Capital acquires 6% stake in GBN
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Anil Ambani group company Reliance Capital Ltd has acquired <b>over six per cent stake</b> in Global Broadcast News Ltd (GBN), which operates the English news channel CNN-IBN (<i>remember the cash-vote sting by Rajdeep Sardesai</i>)and Hindi channel IBN7. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Cash-for-vote: CNN-IBN finally airs tapes </b>
Pioneer News Service | New Delhi
UPA partners reel under impact of scandals caught on camera
The CNN-IBN on Monday telecast the much-awaited tapes of the 'cash-for-vote' scandal. The tapes were telecast more than 20 days after the channel carried out a sting operation to expose the alleged horse-trading that took place before the July 22 trust vote in Parliament.<b> The channel's decision to telecast the tape on Monday coincided with its appearance before the parliamentary panel investigating the matter.</b>

The BJP, which had boycotted the channel for withholding telecast of the tapes, responded saying that the nation has "now clearly seen how the Manmohan Singh Government indulged in dubious and corrupt means to remain in power". Party spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad said, "The complaint of the three BJP MPs stands vindicated by the telecast of the tapes. This also proves the link between Amar Singh and Sanjeev Saxena. We demand a quick and thorogh probe as this matter involves the prestige of Parliament."

The tape had three main sections. The first showed Samajwadi Party MP Reoti Raman Singh meeting three BJP MPs -- Ashok Argal, Mahavir Bhagora and Faggan Singh Kulaste -- and offering them a meeting with his party colleague to fix the "amount".

The MPs appeared reluctant to go out and, instead, wanted to discuss the matter over phone with the unidentified man.

In the second section, a white Maruti Zen is seen entering into and coming out of Samajwadi Party general secretary Amar Singh's official residence at 27 Lodhi Estate in New Delhi.

The BJP leaders have all along claimed that two of their party MPs -- Argal and Kulaste -- went to meet Amar Singh in this car.

<b>The last section has footage showing Sanjeev Saxena, an alleged aide of the SP general secretary, delivering Rs 1 crore to the three BJP MPs and making them speak to someone (the BJP MPs claim it was Amar Singh) over phone. Though Amar Singh does not figure in the tapes, the BJP MPs in the recording are seen referring to some "Singhji" and Sanjeev Saxena speaking to some "Sirji".</b>

<b>While Amar Singh denied having a close association with Saxena, the BJP has produced "documentary evidence" before the parliamentary panel investigating the matter to prove Saxena's proximity with the SP leader. </b>

Asked by the channel whether the BJP had forced the three MPs into the sting operation, party general secretary Arun Jaitley said they had complained that while they had been rebuffing the bribery attempts, the media was carrying their names as "suspects". "So, we told them to take a bold step and become whistle-blowers," he said.

The channel said that when it tried to talk to Reoti Raman Singh, he refused to appear on camera. He told the channel that the BJP MPs had been calling him for quite some time and so he went and talked to them in a house at Ferozeshah Road. He also claimed that he had never used the word "amount", nor did he indulge in "such politics" at any time in his career.

Earlier, Rajdeep Sardesai, Editor-in-Chief of the news channel, and five of his staff appeared before the parliamentary panel and submitted two more tapes which the committee would examine. Both the panel chairman V Kishore Chandra Deo and Sardesai refused to talk about what the latter disclosed before the committee.

<b>Meanwhile, Communist Party of India national secretary D Raja questioned the delay by the channel in telecasting the tapes. "It should have been shown on the very first day when it was handed over to the Lok Sabha Speaker,"</b> he said.

<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->


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