Chhatrapathi Shivaji

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Shivaji - The Cause for Hindu Freedom

Shivaji's mission was not parochial; he was no mere conqueror, or Maratha imperialist. His was the cause of Hindu freedom and Hindu civilization. According to the Adnapatra, the aim of Shivaji was that 'all people be free from trouble and should follow the path of Dharma.' In the traditional Hindu manner, he assumed the role of the Protector; the title of Chhatrapati (lit. lord of the umbrella), which he chose, was symbolic of this.  He regenerated the Marathas...He rescued Dharma, established gods and Brahmins in their places.."

His real nature is better brought out by his submission to Ramdas and Tukaram, than by any of his political adventures. Though he fought, all through his life, against the imperial domination of the Mughals, he neither hated Islam nor the Muslims, as such; he employed several of them in important services.

Khwafi Khan, the contemporary Muslim historian, has testified with great candor that:

"He made it a rule that whenever his followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Quran came into his hands, he treated it with respect, gave it to one of his Mussalman followers. "

(source: Our Heritage and Its Significance - By Shripad Rama Sharma p. 138-139).

http://www.atributetohinduism.com/Glimpses_V.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bharatvarsh+Apr 19 2006, 08:14 PM-->QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Apr 19 2006, 08:14 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->His information came from there.

If Laine is writing negative material re Shivaji, the ABORI Hindu Scholars have only themsleves to blame<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
No it did not come from there, he has not given any source for his claim that Shivaji was b@st@rd other than how some Marathas tell such naughty jokes (funny no Hindu I know ever heard of such a joke), BORI simply provided him access to the sources, what he wrote is his responsibility and as a supposed scholar he should be responsible about what he writes, with freedom comes responsibility. His insistence that Shivaji had no Hindu conciousness is nonsensical especially in light of the letters Shivaji wrote to Dadaji Naras Prabhu, Samarth Ramdas and Aurangzeb. Even his contemporary biographers and court historians are quite clear that he intended to establish a Hindu kingdom.

If someone goes to a research library and comes out with a book, the claims made in the book unless substantiated by historical sources are that persons responsibility, not the responsibility of the research library or its staff. Other people can't determine what Laine writes.
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Laine mentions in his Acknowledgments (p. viii) that his "scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune" where he "profited from advice and assistance"

That is far different from someone just consulting some books in the library and using them as references.

If the information was not in anybook, It could be thought, not without reason, that Laine got this kind of story from BORI scholars.


An alternative explantion could be - Laine used the info, and now everyone is running away from the 'sick private joke'.

Did the BORi scholars set up the mischief?

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Laine mentions in his Acknowledgments (p. viii) that his "scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune" where he "profited from advice and assistance"

That is far different from someone just consulting some books in the library and using them as references.

If the information was not in anybook, It could be thought, not without reason, that Laine got this kind of story from BORI scholars.


An alternative explantion could be - Laine used the info, and now everyone is running away from the 'sick private joke'.

Did the BORi scholars set up the mischief?<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Thanks for the clarification, I was under the impression that he just went there to look up sources, it is possible that one of the BORI people may have suggested it but we have no way of knowing since Laine never mentioned his source for it except by saying that it was a private joke among Marathas, Gail Omvedt if I remember correctly has suggested Chitvapan Brahman's as the source of the joke but that is also speculation and not believable because her own agenda is to blame Brahmins for everything wrong in India and Vishal Agarwal has also said that he never heard of such a joke among any Chitvapan Brahmans when he lived there. At any rate, Laine is still responsible because he was the one who chose to put it in there despite knowing that no historical evidence exists for such a claim.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->A letter written to Chatrapati Sambhaji by Samartha Swami Ramadas, Shivaji's guru.

Sambhaji ruled Maharashtra for many years after Shivaji passed away. The letter contains a `wake-up' call to Sambhaji who was facing difficult problems at home and was not persuing correct path for ruling. This letter prompted him to make successful changes and he regained confidence of his subordinates after some adjustments. It is unfortunate that at the end he fell in hands of Aurangajeb and was subsequently killed for sticking to his principles.

(The torturous death occured on ##phaalguna amaavaasyaa##.)

## raamadaasasvaamii.nche patra ##

## akha.nDa saavadhaana asaave.n . dushchitta kadaapi nasaave.n.##
## tajavijaa kariita basaave.n . ekaa.nta sthaLii .. 1.. ##

## kaa.nhii.n ugra sthiti saa.nDaavii . kaa.nhii.n saumyataa dharaavii.##
## chi.ntaa laagaavii paraavii . a.ntaryaamii.n .. 2.. ##

## maagiila aparaadha kShamaave . kaarabhaarii haatii.n dharaave.##
## sukhii karuuni soDaave . kaamaakaDe .. 3.. ##

## paaTavaNii tuMba nighenaa . tarii maga paaNii chaalenaa.##
## taise.n sajjanaa.nchyaa manaa . kaLale.n paahije .. 4.. ##

## janaachaa pravaaha chaalilaa . mhaNaje kaaryabhaaga aaTopalaa.##
## jana Thaayii.n Thaayii.n tuMbalaa . mhaNaje khoTaa.n .. 5.. ##

## shreShThii.n je.n je.n miLavile.n . tyaasaaThii.n bhaa.nData basale.n.##
## maga jaaNaave.n phaavale.n . galimaa.nsii .. 6 .. ##

## aise.n sahasaa karuu.n naye . doghe bhaa.nDataa.n tisaryaasii jaya.##
## dhiira dharoNa mahatkaarya . samajuuna karaave.n .. 7 .. ##

## aadhii.ncha paDalaa dhaastii . mhaNaje kaaryabhaaga hoya naastii.##
## yaakaaraNe.n samastii.n . buddhi shodhaavii .. 8 .. ##

## raajii raakhitaa.n jaga . maga kaaryabhaagaachii lagabaga.##
## aise.n jaaNoniyaa.n saa.nga . samaadhaana raakhaave.n .. 9 .. ##

## aadhii.n gaajavaave taDaake . maga bhuuma.nDaLa dhaake.##
## aise.n na hotaa.n dhakke . raajyaasa hotii .. 10 .. ##

## samaya prasa.nga oLakhaavaa . raaga nipaTuuna kaaDhaavaa.##
## aalaa tarii kaLo.n na dyaavaa . janaaMmadhye.n .. 11 .. ##

## raajyaamadhye sakaLa loka . salagii deuun karaave sevaka.##
## lokaa.nche manaamadhye.n dhaaka . upajo.nchi naye .. 12 .. ##

## aahe tituke.n jatana karaave.n . puDhe.n aaNika miLavaave.n.##
## maahaaraaShTraraajya karaave.n . jikaDe tikaDe .. 13 .. ##

## lokii.n hiMmata dharaavii . shartiichii taravaara karaavii.##
## chaDhatii vaaDhatii padavii . paavaala yeNe.n .. 14 .. ##

## shivaraajaasa aaThavaave.n . jiivitva tR^iNavat.h maanaave.n.##
## ihalokii.n paralokii.n raahaave.n . kiirtiruupe.n .. 15 .. ##

## shivaraayaache.n aaThavaave.n ruupa . shivaraayaachaa aaThavaavaa prataapa.##
## shivaraayaachaa aaThavaavaa saakShepa . bhuuma.nDaLii.n .. 16 .. ##

## shivaraayaache.n kaise.n chaalaNe.n . shivaraayaache.n kaise.n bolaNe.n.##
## shivaraayaachii salagii deNe.n . kaise.n ase .. 17 .. ##

## sakaLa sukhaa.nchaa tyaaga . karuuna saadhije to yoga.##
## raajyasaadhanaachii lagabaga . kaisii ase .. 18 .. ##

## tyaahuuni karaave.n visheSha . tariicha mhaNaave.n puruSha.##
## yaauparii aataa.n visheSha . kaaya lihaave.n .. 19 .. ##

The gist of the letter is as follows:

"Material happiness should be looked upon as worthless. We should live in such a way as to be praised and remembered in this world and welcomed in the other. We should be ever vigilant in our thoughts, words and deeds. We should never think low. One should sit alone and think deeply. One should be less severe and more liberal in judging others. One should take one's officers into confidence. Always think of Shivaji Maharaj and his great deeds. Think his form, think of his valour. Think of his bravery, his tact, his administrative capacity. How noble were his words, his conduct! What warmth of personality! He should be an inspiration in every walk of your life. It should be your constant endeavour to better him if possible in every respect. Then alone will you be worthy of praise. What else can I write?"

http://sanskrit.gde.to/all_txt/samb.txt<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

The following is take from Muntakhabu-l Lubáb, of Kháfí Khán found in Volume VII of "The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians. The Muhammadan Period
Sir H. M. Elliot Edited by John Dowson" and can be read online at:

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1017&ct=61

In the work Khafi Khan speaks at random intervals about Shivaji so I collected all the extracts and am going to make a couple of posts about them.

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Beginning of the troubles with Sivají.*

[vol. ii. p. 110.] I now relate what I have heard from trusty men of the Dakhin and of the Mahratta race about the origin and race of the reprobate Sivají. His ancestors owe their origin to the line of the Ránás of Chitor. In the tribe of the Rájpúts, and among all Hindús, it is the settled opinion, that to have a son by a woman of a different caste, or to beget one upon a slave-girl (kaníz), is wrong and censurable. But if in youth, when the passions are strong, a man should have a son by a strange woman, he should take him into his house and have him brought up among his confidential handmaids and slaves. But nothing descends to such a son on the death (of the father). Even if the mother of the child is of a better stock than the father, she cannot marry him unless she be of the same tribe. If, through love, a man consorts with such a woman, and has a son, the child is looked upon with great disdain, he is brought up as a b@st@rd, and can only marry with one like himself. If a woman of the merchant caste goes into the house of a man of lower caste than herself, or the daughter of a Bráhman consorts with a Khatrí, every child that is born is looked upon as a slave (kaníz o ghulám).

It is said that one of the ancestors of Sivají, from whom he received the name of Bhoslah, dwelt in the country of the Ráná. He formed a connexion with a woman of inferior caste, and, according to the custom of his tribe, he took the woman to him¬self without marriage. She bore him a son. Reflecting upon this disgrace to himself and tribe, he kept the child concealed in the hills in that position of life which he had determined for him. There he secretly brought him up. He was very devoted to the woman; so that, although his father and mother wished him to marry a woman of his own tribe, he would not consent. When the cup of his affection ran over, and the fact of this maintenance of his child was the common talk of friends and strangers, he secretly took the boy from the place where he had concealed him, and carried him off along with his mother to the Dakhin. Al¬though he falsely gave out that his son was by a woman of his own tribe, no Rájpút of pure race would allow of any matri¬monial connexion with the boy. So he was obliged to marry the lad to a girl of the Mahratta tribe, which also claims to belong to an obscure class of Rájpúts. From this good stock, in the seventh or eighth generation, was born Sáhú Bhoslah. The origin of the name Bhoslah, according to the commonly-received opinion, is from the Hinduwí word “ghoslah,” meaning “place,”* or a very small and narrow place; and as that man was brought up in such a place, he received the name of Bhoslah. But I have heard a different explanation.

After the dominions of the Nizámu-l Mulk dynasty had passed into the possession of Sháh Jahán, and that Emperor had entered into friendly relations with 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, the latter proposed to exchange certain districts in the neighbourhood of Khujista-bunyád (Aurangábád), and belonging to Bíjápúr, for the ports of Jíwal, Bábal Danda Rájpúrí, and Chákna* in the Kokan, which had formerly appertained to Nizámu-l Mulk, but had been taken possession of by 'Ádil Sháh, as being in proxi¬mity with his territory in the Konkan known by the name of Tal Kokan. These districts consisted of jungles and hills full of trees. The proposal was accepted, and both Kokans were included in the territory of 'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr. * *

Mullá Ahmad, an adherent of the Bíjápúr dynasty, who was descended from an Arab immigrant, held three parganas in this country. * * At this time two parganas, named Púna and Súpa, became the jágír of Sáhú Bhoslah. Sivají became the manager of these two parganas on the part of his father, and looked care¬fully after them. He was distinguished in his tribe for courage and intelligence; and for craft and trickery he was reckoned a sharp son of the devil, the father of fraud. In that country, where all the hills rise to the sky, and the jungles are full of trees and bushes, he had an inaccessible abode. Like the zamín¬dárs of the country, he set about erecting forts on the hills, and mud forts, which in the Hinduwí dialect of the Dakhin are called garhí.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr was attacked by sickness, under which he suffered for a long time, and great confusion arose in his terri¬tory. At this time Mullá Ahmad went with his followers to wait upon the Emperor Sháh Jahán, and Sivají, seeing his country left without a ruler, boldly and wickedly stepped in and seized it, with the possessions of some other jágírdárs. This was the be¬ginning of that system of violence which he and his descendants have spread over the rest of the Kokan and all the territory of the Dakhin. Whenever he heard of a prosperous town, or of a district inhabited by thriving cultivators, he plundered it and took possession of it. Before the jágírdárs in those troublous times could appeal to Bíjápúr, he had sent in his own account of the matter, with presents and offerings, charging the jágírdárs or proprietors with some offence which he had felt called upon to punish, and offering to pay some advanced amount for the lands on their being attached to his own jágír, or to pay their revenues direct to the Government. He communicated these matters to the officials at Bíjápúr, who in those disturbed times took little heed of what any one did. So when the jágírdár's complaint arrived, he obtained no redress, because no one took any notice of it. The country of the Dakhin was never free from com¬motions and outbreaks, and so the officials, the raiyats, and the soldiery, under the influence of surrounding circumstances, were greedy, stupid, and frivolous; thus they applied the axe to their feet with their own hands, and threw their wealth and property to the winds. The greed of the officials increased, especially in those days when the authority of the rulers was interrupted, or their attention diverted. In accordance with the wishes of this disturber, the reins of authority over that country fell into his hands, and he at length became the most notorious of all the rebels.

He assembled a large force of Mahratta robbers and plun¬derers, and set about reducing fortresses. The first fort he reduced was that of Chandan.* After that he got possession of some other fortresses which were short of supplies, or were in charge of weak and inexperienced commandants. Evil days fell upon the kingdom of Bíjápúr in the time of Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán the Second, whose legitimacy was questioned, and who ruled when a minor as the locum tenens of his father. The operations of Aurangzeb against that country when he was a prince in the reign of his father, brought great evil upon the country, and other troubles also arose. Sivají day by day increased in strength, and reduced all the forts of the country, so that in course of time he became a man of power and means. He had drawn together a large force, and attacked the Kings of Hind and of Bíjápúr, and, protected by mountains and jungles full of trees, he ravaged and plundered in all directions far and wide. The inaccessible forts of Rájgarh* and Chákna were his abodes, and he had secured several islands in the sea by means of a fleet which he had formed. He built several forts also in those parts, so that altogether he had forty forts, all of which were well supplied with provisions and munitions of war. Boldly raising his standard of rebellion, he became the most noted rebel of the Dakhin.

Sivají murders Afzal Khán Bíjápúrí.

When Sikandar 'Alí 'Ádil Khán came to years of discretion, and took the government into his own hands, he wrote letters to Sivají, but without effect. He then sent Afzal Khán with a large army to chastise the rebel. Afzal Khán was one of 'Ádil Khán's most distinguished and courageous officers, and he pressed Sivají hard. The truculent rebel, knowing that he could gain nothing by regular warfare, artfully sent some of his people to express his repentance, and to beg forgiveness of his offences. After some negociation, the deceitful bráhmans made an agreement that Sivají should come to wait upon Afzal Khán at a certain place under his fortress with only three or four servants and entirely without arms. Afzal Khán likewise was to proceed in a pálkí, with four or five servants, and without arms, to the place agreed upon under the fort. After Sivají had paid his respects, and verbal agreements had been made, he was to receive a khil'at and then be dismissed. When Afzal Khán had taken the proffered tribute and peshkash, Sivají was to entertain him, and speed him on his way back to Bíjápúr, or rather he would attend him thither in person upon an assurance of reconciliation.

The designing rascal by sending various presents and fruits of the country, and by his humbleness and submission, concili¬ated Afzal Khán, who fell into the snare, believing all his false deceiving statements, and observing none of that caution which the wise commend. Without arms he mounted the pálkí, and proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot. Then the deceiver came down on foot from the fort, and made his appearance with manifestations of humility and despair. Upon reaching the foot of the hill, after every three or four steps, he made a confession of his offences, and begged forgiveness in abject terms and with limbs trembling and crouching. He begged that the armed men and the servants who had ac¬companied Afzal Khán's litter should move farther off. Sivají had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichúá,* on the fingers of his hand hidden under his sleeve, so that it could not be seen. He had concealed a number of armed men among the trees and rocks all about the hill, and he had placed a trumpeter on the steps, to whom he said, “I intend to kill my enemy with this murderous weapon; the moment you see me strike, do not think about me, but blow your trumpet and give the signal to my soldiers.” He had given orders to his troops also that as soon as they heard the blast of the trumpet, they should rush out and fall upon the men of Afzal Khán, and do their best to attain success.

Afzal Khán, whom the angel of doom had led by the collar to that place, was confident in his own courage, and saw Sivají approach unarmed and fearing and trembling. He looked upon his person and spirit as much alike, so he directed all the men who had accompanied his litter to withdraw to a distance. The treacherous foe then approached and threw himself weeping at the feet of Afzal Khán, who raised his head, and was about to place the hand of kindness on his back and embrace him. Sivají then struck the concealed weapon so fiercely into his stomach that he died without a groan. According to his orders, the trumpeter blew a blast of triumph to arouse the concealed troops. Men on horse and foot then rushed forth in great numbers on all sides, and fell upon the army of Afzal Khán, killing, plundering, and destroying. The bloodthirsty assassin rushed away in safety and joined his own men, whom he ordered to offer quarter to the defeated troops. He obtained possession of the horses, elephants, treasure, and all the baggage and stores. He proposed to take the soldiers into his service, and gained them over. Then, as usual, he went on collecting stores and men.

'Ádil Khán of Bíjápúr, on hearing of this defeat, sent another army against Sivají, under the command of Rustam Khán, one of his best generals. An action was fought near the fort of Parnála, and Rustam Khán was defeated. In fine, Fortune so favoured this treacherous worthless man, that his forces increased, and he grew more powerful every day. He erected new forts, and employed himself in settling his own territories, and in plundering those of Bíjápúr. He attacked the caravans which came from distant parts, and appropriated to himself the goods and the women. But he made it a rule that wherever his followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Kurán came into his hands, he treated it with respect, and gave it to some of his Musulmán followers. When the women of any Hindú or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, and they had no friend to protect them, he watched over them until their relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty. Whenever he found out that a woman was a slave-girl, he looked upon her as being the property of her master, and appropriated her to himself. He laid down the rule that whenever a place was plundered, the goods of poor people, pul-siyáh (copper money), and vessels of brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs and jewels, were not to belong to the finder, but were to be given up without the smallest deduction to the officers, and to be by them paid over to Sivají's government.

March of Amíru-l umará*
to punish Sivají.

[vol. ii. p. 119.] When Aurangzeb was informed of Sivají's violence, he directed Amíru-l umará who was Súbadár of the Dakhin, to punish and put him down. Amíru-l umará marched, in accordance with these orders, from Aurangábád at the end of Jumáda-l awwal, 1070 (end of January, 1660 A.D.), and marched towards Púna and Chákna, which in those days were Sivají's places of abode and security. He left Mumtáz Khán in command at Aurangábád, and on the 1st Rajab arrived at the village of Seogánw, belonging to Sivají. At this time Sivají was at the town of Súpa,* but upon hearing of Amíru-l umará's movements, he vacated that place, and went off in another direction. Amíru-l umará took Súpa without opposi¬tion, and left Jádú Ráí there to take charge of it, and to pro¬vide supplies of corn for the army. The daring freebooter Sivají ordered his followers to attack and plunder the baggage* of Amíru-l umará's army wherever they met with it. When the Amír was informed of this, he appointed 4000 horse, under experienced officers, to protect the baggage. But every day, and in every march, Sivají's Dakhinís swarmed round the baggage, and falling suddenly upon it like Cossacks, they carried off horses, camels, men, and whatever they could secure, until they became aware of the approach of the troops. The Imperial forces pursued them, and harassed them, so that they lost courage, and giving up fighting for flight, they dispersed. At length they reached Púna and Sívápúr, two places built by that dog (Sivají). The Imperial forces took both these places and held them.

Then the royal armies marched to the fort of Chákna, and after examining its bastions and walls, they opened trenches, erected batteries, threw up intrenchments round their own position, and began to drive mines under the fort. Thus having invested the place, they used their best efforts to reduce it. The rains in that country last nearly five months, and fall night and day, so that people cannot put their heads out of their houses. The heavy masses of clouds change day into night, so that lamps are often needed, for without them one man cannot see another one of a party. But for all the muskets were rendered useless, the powder spoilt, and the bows de¬prived of their strings, the siege was vigorously pressed, and the walls of the fortress were breached by the fire of the guns. The garrison were hard pressed and troubled, but in dark nights they sallied forth into the trenches and fought with surprising boldness. Sometimes the forces of the freebooter on the outside combined with those inside in making a simultaneous attack in broad daylight, and placed the trenches in great danger. After the siege had lasted fifty or sixty days, a bastion which had been mined was blown up, and stones, bricks and men flew into the air like pigeons. The brave soldiers of Islám, trusting in God, and placing their shields before them, rushed to the assault and fought with great determination. But the infidels had thrown up a barrier of earth inside the fortress, and had made intrench-ments and places of defence in many parts. All the day passed in fighting, and many of the assailants were killed. But the brave warriors disdained to retreat, and passed the night without food or rest amid the ruins and the blood. As soon as the sun rose, they renewed their attacks, and after putting many of the garrison to the sword, by dint of great exertion and resolution they carried the place. The survivors of the garrison retired into the citadel. In this assault 300 men of the royal army were slain, besides sappers and others engaged in the work of the siege. Six or seven hundred horse and foot were wounded by stones and bullets, arrows and swords. The men in the citadel being reduced to extremity, sent Ráo Bháo Singh to make terms, and then sur¬rendered. Next day Amíru-l umará entered and inspected the fortress, and having left Uzbek Khán in command of it, he marched after Sivají. After a time he gave the name of Islámábád to Chákna, and called Ja'far Khán from Málwá to his assistance. Amíru-l umará reported that the fort of Parenda had been won without fighting.*

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1073 A.H. (1663 A.D.).
Sivají surprises Sháyista Khán at Púna.

[vol. ii. p. 171.] The Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), after taking several forts and strong places, proceeded to Púna, and lodged there in a house which had been built by that hell-dog Sivají. From thence he sent out detachments to destroy the power of Sivají, and to make him prisoner. A regulation had been made that no person, especially no Mahratta, should be allowed to enter the city or the lines of the army without a pass, whether armed or unarmed, excepting persons in the Imperial service. No Mahratta horseman was taken into the service. Sivají, beaten and dispirited, had retired into mountains difficult of access, and was continually changing his position. One day a party of Mahrattas, who were serving as foot-soldiers, went to the kotwál, and applied for a pass to admit 200 Mahrattas, who were accompanying a marriage party. A boy dressed up as a bride¬groom, and escorted by a party of Mahrattas with drums and music, entered the town early in the evening. On the same day another party was allowed to enter the town on the report that a number of the enemy had been made prisoners at one of the outposts, and that another party was bringing them in pinioned and bare-headed, holding them by ropes and abusing and reviling them as they went along. They proceeded to the place agreed upon, where the whole party met and put on arms. At midnight they went to the cook-house, which was near the women's apartments. Between the two there was a small window stopped up with mud and bricks. They proceeded by a way well known to them, and got into the kitchen. It was the month of the fast. Some of the cooks were awake, and busy in preparing the vessels for cooking, and others were asleep. The assailants approached noiselessly, and, as far as they were able, they attacked and killed unawares those who were awake. Those who were asleep they butchered as they lay. So no great alarm was raised. They then quickly set to work about opening the closed window in the palace. The noise of their pickaxes and the cries of the slaughtered men awoke a servant who was sleep¬ing in a room next to the wall of the cook-house. He went to the Amíru-l umará (Sháyista Khán), and informed him of what he had heard. The Amír scolded him, and said that it was only the cooks who had got up to do their work. Some maid-servants then came, one after another, to say that a hole was being made through the wall. The Amír then jumped up in great alarm, and seized a bow, some arrows, and a spear. Just then some Mah-rattas came up in front, and the Amír shot one with an arrow; but he got up to the Amír, and cut off his thumb. Two Mahrattas fell into a reservoir of water, and Amíru-l umará brought down another with his spear. In the midst of the confusion two slave-girls took Sháyista Khán, Amíru-l umará, by the hand, and dragged him from the scene of strife to a place of safety. A number of Mahrattas got into the guard-house, and killed every one they found on his pillow, whether sleeping or awake, and said: “This is how they keep watch!” Some men got into the nakár-khána, and in the name of the Amíru-l umará ordered the drums to be beaten; so such a din was raised that one man could not hear another speak, and the noise made by the assailants grew higher. They closed the doors. Abú-l Fath Khán, son of Sháyista Khán, a brave young man, rushed forward and killed two or three men, but was himself wounded and killed. A man of importance, who had a house behind the palace of the Amíru-l umará, hearing the outcry, and finding the doors shut, endea¬voured to escape by a rope-ladder from a window; but he was old and feeble, and somewhat resembled Sháyista Khán. The Mahrattas mistook him for the Amíru-l umará, killed him and cut off his head. They also attacked two of the Amír's women. One of them was so cut about that her remains were collected in a basket which served for her coffin. The other recovered, although she had received thirty or forty wounds. The assail¬ants gave no thought to plundering, but made their way out of the house and went off.

In the morning Rája Jaswant, who was commander of Amíru-l umará's supports, came in to see the Amír, and make his apo¬logy; but that high-born noble spoke not a word beyond saying, “I thought the Mahárája was in His Majesty's service when such an evil befell me.” When this occurrence was reported to the Emperor, he passed censure both upon the Amír and Rája Jaswant. The Súbadárí of the Dakhin and the command of the forces employed against Sivají was given to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. The Amíru-l umará was recalled, but a subsequent order sent him to be Súbadár of Bengal. Mahárája Jaswant was continued as before among the auxiliary forces under the Prince.

SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1074 A.H. (1664 A.D.).

[Text, vol. ii. p. 177.] Despatches arrived from Prince Mu'azzam to the effect that Sivají was growing more and more daring, and every day was attacking and plundering the Imperial territories and caravans. He had seized the ports of Jíwal, Pábal* and others near Surat, and attacked the vessels of pil¬grims bound to Mecca. He had built several forts by the sea¬shore, and had entirely interrupted maritime intercourse. He had also struck copper coins (sikka-i pul) and huns in the fort of Ráj-garh. Mahárája Jaswant had endeavoured to suppress him, but without avail. Rája Jai Sing [and many other nobles] were sent to join the armies fighting against him.

EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1075 A.H. (1665 A.D.).
War in the Dakhin. Surrender of Sivají.

Rája Jai Singh proceeded to his command and paid his respects to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at Aurangábád. He then went to Púna, and having arranged the affairs of that district, he employed himself in distributing the forces under his command to ravage the country and attack the forts of the enemy. He himself proceeded to attack the forts of Púrandhar and Rúdar Mál,* two of the most noted fortresses in the country, which had formerly belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. The two forts were close to each other. Diler Khán was sent on in command of the advanced force. * * Diler Khán began the siege, and both the forts were invested. The garrison made a vigorous defence. * * Jai Singh arrived with his son Kesar Singh. * * After a bastion had been blown up on one side, a panic seized the defenders of the foot of the hill. The besiegers then attacked them and succeeded in making their way to the top of the hill, when the defenders called for quarter, which was granted to them by the Rája and Diler Khán. The two commandants waited upon Diler Khán, and were sent to the Rája, who disarmed the garrison, and took possession of the forts. Eighty men, horsemen, infantry and sappers, were lost in the siege, and more than a hundred were wounded.

After the conquest of the two forts, Rája Jai Singh sent Dáúd Khán and * * with seven thousand horse to plunder and lay waste the country which Sivají had won by force and violence. Great efforts were made on both sides, and for five months the Imperial forces never rested from harassing and fighting the enemy. At Sívápúr, which was built by Sivají, and at the forts of Kandána* and Kanwárí-garh, not one trace of cultivation was left, and cattle out of number were taken. But on the other hand, the sudden attacks by the enemy, their brilliant successes, their assaults in dark nights, their seizure of the roads and difficult passes, and the firing of the jungles full of trees, severely tried the Imperial forces, and men and beasts in great numbers perished. But the enemy also had suffered great losses, and took to flight. The fort of Rájgarh,* which Sivají himself held, and the fort of Kandána, in which were his wife and his maternal relations, were both invested, and the besiegers pressed the garrisons hard. The roads on all sides were blockaded, and Sivají knew that, however much he might desire it, he could not rescue his family and carry them to a place of safety. He also knew that if these strongholds were taken, his wife and family would be liable to suffer the consequences of his own evil deeds. Accordingly he sent some intelligent men to
Rája Jai Singh, begging forgiveness of his offences, promising the surrender of several forts which he still held, and proposing to pay a visit to the Rája. But the Rája, knowing well his craft and falsehood, gave directions for pressing the attack more vigorously, until the intelligence was brought that Sivají had come out of the fortress. Some con¬fidential Bráhmans now came from him, and confirmed his expressions of submission and repentance with the most stringent oaths.

The Rája promised him security for his life and honour, upon condition of his going to wait on the Emperor, and of agreeing to enter into his service. He also promised him the grant of a high mansab, and made preparations for suitably receiving him. Sivají then approached with great humility. The Rája sent his munshí to receive him, and he also sent some armed Rájpúts to provide against treachery. The munshí carried a message to say that if Sivají submitted frankly, gave up his forts, and consented to show obedience, his petition for forgiveness would be granted by the Emperor. If he did not accept these terms, he had better return and prepare to renew the war. When Sivají received the message, he said with great humility that he knew his life and honour were safe if he made his submission. The Rája then sent a person of higher rank to bring him in with honour.

When Sivají entered, the Rája arose, embraced him, and seated him near himself. Sivají then, with a thousand signs of shame, clasped his hands and said, “I have come as a guilty slave to seek forgiveness, and it is for you either to pardon or to kill me at your pleasure. I will make over my great forts, with the country of the Kokan, to the Emperor's officers, and I will send my son to enter the Imperial service. As for myself, I hope that after the interval of one year, when I have paid my respects to the Emperor, I may be allowed, like other servants of the State, who exercise authority in their own provinces, to live with my wife and family in a small fort or two. Whenever and wherever my services, are required, I will, on receiving orders, discharge my duty loyally.” The Rája cheered him up, and sent him to Diler Khán.

After directions had been given for the cessation of the siege, seven thousand persons, men, women and children, came out of the fort. All that they could not carry away became the property of the Government, and the fort was taken possession of by the forces. Diler Khán presented Sivají with a sword, and * *. He then took him back to the Rája, who presented him with a robe, * * and renewed his assurances of safety and honourable treatment. Sivají, with ready tact, bound on the sword in an instant, and promised to render faithful service. When the question about the time Sivají was to remain under parole, and of his return home, came under consideration, Rája Jai Singh wrote to the Emperor, asking forgiveness for Sivají and the grant of a robe to him, and awaited instructions. * * A mace-bearer arrived with the farmán and a robe, * * and Sivají was overjoyed at receiving forgiveness and honour.

A discussion then arose about the forts, and it was finally settled that out of the thirty-five forts which he possessed, the keys of twenty-three should be given up, with their revenues, amounting to ten lacs of huns, or forty lacs of rupees. Twelve small forts, with moderate revenues,* were to remain in the possession of Sivají's people. Sambhá his son, a boy of eight years old, in whose name a mansab of 5000 had been granted at Rája Jai Singh's suggestion, was to proceed to Court with the Rája, attended by a suitable retinue. Sivají himself, with his family, was to remain in the hills, and endeavour to restore the prosperity of his ravaged country. Whenever he was summoned on Imperial service, he was to attend. On his being allowed to depart, he received a robe, horse, and * *.

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1076 A.H. (1666 A.D.).
Sivají at the Imperial Court.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 189.] Rája Jai Singh, in the war with Bíjápúr, to be described presently, had, with the co-operation of Sivají, done splendid service. After giving Sivají every assurance of a kind and gracious reception, he made himself responsible for his safety, and sent him to Court. News of Sivají's arrival was brought as the festival of the accession was being celebrated. It was ordered that Kunwar Rám Singh, son of Rája Jai Singh, with Mukhlis Khán, should go out to meet and conduct that evil malicious fellow into Ágra. On the 18th Zí-l ka'da, 1076, Sivají, and his son of nine years old, had the honour of being introduced to the Emperor. He made an offering of 500 ashrafís and 6000 rupees, altogether 30,000 rupees. By the royal command he was placed in the position of a panj-hazárí. But his son, a boy of eight years, had privately been made a panj-hazárí, and Nathují, one of his relations, who had rendered great service to Rája Jai Singh in his campaign against Bíjápúr, had been advanced to the same dignity, so that Sivají had a claim to nothing less than the dignity of a haft-hazárí (7000). Rája Jai Singh had flattered Sivají with promises; but as the Rája knew the Emperor to have a strong feeling against Sivají, he artfully refrained from making known the promises he had held out. The istikbál, or reception of Sivají, had not been such as he expected. He was annoyed,* and so, before the robe and jewels and elephant, which were ready for presentation to him, could be presented, he complained to Rám Singh that he was disappointed. The Kunwar tried to pacify him, but without effect. When his disrespectful bearing came to the knowledge of the Emperor, he was dismissed with little ceremony, without receiving any mark of the Imperial bounty, and was taken to a house outside the city near to the house of Rája Jai Singh, as had been arranged by Kunwar Rám Singh. A letter was sent to Rája Jai Singh, informing him of what had passed, and Sivají was forbidden to come to the Royal presence until the Rája's answer and advice should arrive. His son was ordered to attend the presence in the company of Rám Singh.

Campaign against Bíjápúr.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 191.] Rája Jai Singh, with Diler Khán and his other associates, in obedience to orders, marched against Bíjá-púr. He took with him, as guides and assistants, Mullá Yahyá Bíjápúrí, Purdil Khán, Sivají, and Nathují, one of Sivají's rela¬tions, who was his chief supporter, and for whom also a mansab of 5000 had been proposed. His force amounted on paper (kalamí) to 33,000 horse, but he had with him 25,000. Abú-l Majd, grandson of Bahlol Khán, and one of the bravest of the nobles of Bíjápúr, separated from 'Ádil Khán, and joined Rája Jai Singh, whom he assisted in subduing that country. The Rája acted in all matters upon his advice, and he wrote to the Emperor recommending that a mansab of 5000 and 4000 horse should be settled upon him, which request was graciously acceded to. Forts belonging to Bíjápúr were taken by storm, or after a few days' siege, in all directions. Sivají and Nathují, with two thousand horse and eight or nine thousand infantry, showed great skill in taking forts, and won much fame. In the course of three or four weeks three forts, Mangal-pahra and others, were taken. [Severe fighting.]

At length, after two months' fighting, the Imperial forces came to five kos distance from Bíjápúr. On the 2nd Rajab they began the investment of the city. 'Ádil Khán, being now closed in, directed his generals to enter the Imperial territory and lay it waste. Others were sent to oppose the Rája and attack his baggage. The embankments of the tanks were cut, poisonous matters and carrion were thrown into the wells, the trees and lofty buildings near the fortress were destroyed, spikes were fixed in the ground, and the gardens and houses on both sides of the city were so destroyed that not a trace of culture was left near the city. * * Khwája Neknám, a eunuch, joined Sharza Khán, the commander of 'Ádil Khán's army, with a reinforcement of 6000 horse and 25,000 infantry, from Kutbu-l Mulk. Every day there was severe fighting, and the men and animals which went out from the Imperial army to forage were cut off. Diler Khán was present wherever danger was, but to recount all the combats which were fought would be long and tedious. * *

Sivají's Escape.

[vol. ii. p. 198.] After Sivají returned angry and disappointed from the royal presence to his house, orders were given to the kotwál to place guards round it.* Sivají, reflecting upon his former deeds and his present condition, was sadly troubled by the state of his affairs. He thought of nothing else but of delivering himself by some crafty plan from his perilous position. His subtle mind was not long in contriving a scheme. From the beginning he kept up a show of friendship and intimacy with the amírs, and with Kunwar Rám Singh. He sent them presents of Dakhin products, and, by expressing contrition for his past conduct, he won them over to advocate the acceptance of his shame and repentance.

Afterwards he feigned to be ill, and groaned and sighed aloud. Complaining of pains in the liver and spleen, he took to his bed, and, as if prostrated with consumption or fever, he sought remedies from the physicians. For some time he carried on this artifice. At length he made known his recovery. He sent presents to his doctors and attendants, food to the Bráhmans, and presents of grain and money to needy Musulmáns and Hindús. For this purpose he had provided large baskets covered with paper. These, being filled with sweetmeats of all sorts, were sent to the houses of the amírs and the abodes of fakírs. Two or three swift horses were procured, and, under the pretence of being presents to Bráhmans, they were sent to a place appointed fourteen kos from the city, in charge of some of his people, who were privy to his plans. A devoted companion, who resembled him in height and figure, took his place upon the couch, and Sivají's gold ring was placed upon his hand. He was directed to throw a piece of fine muslin over his head, but to display the ring he wore upon his hand; and when any one came in, to feign to be asleep. Sivají, with his son, got into two baskets, and were carried out, it being pretended that the baskets contained sweetmeats in¬tended for the bráhmans and fakírs of Mathurá.

Thus, on the last day of Safar, Sivají got out of Ágra, and proceeded to where his horses were posted. Thence, in the course of two watches, he reached Mathurá. There he shaved off his beard and whiskers, and smeared his own and his son's face with ashes, and, taking with him some jewels and gold, he went off with some of his confederates, who were also disguised as fakírs. He crossed the Jumna at an unfrequented ferry, and proceeded towards Benares, travelling in the night, and being guided by some swift Dakhiní runners, whose business is to disguise themselves and travel in all directions. It is said that they carried sufficient money and jewels for their wants in hollow walking-sticks.

On the following day, at the fifth watch, a Dakhiní runner, employed as a spy, brought information that Sivají had got free and was making off. The kotwál was directed to make inquiry, but he replied that the guards were at their posts round the house. Another spy confidently reported his escape. The kotwál's men went to see, and they saw as they thought Sivají asleep under his thin covering, and his ring distinctly visible. The kotwál reported accordingly. A third spy now strongly asseverated that Sivají had escaped, and was forty or fifty kos away. A closer investigation revealed the fact of his escape. The kotwál and Kunwar Rám Singh were censured, and as Rám Singh was suspected of having prompted the evasion, he was deprived of his mansab and forbidden to come to Court. Orders were sent to the provincial governors, and to the officials in all directions, to search for Sivají, and to seize him and send him to the Emperor.

Rája Jai Singh, who just at this time had retired from Bíjápúr, and had arrived at Aurangábád, received orders to arrest Nathújí before the escape of Sivají became public, and to send him to Court. After that he was to watch carefully for the bird escaped from the cage, and not suffer him to re-establish himself in his old haunts and to gather his followers around him. * * It is said that Sivají made such expedition in his flight that no courier could have overtaken him. But his son Sambhá, a boy of tender years, was with him, and he suffered so much from the rapid motion, that Sivají left him behind at Alláhábád, in charge of a Bráhman, a man of high repute in that place, whose relations in the Dakhin had been closely connected with Sivají's father. Sivají placed a sum of money with the Bráhman and commended the boy to his care. He was not to part from him until he received a letter in Sivají's own hand; and if he obtained certain intelligence of Sivají's death, he was to act as he deemed best.

Siege of Bíjápúr raised.

Rája Jai Singh, in obedience to orders, raised the siege of Bíjápúr. Knowing that the forts which he had taken could not be held after his departure, through want of provisions on the inside, against the swarms of Dakhinís outside, he resolved to abandon them. He took out of them such guns as he could carry away. Then he gave the forts up to plunder, and afterwards set fire to them, and blew up the strong towers and walls. Then he proceeded to Aurangábád. Information now reached him of the flight of Sivají, and, in obedience to the Imperial command, he arrested Nathújí and his son, and sent them to Court. * * On arriving there, Nathújí was ordered to be kept under close surveillance. Seeing no other chance of escape, he expressed a wish to become a Musulmán, which greatly pleased the Emperor. So he was initiated, and received a mansab of three thousand and two thousand horse, with the title of Muhammad Kulí Khán. After some time, when he returned to the Dakhin with reinforce¬ments for Diler Khán, he recanted, and seized an opportunity to join Sivají.

[TWELFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.]*
Escape of Sivají.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 217.] Sivají left Mathurá after changing his clothes and shaving off his beard and whiskers, carrying with him his youthful son and forty or fifty individuals, servants and dependents, who all smeared their faces with ashes, and assumed the appearance of Hindú mendicants. The valuable jewels and the gold mohurs and the huns they carried with them were concealed in walking sticks, which had been hollowed out for the purpose, and were covered at the top with knobs. Some was sewed up in old slippers, and the wearers, pretending to be Hindú mendicants of three different classes, Bairágís, Gosáíns, and Udásís, proceeded by way of Alláhábád to Benares. One very valuable diamond with some rubies was encased in wax, and concealed in the dress of one of his followers, and other jewels were placed in the mouths of other attendants.

So they proceeded until they reached a place of which the faujdár, 'Alí Kulí Khán, had received private and public notice of Sivají's escape. The faujdár, knowing of the escape of Sivají, on hearing of the arrival of these three parties of Hindú devotees, ordered them all to be placed in confinement, and an inquiry to be made. All these men and some other travellers remained in con¬finement a night and a day. On the second night Sivají, at the second watch of the night, proceeded alone to the faujdár in private, and acknowledged that he was Sivají. But, said he, “I have two gems, a diamond and a ruby of great value, with more than a lac of rupees. If you secure me and send me back a prisoner, or if you cut off my head and forward that, the two priceless jewels will be lost to you. Here am I, and here is my head; but still, keep off thine hand from wretched me in this dangerous strait.” 'Alí Kulí preferred the ready bribe to the hope of the reward which might afterwards accrue to him. He took the two valuable jewels, and on the following morning, after making inquiries, he released all the devotees and travellers from custody.

Sivají, looking upon his escape as a new lease of life, hastened to pursue his journey in the direction of Benares. He himself in rapid travelling and walking beat even the regular runners; but after reaching Alláhábád, his young son Sambhá, who ac¬companied him, was foot-sore and worn out. Sivají therefore at Benares gave a quantity of jewels and money, and placed his boy in the charge of a Bráhman, named Kabkalas,* who was the hereditary family priest of his family, and who happened at that time to be at Benares. Sivají promised that if he reached home alive, he would write to the Bráhman, who was then to conduct the boy to his father by the road and in the manner prescribed in the letter. He warned him against listening to the wishes of the boy, or attending to letters from his mother. Having thus provided for the care of his boy, he continued his flight, * * and he had hardly entered Benares before the government messengers brought the news of Sivají's escape. * * Sivají then continued his flight by way of Bihár, Patna and Chánda, which is a thickly-wooded country and difficult of passage. Every place he came to, he and his followers changed their disguises, and so passed on from place to place secretly till he reached Haidarábád, and came to 'Abdu-llah Kutbu-l Mulk. There he told such stories and used such arts and wiles to forward his purpose that he deceived 'Abdu-llah Sháh.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
It must be mentioned that the Nathuji mentioned here is none other than Netaji Palkar who was later reconverted to Hindu Dharma by Shivaji, another example of a reconversion was Balaji Nimbalkar who was reconverted upon Jijabai's (Shiavji's mother and first mentor) advice and was given Sukhabhai's (Shivaji's daughter) hand in marriage. The Ram Singh mentioned in connection with Shivaji's escape from the Mughal court was Kunwar Ram Singh, son of Raja Jai Singh, he later came to be punished by Aurangzeb for this act, this is also mentioned by Rajendra Singh in his "Sikh Itihaas Mein Ram Jhanmabhoomi", published by Voice of India.

[Bharatvarsh]

The following is a continuation of the last post:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Conquests of Sivají.

[vol. ii. p. 220.] Sundry forts which had belonged to the Kutb-Sháhí kings had passed into the hands of the 'Ádil-Sháhís. Sivají had a great reputation for skill in the reduction of forts, and he swore to 'Abdu-lla Sháh, that if he would supply him with forces and the means for conducting sieges, he would in a short time wrest these forts from the Bíjápúrís, and hand them over to the officers appointed to accompany him; he would not even accept some forts which had belonged to himself, and were in the possession of the officers of Aurangzeb, if he recovered them by the means supplied him. He vowed also that for the remainder of his life he would remain the devoted servant and adherent of 'Abdu-lla Sháh. The ultimate objects of the arch de¬ceiver never entered into the consideration of 'Abdu-llah Sháh. He provided a sufficient force and a suitable siege train, and he appointed to it several officers acquainted with siege operations, whom he enjoined to serve heartily in obedience to and in accord with Sivají.

Sivají, with the force placed under his command, marched on his enterprise. By fraud and stratagem, and by his marvellous skill in the conduct of sieges, every fort that he approached fell into his hands after a few days' investment. He cajoled the officers who had been sent with him to take charge of the cap¬tured forts, with plausible statements, with promises of giving them the command of more important places, and by using the money and property he had obtained from the captured strong¬holds. So he carried them with him to other forts, and in a short time he reduced Sattára, Parnála, and ten or twelve other renowned forts belonging to Bíjápúr, which it would have taken years and lacs of expense to conquer. He then marched against Rájgarh, and other forts which had been captured by Rája Jai Singh, Diler Khán, and other Imperial generals, the keys of which he himself had surrendered. Having mastered them all, he placed one or two of them in charge of the officers of 'Abdu-llah Sháh.

According to common report, and the oral statements of men of Haidarábád, Sivají came to that city in the first or second year of the reign of Abú-l Hasan, and succeeded in wheedling and satisfying that sovereign. When he had finished his fortress-taking, according to his wont, he took up his abode at Rájgarh, and there again raised the standard of rebellion. In the days when the fortifications of the port of Surat were not yet com¬pleted, he attacked and took the place.* There he obtained an immense booty in gold and silver, coined and uncoined, and in the stuffs of Kashmír, Ahmadábád, and other places. He also made prisoners of some thousand Hindú men and women of name and station, and Musulmáns of honourable position. Krors in money and goods thus came into the hands of that evil infidel.

Aurangzeb, on being informed of the capture and plunder of Surat, ordered that the fortifications of that port should be completed; and he placed Diler Khán and Khán-Jahán in com¬mand of an army to punish Sivají. It is said that Sivají got together some ten or twelve thousand Kachh and Arab horses, so that when he sent out an army most of the horsemen were bárgírs, i.e. they rode horses belonging to him. He rebuilt the forts which had formerly stood on the sea-shore, and he con¬structed also vessels of war, which were kept under the guns of the fortress. With these vessels he attacked and plundered ships which were proceeding to Europe and to Mecca.

When Sivají had satisfied himself of the security of Rájgarh, his old retreat, and of the dependent territory, he turned his thoughts towards finding some other more inaccessible hill as a place for his abode. After diligent search he fixed upon the hill of Ráhírí,* a very high and strong place. The ascent of this place was three kos, and it was situated twenty-four kos from the sea; but an inlet of the sea was about seven kos from the foot of the hill. The road to Surat passed near the place, and that port was ten or twelve stages distant by land. Rájgarh was four or five stages off. The hills are very lofty and difficult of ascent. Rain falls there for about five months in the year. The place was a depen¬dency of the Kokan, belonging to Nizámu-l Mulk. Having fixed on the spot, he set about building his fort. When the gates and bastions and walls were complete and secure, he removed thither from Rájgarh, and made it his regular residence. After the guns were mounted, and the place made safe, he closed all the roads around, leaving only one leading to his fortress. One day he called an assembly, and having placed a bag of gold and a gold bracelet worth a hundred pagodas before the people, he ordered proclamation to be made that this would be given to any one who would ascend to the fort, and plant a flag, by any other than the appointed road, without the aid of ladder or rope. A Dher came forward, and said that with the permission of the Rája he would mount to the top of the hill, plant the flag, and return. He ascended the hill, fixed the flag, quickly came down again, and made his obeisance. Sivají ordered that the purse of money and the gold bracelet should be given to him, and that he should be set at liberty; and he gave directions for closing the way by which the Dher had ascended.

At the first, Ráhírí was attached to the Kokan, and belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk. Afterwards this country and several of the dependencies of Bíjápúr passed into the possession of the Emperor Sháh Jahán. When the Imperial government became friendly with Bíjápúr, the Kokan, which had belonged to Nizámu-l Mulk, was granted to 'Ádil Sháh in exchange for territory newly acquired by Bíjápúr. Fath Khán, an Afghán, was appointed governor of the country on the part of Bíjápúr, and he posted himself in the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí,* which is situated half in the sea and half on land. Subsequently he built the fort of Jazíra* upon an island in the sea, about a cannon-shot distant from Dandá-Rájpúrí, in a very secure position, so that, if the governor of the country was hard pressed by an enemy, he might have a secure retreat in that place.

After Sivají had fixed his abode at Ráhírí, which is twenty kos from Dandá-Rájpúrí, he appointed a commandant of that fortress. In a short time, he reduced and occupied seven other forts, small and great, in that neighbourhood, and then resolved upon the conquest of Dandá-Rájpúrí. Fath Khán had observed the triumphant progress of Sivají, and how fortress after fortress had fallen into his hands. So Fath Khán lost courage; he abandoned Dandá-Rájpúrí, and retired to the island fortress in the sea. Sivají then resolved to effect the conquest of the island also, and he so conducted matters that Fath Khán was soon reduced to extremities, and he offered to surrender the place to Sivají, upon a pledge of security to himself and the garrison.

Fath Khán had in his service three Abyssinian slaves, Sídí Sambal, Sídí Yákút, and Sídí Khairiyat, each of whom had ten Abyssinian slaves, which he had trained and drilled. The management of the island and of many domestic concerns was in the hands of these Abyssinians. These three men got infor¬mation of the enemy's power, and of Fath Khán's intention of surrendering the island to Sivají. They took counsel together, and resolved that no good could come from allowing the island to pass into the hands of any infidel. So they determined to take Fath Khán prisoner, and to make Sídí Sambal governor of the fortress. In the fourteenth year of the reign these Abyssinians seized Fath Khán unawares, placed chains upon his legs, and wrote a statement of the facts to 'Ádil Sháh Bíjápúrí. They also wrote to Khán-Jahán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin, begging the aid of the Imperial forces, and requesting him to send his forces by sea from Surat. Khán-Jahán graciously bestowed mansabs and presents on each of the three Abyssinians.
Khán-Jahán also took measures to thwart the designs of Sivají. Hegot together some ships at the fortress (of Surat), and began the rebuilding which had been ordered. Then he collected some ships of war with the intention of taking a cruise. One night he attacked the vessels of Sivají which lay near the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí, and captured them with two hundred sailors trained for warlike work. One hundred of them were Mahrattas, and had lately been appointed to this duty by Sivají. Stones were tied to the feet of these men, and they were thrown into the sea. From that day forth the animosity between the Abyssinians and Sivají grew more violent. Sivají collected forty or fifty vessels of war to defend the forts of Kalába and Gandírí, which were the strongest of his newly-built forts on the sea-shore. He then turned his thoughts to the reduction of the fort of Jazíra (Jinjera), and the capture of the Abyssinians. There were frequent naval fights between the opposing forces, in which the Abyssinians were often victorious.

Sídí Sambal was advanced to a mansab of 900, and then he died. Before he expired he made Sídí Yákút his successor, and enjoined all the other Abyssinians to pay him a loyal and cheerful obedience. Sídí Yákút was distinguished among his people for courage, benignity and dignity. He now strove more than ever to collect ships of war, to strengthen the fortress, and to ward off naval attacks. He was armed and ready night and day. He frequently captured ships of the enemy, and cut off the heads of many Mahrattas, and sent them to Surat. He used to write reports to Khán-Jahán, and he frequently received marks of approbation from him. He was constantly revolving in his mind plans for wresting the fort of Dandá-Rájpúrí from the hands of Sivají. He got together some rockets,* which he fastened to trees, and discharged them at night against the fort.

Sivají also was prosecuting his plans for the reduction of Jazíra. But he now retired to a dwelling about three kos to celebrate the holí, leaving in command at Rájpúrí some officers experienced in siege work, to prosecute incessantly the opera¬tions against Jazíra during his absence, and he held out to them the reward of a man of gold and other presents. One night, while the garrison of Dandá-Rájpúrí were celebrating the holí, and were intoxicated or inattentive, Sídí Yákút sent on shore four or five hundred men under Sídí Khairiyat with ropes, ladders, and other apparatus. He himself drew thirty or forty boats laden with siege matériel under the walls of Rájpúrí, and gave the signal agreed upon to announce his arrival. They found the garrison off their guard, and Sídí Khairiyat assaulted the place with loud cries from the land side. When the enemy took the alarm, and rushed to repel the attack on that side, Sídí Yákút planted his scaling-ladders, which he had brought in his boats, and by means of these and of ropes, his brave followers scaled the walls, and quickly made their way up. Some of the assailants were cast into the sea, and were drowned, others fell under the swords of the defenders, but the storming party forced its way into the fort, and raised the cry, “Strike! kill!” Just at this time the powder magazine caught fire, and blew up a number of men, including ten or twelve who were with Sídí Yákút. The smoke and the noise made it difficult to dis¬tinguish friend from foe, but Sídí Yákút raised his war-cry, and encouraged his men to slaughter the defenders who had escaped the fire. Sídí Khairiyat also scaled the walls on his side, and the place was taken.

I, the author, was in that country some time, and I repeatedly heard from many men, and from the mouth of Yákút Khán himself, that when the magazine blew up, although Sivají was twenty kos off, it awoke him from sleep, and he said that some misfortune had fallen on Dandá-Rájpúrí, and he sent men to ascertain what had happened.

At this time Sivají's forces had gone to attack the neighbour¬hood of Surat. Within the space of four or five kos from Rájpúrí there were six or seven Nizámu-l Mulkí forts which had fallen into the hands of Sivají, but he was unable at this time to render them any assistance. So Sídí Yákút seized the oppor¬tunity to attack them. Six forts surrendered after two or three days' resistance, but the commandant of one fort held out for a week in the hope of relief from Sivají. The Abyssinians pushed forward their approaches, and kept up such a fire that he was obliged to surrender. Sídí Yákút granted quarter to the garrison, and seven hundred persons came out. But notwith¬standing his word, he made the children and pretty women slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islám. The old and ugly women he set free, but the men he put to death. This struck such terror into the hearts of Sivají and his followers that he was obliged to confine himself to securing Ráhírí. Sídí Yákút sent an account of his victory to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, Súbadár of the Dakhin, and to Khán-Jahán. His mansab was raised, a robe of honour was sent to him, and he received the title of Khán. Similar honours were also given to Sídí Khairiyat.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 229.] A report reached Sivají that his son Sambhá, whom he had left at Alláhábád with the Bráhman, was dead, and Sambhájí's wife wanted to become a satí, * * but a few months afterwards the Bráhman arrived, bringing Sambhájí with him.

TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1090 A.H. (1679-80 A.D.).
Affairs of the Dakhin. Death of Sivají.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 270.] Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, after arriving at the Khujista-bunyád Aurangábád, according to order, laid siege to the fort of Sálír. Many Rájpúts were killed, and many Musulmáns also fell. He pressed the siege for four or five months, but making no impression, he withdrew to Aurangábád.
The hell-dog Sivají went forth with an army on a plundering expedition, and while Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár, was at Burhánpúr, he entered Khandesh, and plundered the town of Dharan-gánw,* one of the most flourishing places in that country. * * * Afterwards he ravaged and burnt Chopra* and other parganas. He then marched against Jálna, a rich mercantile place in the Bálághát.* * * In the course of the same year he was attacked with illness and died.* The date of his death is found in the words, “Káfir ba-jahannam raft,” “The infidel went to hell,” which was discovered by the writer of these pages. Sivají left two sons, Sambhá and Rám Rája. The former succeeded him. He made Kabkalas,* the Bráhman who brought him from Allahábád, his minister.

Sivají had always striven to maintain the honour of the people in his territories. He persevered in a course of rebel¬lion, in plundering caravans, and troubling mankind; but he entirely abstained from other disgraceful acts, and was careful to maintain the honour of the women and children of Muhammadans when they fell into his hands. His injunctions upon this point were very strict, and any one who disobeyed them received punishment. But the son, unlike his father, obtained an evil name by collecting round him women of all tribes, and by assail¬ing the honour of the women of the places in which he dwelt. His father never showed any backwardness in attacking and plundering prosperous places, but he never made any attack upon Aurangábád and Burhánpúr, the provincial capitals of the Imperial dynasty. If any of his counsellors advised an attack upon these places, he very wisely and prudently forbade it; “for,” said he, “if we attack these places, the honour of Aurangzeb will be wounded, and he will march hither himself, and then, God knows how the strife will end!”

When Sivají was dead, his wretched son Sambhá desired to surpass his father. He raised the standard of rebellion, and on the 20th Muharram, in the twenty-third year of the reign, corresponding with 1091 A.H. (15th February, 1680), he attacked Kákar Khán Afghán, who acted as collector of the jizya, under Khán-Zamán, the Súbadár of the Dakhin. Sambhá was returning with nearly twenty thousand men from a plundering expedition in Birár. He made a forced march of three or four kos, as was the practice in those days, and early in the morning made his attack, while his victims were entirely ignorant of his approach. Thus he fell upon Bahádur-púr, one kos and a half from Burhánpúr. This place was rich, and there were many bankers and merchants in it. Jewels, money, and goods from all parts of the world were found there in vast abundance. He surrounded and attacked this place, and also another town called Hafda-púra, which was outside of the fortifications, and his attack was so sudden and unexpected, especially upon Bahádur-pur, that no one was able to save a dám or a diram of his property, or a single one of his wives and children.

Kákar Khán, with his men in the city, saw the smoke of these towns rising to the sky, but he had not a force sufficient to go out and attack the plunderers, so he shut himself up within the walls and looked after the security of his gates and defences. Seven¬teen other places of note, such as Hasan-púra, etc., in the neighbourhood of the city, all wealthy and flourishing places, were plundered and burnt. Many honourable men girded on their swords, and, joining in the fight, attained martyrdom. Others submitted themselves humbly to the will of God. Some who were near the fortress took their wives and children by the hand, and fled in distress within the walls. For three days the plunderers ravaged these towns at their will. Large sums of money fell into their hands, much of which had been buried for long periods, and sometimes in places unknown even to the householders. They then repeatedly attempted to carry the fortress by assault. But the officers took their stations at the gates and other points of attack, and with great bravery beat off the assailants. Being unable to enter the city, the plunderers carried off with them the gold, silver, jewels, and other articles of value which were portable; but many other things which they had taken they were obliged to leave behind, because they could not carry them. The property which was thrown into the streets of the bázárs and burnt exceeded all computation.

When the author was staying along with 'Abdu-r Razzák Lárí near the fort of Ráhírí, which Sivají built, he heard from the people of the neighbourhood that Sivají, although an infidel and a rebel, was a wise man. The country round may be called a specimen of hell, for it is hilly and stony, and in the hot season water is very scarce, which is a great trouble to the inhabitants. Sivají had a well dug near his abode. A pavement was laid down round the mouth, and a stone seat was erected. Upon this bench Sivají would take his seat, and when the women of the traders and poor people came to draw water, he would give their children fruit, and talk to the women as to his mother and sisters. When the ráj descended to Sambhá, he also used to sit upon this bench; and when the wives and daughters of the raiyats came to draw water, the vile dog would lay one hand upon their pitcher, and another upon their waist, and drag them to the seat. There he would handle them roughly and indecently, and detain them for a while. The poor woman, unable to help herself, would dash the pitcher from her head, but she could not escape without gross insult. At length the raiyats of the country settled by his father abandoned it, and fled to the territory of the Firingís, which was not far off. He received the reward of his deeds.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Source: Francois Bernier. Travels in the Mogul Empire, AD 1656-1668, trans. by Archibald Constable on the basis of Irving Brock's version, ed. by Vincent A. Smith. Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1994 [1934]. Slightly edited, and some spellings modernized for classroom use, by FWP.

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Travels in the Mogul Empire -- the Conclusion (1671)
 

        [*187*] In regard to Jaswant Singh ["Jessomseingue"] and Jai Singh ["Jesseingue"], there is some obscurity which I shall endeavour to clear up. A revolt had taken place, headed by a Gentile [=Hindu] of Bijapur [Visapour], who made himself master of several important fortresses and one or two seaports belonging to the King of that country. The name of this bold adventurer is Shivaji ["Seva-Gi"], or Lord Seva. He is vigilant, enterprising, and wholly regardless of personal safety. Shaista Khan ["Chah-hestkan"], when in the Deccan, found in him an enemy more formidable than the King of Bijapur at the head of his whole army and joined by those Rajas who usually unite with that prince for their common defence. Some idea may be formed of Shivaji's intrepidity by his attempt to seize Shaista Khan's person, together with all his treasures, in the midst of his troops, and surrounded by the walls of Aurangabad ["Aureng-Abad"]. Attended by a few soldiers he one night penetrated into Shaista Khan's apartment, and would have succeeded in his object had he remained undetected a short time longer. Shaista was severely wounded, and his son was killed in the act of [*188*] drawing his sword. Shivaji soon engaged in another daring expedition, vhich proved more successful. Placing himself at the head of two or three thousand men, the flower of his army, he silently vithdrew from his camp, and pretended during the march to be a Raja going to the Mogol's court. When within a short distance of Surat ["Sourate"], he met the Grand Provost of the country, on whom he imposed the belief that he intended to prosecute his journey without entering the town: but the plunder of that famous and wealthy port was the principal object of the expedition; he rushed into the place sword in hand, and remained nearly three days [in 1664], torturing the population to compel a discovery of their concealed riches. Burning what he could not take away, Shivaji returned without the least opposition, laden with gold and silver to the amount of several millions; with pearls, silken stuffs, fine cloths, and a variety of other costly merchandise. A secret understanding, it was suspected, existed bctween Jaswant Singh and Shivaji, and the former was supposed to have been accessory to the attempt on Shaista as well as the attack on Surat. The Raja was therefore recalled from the Deccan, but instead of going to Dehli, he returned to his own territories.

        I forgot to mention that during the pillage of Surat, Shivaji -- the Holy Shivaji ! -- respected the habitation of the Reverend Father Ambrose, the Capuchin missionary. 'The Frankish Padrys are good men,' he said, 'and shall not be molested.' He spared also the house of a deceased dalal ["Delale"] or Gentile broker of the Dutch, because assured that he [*189*] had been very charitable while alive. The dwellings of the English and Dutch likewise escaped his visits, not in consequence of any reverential feeling on his part, but because those people had displayed a great deal of resolution, and defended themselves well. The English especially, assisted by the crews of their vessels, performed wonders, and saved not only their own houses but those of their neighbours. The pertinacity of a Jew, [*190*] a native of Constantinople, astonished everybody. Shivaji knew that he was in possession of most valuable rubies, which he intended to sell to Aureng-Zebe; but he persevered in stoutly denying the fact, although three times placed on his knees to receive the stroke of a sword flourished over his head. This conduct was worthy of a Jew, whose love of money generally exceeds his love of life.
       
       Aureng-Zebe prevailed with Jai Singh to take the command of the army in the Deccan, attended by .Sultan Ma'sum ["Mazum"], who, however, was not invested with any authority. The Raja's first operation was vigorously to attack Shivaji's principal fortress; but he had recourse, at the same time, to his favourite art, negotiation, which he brought to a favourable issue, as the place surrendered by capitulation long before it was reduced to extremity. Shivaji having consented to make common cause with the Mogol [Emperor] against  Bijapur, Aureng-Zebe proclaimed him a Raja, took him under his protection, and granted an omrah's [=noble's] pension to his son. Some time afterwards, the King, meditating a war against Persia, wrote to Shivaji in such kind and flattering terms, and extolled his generosity, talents and conduct so highly, as to induce him to meet the Mogol at Dehli [in 1666], Jai Singh having plighted his faith for the chieftain's security. Shaista Khan's wife, a relation of Aureng-Zebe's, happened to be then at court, and never ceased to urge the arrest of a man who had killed her son, wounded her husband, and sacked Surat. The result was that Shivaji, observing that his tents were watched by three or four omrahs, effected his escape in disguise under favour of night. This circumstance caused great uneasiness in the palace, and Jai Singh's eldest son, being strongly suspected of having assisted Shivaji in his flight, was forbidden to appear at court. Aureng-Zebe felt, or [*191*] seemed to feel, equally irritated against the father and the son, and Jai Singh, apprehending that he might avail himself of this pretext to seize his territories, abandoned his command in the Deccan and hastened to the defence of his dominions, but he died on his arrival at Burhanpur ["Brampour"]. The kindness shown by the Mogol to the Raja's son, when apprised of this melancholy event; his tender condolences, and the grant to him of the pension enjoyed by the father, confirm many persons in the opinion that Shivaji did not escape without the connivance of Aureng- Zebe himself. His presence at court must indeed have greatly embarrassed the King, since the hatred of the women was most fierce and rancorous against him: they considered him as a monster who had imbued his hands in the blood of friends and kinsmen.

http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritche...ernier_end.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Shivaji, the gentile leader lately spoken of, profiting by the distracted state of the kingdom, has seized upon many strongholds, situated for the most part in the moun-[*198*]tains. This man is exercising all the powers of an independent sovereign; laughs at the threats both of the Mogol and of the King at Bijapur; makes frequent incursions, and ravages the country on every side, from Surat to the gates of Goa. Yet it cannot be doubted that, notwithstanding the deep wounds which from time to time he inflicts upon Bijapur, the kingdom finds in this daring chieftain a seasonable and powerful coadjutor. He distracts the attention of Aureng-Zebe by his bold and never-ceasing enterprises, and affords so much employment to the Indian armies, that the Mogol cannot find the opportunity of achieving the conquest of Bijapur. How to put down Shivaji is become the object of chief importance. We have seen his success at Surat; he afterwards captured the Portuguese settlement of Bardes, an island contiguous to Goa.

http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritche...ernier_end.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
The incident about Father Ambrose and Shivaji shows that he respected people considered to be holy from other religions but he was generally naive like so many other Hindus about the real motives of Christian padres and Muslim sufis.

Aurangzeb on Shivaji:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->(54) "My armies were employed against him for nineteen years but nevertheless, his state has been always increasing". The Cambridge Hist. Vol. IV. P. 279.

http://www.maratharajputrelations.com/intro1.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->In 1656-57 Chhatrapati Shivaji first came into conflict with the Moghals. He raided Ahmadnagar and Junnar. Soon after Aurangzeb ascended the throne. He appointed Shayista Khan as the Viceroy of the Deccan (1658). Shayista Khan marched into Shivaji's territory, captured Chakan (1660) and Poona. In April 1663 Shivaji made a daring entry into Shayista Khan's camp, and in the attack Shayista Khan was wounded. He was transferred to the province of Bengal. In 1664 Shivaji marched against Surat through Javhar and Ramnagar. The city of Surat was sacked and Shivaji returned with a huge booty.

Following the treaty of Purandar (1665) Shivaji quietly prepared for a struggle with the Moghals. In 1670 he attached the Moghals, and recovered almost all the forts surrendered by him under the treaty of Purandar. He carried the struggle into the Moghal territory of Baglana and captured Ramsej, Ahivant, Patta, Hanumantgad and a number of other forts. In 1670 (October) Shivaji once again sacked Surat. While returning from that city laden with booty, Shivaji was opposed by the Moghals near Vani Dindori on 17th October 1670. The battle of Vani Dindori has been described by Bhimsen Saxena, the author of Torikhe Dilkusha, who was an eye-witness of it. The account given by him is as under: On 3rd October 1670 Shivaji sacked Surat. Muazzam ordered Daud Khan to immediately proceed against Shivaji. He was accompanied by Bhimsen and  Mir Abdulmabud. The Moghal army had camped at Vaijapur when the news was brought that Shivaji was returning after the plunder of Surat. Bhimsen informed Daud Khan of this. Daud Khan with his troops immediately moved against Shivaji. In the meanwhile Bhimsen was informed by his messengers that Shivaji had completely sacked the market of Mulher (Aurangagad) and could be intercepted. Neknam Khan also informed likewise. Daud Khan hastened towards the Chandur Ghat from where a road led to the country of Baglana. The messengers of Bhimsen now informed him that Shivaji came to know of the approach of the Moghal army and has therefore marched after leaving the fort of Salher. He intends to crossover the Kanchan-Manchan ghat (about ten miles to the west of Chandur). Neknam Khan the commandant of the fort, of Mulher, also communicated likewise to Daud Khan. Daud Khan upon this marched towards Chandur with a view to intercept Shivaji. He reached Chandur in the evening. Bakikhan, the Faujdar of Chandur had gone to the fort due to the invasion of the Marathas. He came down from the fort and met Daud Khan. Awaiting for further news, Daud Khan halted at that place to rest. At midnight Bhimsen was informed by his messengers that Shivaji had crossed the Kanchan-Manchan ghat and was hastening towards Nasik Gulshanabad. That his contingent was already on the ghats and was waiting for the troops that were following it. By the time this news was received, the night was considerably advanced. Even then without waiting for a moment Daud Khan hastened on the march. He left behind the non-combatants. The night was still and completely dark with the result that Daud Khan's soldiers missed direction. Daud Khan and Mir Abdulmabud lost touch with each other and were forced to halt till day-break. The non-combatants in the meanwhile joined.

Galib Khan, Naraji and Basvantrav were in the rear. I (Bhimsen Saxena) accompanied them. Ikhlas Khan Miyana, the grandson of Bahlol Khan and the son of Abdul Karim, was on the front. He was a commander of five thousand. In the early hours of the morning he reached the top of the ghat. He found the Maratha army in a state of preparedness. Ikhlas Khan also ordered his troops to get battle-ready. He had a few camels loaded with arms and ammunition. The soldiers of Ikhlas Khan started puttillg on the armour. Ikhlas Khan was young and impulsive. Without giving thought to the consequences of his action he attached the enemy with only a few soldiers under his command. The Marathas had a strength of over 15000. Ikhlas Khan started fighting with the Marathas. In the thick of the battle Ikhlas Khan fell on the battle field severely wounded.

By this time Daud Khan arrived at the scene of the battle He realised the precipitate action of Ikhlas Khan and sent the following officers to his succour to the battle front: (1) Rai Makrand Khatri, (2) Shaikh Safi, the brother of Daud Khan, (3) Bhan, the family priest of the Raja of Chanderi and (4) Sangram Khan Ghori. He himself followed these officers. On the way on an elevated ground was a desolate village. A stream flowed by its side. Daud Khan detailed Baqir Khan and Ibrahim Panni with elephants, banner, drums, etc. He informed them that the non-combatants and the rear of the army are on their way and on their arrival they should be instructed to halt at the place.

I (Bhimsen Saxena) reached by the side of Baqar Khan. Sangram Khan Ghori and other nobles were already dispatched ahead. A close battle was fought between them and the Marathas. Sangram Khan Ghori, his sons and other relations were wounded. Many of the Moghal troops  were killed. Among them were imperial troops, and also soldiers in the pay of noblemen. Rai Makrand and Bhan Purohit had a good train of artillery under their command and they forced the Marathas to retreat. By that time Daud Khan reached the place. Ikhlas Khan had fallen wounded. He was token care of by Daud Khan who -himself started fighting with the enemy. The Marathas fought in their own way running round the Moghal force and attacking them. A few of them were killed by the Moghal artillery and the rest retired.      

The whole route was full of ascents and descents. Mir Abdul Mabud and the other Moghal troops were forced apart. Marathas attached them and in the resulting encounter Mir Abdul Mabud, one of his sons and many of his troops were wounded. One of his sons and a few of his troopers were killed. He was deprived of his horses and arms by the Marathas. Bhimsen says that he was informed of this by a servant of Abdul Mabud and conveyed it to Baqi Khan. Baqi Khan was holding position on an elevated ground. He saw the flag of Abdul Mabud and the shears of Maratha soldiers. By that time the Marathas had already left the field of battle. Baqi Khan sent his own palanquin, with a few others and also some of his men. Bhimsen accompanied them. When they reached the spot they found Abdul Mabud in an unconscious state. The dead and the wounded were then removed from the scene of battle.

At that time Daud Khan commanded not more than a thousand to two thousand troops. By evening the Marathas again launched an attack. The MoghaI officers were seasoned and experienced and fought desperately. Daud Khan dispatched messengers calling Baqi Khan and  other officers. The Marathas now had no alternative but to resort to flight.

The MoghaIs with the flush of victory blew trumpets. Arrange­ments were then made for the burial of the dead and care of the wounded. Daud Khan carried IkhIas Khan and Mir Abdul Mabud to his own tent and mended their wounds. Shaikh Muinuddin, the son of Ihatisham Khan later carried  Abdul Mabud to his own tent and started nursing him. Only a few in the camp were provided with tents, the rest being under the open skies. Bhimsen was asked by Daud Khan to inspect the trenches  which he did. Bhimsen was later called by Abdul Mabud who handed over to Bhimsen the seal of his office. This battle was fought near Vani Dindori on 17th October 1670. It may be mentioned here that when news was received of the, Maratha descent into Konkan, the Moghal troops remained stationed at Nasik for over a month. As Shivaji was returning from Karanja he was joined by a column under Moropant. The united division besieged the fort  of Salher and captured it on 5th January 1671 after a short but desperate defence by Fathulla Khan, its Moghal  commander. The details of the capture of Salher fort by the Marathas are graphically given by Bhimsen Saxena. They are as under: After the battle of Vani Dindori, Daud Khan was camping near the fort of Ankai-Tankai. When his son Hamid Khan informed him of the Maratha designs on Burhanpur, he proceeded towards that place. In the meanwhile the Marathas moved towards Baglana and plundered the market of Mulher-Aurangagad. Then they besieged the fort of Salher. Daud Khan speedily reached Mulher where  he halted. It was decided to deposit the bag and baggage at Mulher and proceed the succour of Salher in the morning as a few detachments were on their way the Mulher. Daud Khan marched early in the morning while Bhimsen with a few cavalry-men straggled behind. Bhimsen reached a burnt-out village between Salher and Mulher near about which was a small hillock. Bhimsen was in a fix but one of the soldiers saw him and said that he knew the fellow and called Bhimsen by name. Bhimsen got extremely terrified. He could not place the caller. Then the caller gave out his name as Nur Khan. He approached Bhimsen and consoled him and took him safely to the Moghal camp. Bhimsen states that while at Aurangabad, Nur Khan had received considerable help from Bhimsen’s father when he was in extreme difficulty. While DaudKhan was on his way to Sather he received the news that the Marathas had captured the fort of Salher (5th January 1671). He therefore returned to the Moghal base camp at Mulher which Bhimsen says “is situated on the banks of a stream. It has an excellent climate. There is a garden with a fine grape vine." Daud Khan was very well received by Neknam Khan, the commandant of the fort of Mulher. Daud Khan then proceeded to Chandur and halted at Kanchan-­Manchan. Whenever he received news of Maratha aggression he used to rush up to the spot. In Baglana near Kelahi is the strong-hold of Hatgad. News was received that the Marathas had assembled in large numbers there. Daud Khan, by forced marches, reached the place and attached the Marathas. He was accompanied by Bhimsen, Shaikh Muinuddin and  Ramsingh, a mansabdar of four hundred, recently appointed in the Deccan. In the meanwhile Mababat Khan was appointed to the Deccan campaign. He met Daud Khan at Chandur in the last week of January 1671. Daud Khan resented having to serve under Mababat Khan. Differences developed between the two. Mababat Khan decided to recapture the fort of Ahivant  which Shivaji wrested from 'the Moghals. He was accompanied by the following nobles: Raja Raising Sisodia, Kuvar Kishansing, Sujansing, Shubhakarna Bundela, Anupsing Rathod, Agharkhan, Turuk Tajkhan and others. The MoghaIs firmly entrenched themselves in front of the gates of the fort. However, the siege continued for a month with intermittent firing from both the sides. Subsequently Mababat Khan assaulted the fort gates from his sides with great force when the fort garrison sent messages to Daud Khan expressing their willingness to surrender the fort. Daud Khan agreed and took over the charge of the fort. This further embittered the relation between Mababat Khan and Daud Khan. Ultimately Mababat Khan stationed some garrison and stores (April 1671) in the fort and  marched towards Ahmadnagar.

The loss of Salher and consequent rout of the Moghals had already attracted Aurangzeb's attention. In November 1670 he deputed the veteran Mababat Khan to the supreme command of the Deccan. Another competent general Bahadur Khan was ordered from Gujarat as an additional support. Daud Khan and Dilir Khan were already there with Prince Muazzam at Aurangabad in overall command of Deccan affairs. Matters however did not improve much, as the Moghal officers were prone to luxury and had mutual jealousies which prevented co-ordination and concerted action. There was a rumour that the Prince, aware of the insecure politics at Delhi, was planning for his own future security.

For some time, Shivaji and the Moghals were busy in ravaging each other's territory, Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan carrying an attack on Poona and Supa, and Shivaji playing havoc in Khandesh upon the army of Ikhlas Khan. The result was that Bahadur Khan was forced to divest his strength to the north. Thereafter an obstinate and sanguinary battle took place before Salher in the first week of February 1672, in which the Moghals were completely routed. Ikhlas Khan and some thirty principal Moghal officers were slain. On the Maratha side also, the losses were great. One Surya Rao Kakade, Shivaji's companion in arms since childhood, lost his life. Marathas acquired by way of plunder six thousand horses, as many camels one hundred and twenty-five elephants, all the camp baggage of the Moghals with treasure and jewellery. The phenomenal victory was mainly due to the strategy and valour of Shivaji's Peshva, Moropant. The fight at Salher was an open action by Shivaji's men opposing the best equipped and most ably led Moghal armies, by no means partaking of the nature of guerilla warfare. This disaster to the Moghals led to the disgrace of Mababat Khan who was transferred from the Deccan and died on the way thither. A large number of the Moghal soldiers, wounded and captives fell into Shivaji's hands. The battle of Salher proved to be one of the decisive moments in Shivaji's career. The defiant and challenging spirit of the Marathas was already seen everywhere as may be illustrated by the incident that the fort of Kanhergad near Chandvad, was desperately defended by Ramaji Pangera with an army of only 600, against the surging attacks of the Moghals (April 1671). It was in September 1671, that Aurangzeb appointed Bahadur Khan Kokaltash as commander-in-chief­ in place of Mababat Khan. Under orders from the emperor, he besieged the fort of Salher and entrusted the operations to Ikhlas Khan Miyana, Amarsing Chandravat and other officers. He himself proceeded to Supa. Bhimsen says that in the meanwhile news was received of the Maratha onslaught on the Moghals near Salher, and Ikhlas Khan Miyana and Muhakamsing wounded and imprisoned by the Marathas. In the keenly-fought battle, Amarsing, the father of Muhakamsing; and his party died fighting and the entire bag and baggage of the Moghals fell into the hands of the Marathas. On receipt of the news Bahadur Khan hastened towards Salher but by the time he could reach Baglana, the Marathas had already descended into the Konkan with all the captured Moghal equipment [Bhimsen Saxena informs about the appointment of the following persons to different parts: Namdar Khan was appointed to the duty of protecting Baglana. Jadhavrav Dakhani and Siddi Balal Khan were appointed as Thanedars at Nasik Gulshanabad and Vani Dindori with strict orders to contain the Marathas in the territories near-about. The Marathas spread in the territory and hence these two officers were severely reprimanded by Bahadur Khan. Unable to tolerate these insults, both of them deserted to Shivaji. The Thanedari of Nasik Gulshanabad was subsequently held. By Indradaman Bundella. Devisingh Bundella was appointed to the command of the fort of Mulher or Aurangagad.].

At this time Ptataprav Gujar exacted the first quarter share, or chauth, from the villages north of Nasik. And soon after this Moro­pant took the forts of Aundha and Patta. They were re-token by the Moghals in the same year. A force sent by Shivaji was attached by the Moghals, but after some severe fighting the Moghals were defeated, and  Aundha and Patta were again recovered by the Marathas [Scott's Deccan. II, 28. Aundha and Patta are close together in the extreme north of the Akola sub-division of  Ahmadnagar.].

Five year later (1679) Shivaji crossed the Godavari and plundered Jalna. On his return he was attached by the Moghals. He succeeded in driving back his first assailants, but before he had gone far, he found his way blocked by the Moghal troops advancing under Kesari Singh and Sardar Khan. When these came to a halt six miles from Shivaji, Kesari Singh sent a secret message to him, as brother Hindu, to run away before the Moghals could encircle him, Shivaji now quickly entrusted himself to his chief spy Bahirji under whose skilful guidance, the Maratha army escaped by an obscure path after three days and nights of anxious and ceaseless marching. But they had to sacrifice much of their booty, besides losing 4,000 horsemen killed and Hambirrav wounded. From this expedition Shivaji returned to Pattagad in safety (about 22nd November 1679) [Sarkar’s Shivaji, p.328. Patta is a fort 20 miles south of Nasik and the same distance east of Thal Ghat.].

Shivaji's death (1680) was followed by a revival of the Moghal power.

http://www.maharashtra.gov.in/english/gaze...aevalPeriod.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Shivaji blazed the trail of a new victorious Hindu era
By H.V. Seshadri

IT is on this day—the Jyes-htha Shukla Triodashi of 1674—named Anandanama Samvat that Shivaji was coronated. The grand function took place atop the 5,000-ft high Raigadh fort in Maharashtra. He became thereafter a full-fledged chhatrapati—a Hindu emperor in his own right.

In Maharashtra, the day is celebrated as Shiva Rajyarohana Utsav—the day Shivaji was coronated. However, the RSS celebrates it as the Hindu Samrajya Dinotsav. The reason for this is simple. Shivaji himself, as a teenager, had taken the pledge to establish Hindavi swaraj and not his own kingdom. He had also declared that it was the will of God that the move should succeed. On his royal seal, he had declared that this auspicious raja mudra of Shivaji, the son of Shahji, would grow like the moon on the first day of Shukla Paksha and be venerated by the entire world.

Evidence of the all-Hindu character of the function came in abundance even at the time of the coronation. Jayaram, a gifted teenaged poet, came all the way from Tamil Nadu to pay his poetic tributes to Shivaji. Gaga Bhatta, a Vedic scholar of great repute, arrived from Kashi and prepared a new scriptural text to install Shivaji as a sovereign Hindu king. Waters from the seven sacred rivers of the country were brought for his holy bath.

Even prior to this event, when Shivaji went to meet Aurangzeb at Agra, people cutting across all barriers of caste, language and religious customs, thronged throughout the route to pay respects to him. Evidently, the Hindu population groaning under the inhuman Muslim reign, looked upon him as their new ray of hope.

Shivaji had written a long letter to Raja Jaisingh of Rajasthan, who as a commander of Aurangzeb's army had descended on the south to subdue the former. In it, Shivaji had appealed to him to take up the role of freeing Hindusthan from the Muslim yoke while he himself would join him as his junior partner. But Jaisingh was too strongly yoked to the Mughals to heed this higher appeal of patriotism.

Later on, Raja Chhatrasal from Bundelkhand (presently in Madhya Pradesh) came to Shivaji to fight under him for acquiring swaraj. But Shivaji advised him to go back and build a powerful Hindu force, so that they could launch a multi-pronged Hindu attack on the Muslims.

More than any other incident, as the successors of Shivaji, the Peshwas had carried the Hindu (bhagawa) flag right up to Kabul and ultimately crippled the Mughal seat of power—which had remained unchallenged for several centuries—never to rise again. They had rightly grasped the life mission of Chhatrapati Shivaji.

Swami Vivekananda once remarked that Shivaji was an ideal Hindu king born to establish Dharma on the lines of Shri Ram and Sri Krishna.

Finally, what was the signifance of the elaborate ceremony performed in the coronation of Shivaji? Firstly, as we have already noted, it denoted the all-India Hindu character and thrust of the new kingdom. More importantly, till then many of the Hindu chieftains were rajas—a mere title conferred upon them by some Muslim emperor. Even Shivaji's valiant father was one such. None of them except those from Mewar and Bundelkhand were kings in their own right. Even these two did not have the vision of establishing an all-India Hindu kingdom.

However, Shivaji's case was totally different. Even as a small raja under the Bijapur Sultan, he had challenged the Delhi ruler by attacking the latter's strongholds in the south. He was the first to recognise the supreme importance of sea warfare and built forts on the western sea-front meant for plying ships. Recognising the impending threat of conversion, he warned the English missionaries and beheaded four of them for disobeying his command. His son Sambhaji and the later commanders continued with Shivaji's tradition and strove to dislodge the hold of English and Portuguese missionaries on the western coast.

More than any other step by Shivaji, the developments following his passing away and the unbelievably inhuman martyrdom of Sambhaji denoted the vision and mission that Shivaji had bequeathed to posterity. Finding that the dreaded Shivaji was no more, Aurangzeb himself descended on his kindgom and over-ran it forcefully. But soon enough, the whole area seemed to be on fire. Every house became a fort and every able-bodied youth a soldier of Hindavi swaraj. New commanders displaying unparallel heroism and ability in guerilla warfare rose up to launch fierce attacks on the enemy's force. One, Dhanaji, pierced right upto Aurangzeb's royal tent, but as luck would have it, the latter was away, so Dhanaji carried away the golden insignia on his royal tent! In spite of a four-year long struggle with a vast army and able war veterans, Aurangzeb succumbed to the attack to eat the dust of swaraj and was buried at Aurangabad in south, now named Sambhaji Nagar. Along with him lay forever buried the glory and power of the mighty Mughals. It also heralded the saffron morning of the rising sun of swaraj.

http://organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?n...e&pid=83&page=7<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->When Sambhaji seized power he invited his father's advisor the bhakti saint Ramadas to meet him. However, Ramadas displeased by Sambhaji's brutalities that accompanied his accession refused to meet him. His disciples however begged on him to advice the prince. Accordingly he sent him the following letter:

"Always be on guard and never lower you guard. Control your temper and be good and kinds towards others. Forgive your subjects for their faults and bind them to your person by making them happy. The happier they are, easier would be your task. If the are against you, your task would be hard. If you and your generals break apart your enemies will profit. Let all of you live in unity. Seek out your Mohammedan enemies and remove them from your path. Create fear in other not by your cruelty but by your valor. Otherwise, your State will be in danger. Deal with each difficulty as it arises. Keep your anger under control or at least do not betray it in the presence of others. Make your subjects your friends. Let them love rather than fear you. Make the people one; fill their minds with the single thought of resisting the Mleccha enemy. Guard what you already have, add to it by your own exertions and so extended the Maharatta kingdom. Be dignified and wear the sword of ambition. That way lies the path to success. Bear Shivaji Raje in mind. Consider yourself a mere trifle and place your self in the quest for fame in this world and there after. Keep the model of Shivaji before your eyes and think of his valor and deeds. Remember always what he did in battle and how he acted towards his friends. Give up sloth and love of ease. Keep before you a certain goal and try to reach it. Never forget how Shivaji won Svarajya. If you call yourself a man , try and do better than he did."

From the Ramadasa Charitra.

The letter points to the greatness of Ramadas in the forging of the Hindu revival

http://manollasa.blogspot.com/2004/05/sant...o-sambhaji.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->SHRI SAPTAKOTESHWARA TEMPLE - NARVE

37 kms. from Panaji at Narve in Bicholim Taluka, this was a favoured deity of Kadamba Kings. Its original temple was situated in the island of Diwar. When the Portuguese destroyed it, the idol was shifted to its present site at Narve (Bicholim). Many years afterwards in 1668 A. D. Chhatrapati Shivaji ordered renovation of this temple at the present site during one of his campaigns to oust the Portuguese. The Linga worshipped in this temple is faceted and is known as 'Dharalinga'.

http://goenkar.com/book/print/119<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

Aurangzib's last will and testament
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->TWELFTH,—The main pillar of government is to be well informed in the news of the kingdom. Negligence for a single moment becomes the cause of disgrace for long years. <b>The escape of the wretch Shiva took place through [my] carelessness, and I have to labour hard [against the Marathas] to the end of my life, [as the result of it].</b>
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[Bharatvarsh]

Ok I am posting the following from "Advanced History of India - Vol I" by R.C Majumdar, I will post the pages dealing with Shivaji, the entire book can be found at:

http://dli.iiit.ac.in/cgi-bin/Browse/scrip...e=5010010000260

I will make the posts when I have time so I will be updating the thread constantly (by the way there are a lot of spelling mistakes in the HTML version and the other versions which allow copy pasting but you should be able to figure out the correct words if you have basic grasp of Indian history):
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AURANGZEB 'iLAMGtR 505

B. Shimji's Career

Shiv&j! was born in the hill-fort of Shivner near Juixnar in 1630, as the writers of.one Bchool hold, or in 1627, as some modern historians say.1 Shahji removed to his new jaglr with his second wife, leaving Shivaji and his mother Jija Bal tinder the guardianship of an able Brahma#a, Dadaji Khonddev. Neglected by her husband, Jija Bai, a lady of virtuous temperament and extraordinary intellect, infused into her child's mind high and inspiring ideas by reciting stories of heroism, spirituality and chivalry in paat ages, and stimulated his zeal in defence of religion. "If ever great men owed their greatness to the inspiration of mothers", wrote Ranade, "the influence of Jija Ba! was a factor of prime importance in the making of Shivajfs career.3* The influence of Dadaji Khonddev also combined to make him bold and enterprising. We do not know if Shivaji received any formal literary education, but he grew up as a brave and adventurous soldier, "inspired by a real desire to free his country from what he considered to be a foreign tyranny, and not by a mere love of plunder". His early intimacy with the hillmen of the Maval country, ninety miles in length and about twelve to fourteen miles in breadth along the Western Ghats, was of immense value to him in his subsequent years, as the MavaJis turned out to be "his best soldiers, his earliest comrades, and his most devoted commanders". Through his mother, he was descended from the Yadava rulers of Devagiri, and on his father's side he claimed descent from the brave Sisodias of Mewar. Thus the sentiment of glorious heredity, and the influence of early training and environment, combined to rouse in the young Maratha soldier aspirations for founding an independent kingdom. He chose for himself a "career of independent", which, though full of risk, "had undreamt-of advantages to compensate for the risk, if only he could succeed".

The growing weakness of the Deccan Sultanates, and the prolonged campaigns of the imperialists in the north, greatly favoured the rise of the Maratha power. In 1646 Shivaji captured the fortress of Torna, five miles east of which he soon built the fort of fiajgarh. After the death of Dadaji Khonddev (1647), who probably did not approve of these risky enterprises, Shivaji acquired many forts from their hereditary owners, or the local officers of Bijapur, by

8ark»r*» Shivfyi* p. 25; JXH., 1927, pp. 177-97. Mr. Dasaratba Sbanna has brought to light (J.J&O.R.jJ?., June, 1934) a contemporary record of Shivljl's birth (toot is, » horoscope of Bhiv&jl preserved in the Bikaaer Fort Library}* According to which Shiv&jl waa born in Samvat 1680.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->506 AN ADVANCED HISTORY OF INDIA

force, bribery or trickery, and also built new ones. He thus came to possess a considerable estate, protected by a long chain of hill. forts. He had to suspend offensive operations against Bijapur for a few years (1640-1656) as his father was put under arrest by the Bij&pur Government and was released on condition of his son's good behaviour. But he utilised this time in consolidating his conquests, and in January, 1656, annexed the small Maratha principality of Javiij by having its semi-independent Mar&tha prince, Chandra Rio More, done to death by one of his agents. The extent and revenue of Shivajf s heritage were by this time more than doubled. He came into conflict with the Mughuls for the first time in 1657, when, taking advantage of Aurangzeb and his troops being engaged in the invasion of Bijapur, he raided the Mughul districts of Ahmadnagar and Junnar and even looted the city of Junnar. Aurangzeb promptly reinforced his officers in that part and Shivaji was defeated. When 'Adil Shah concluded peace with Aurangzeb* Shiv&jl also submitted to him. Aurangseb never trusted Shivaji, but he patched up the peace as his presence in the north became necessary owing to his father's illness. Shivaji next turned his attention to the North Konkan, captured Kalyan, Bhiwandl and M&hull, and proceeded m far south as Mahad.

Temporarily relieved from internal strife and immediate Mughul invasion, the Sultan of Bijapur decided to destroy the power of Shivaji once for all, and sent a large force against him, early in AJD. 1659, under Afzal Khan, one of the foremost nobles and generals of the kingdom, "to bring back the rebel (Shivaji) dead or alive1*. Afzal Khan reached Wai, twenty miles north of Satir§, within a fortnight. Failing to bring Shivaji out of his strong* hold of Pratipgarh, the Bijapur general opened negotiations with Mm through a Maratha Brahma$a, named Krish$aj! Bhaskar, and invited him to a conference. Shivaji received the envoy with respect, and appealed to him in the name of religion to disclose the real intention of Afzal KMn. Moved by this, Krishijaji Bhaskar hinted that the Bijapur general had mischief in his mind, which was confirmed by what Shivaji learnt from Gopinath, his own envoy to Afzal. This put Shivaji on the alert, and he proceeded to meet Ms adversary in a conference, apparently unarmed but with concealed weapons and clad in armour, with a view to meeting craft with craft if necessary. It has been unanimously alleged by the Mar&thas that, as the two embraced each other, the strong and stalwart Muslim general held the short and slim Maratha chief *s neck in his left arm with "an iron grip'* and with his right hand tried to thrust & dagger into the body of Shivaji, whose hidden armour,<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--> AURANGZEB 'iLAMGlE 507

however, saved him from harm. Shiv&jl immediately killed Afzal by rending Ms body with his baghnakh or gloves with steel claws. With the help of his troops, who were lying in ambush, he defeated the leaderless Bijapur troops and plundered their camp. Khafi Khan and Duff charge Sbivajl with having treacherously murdered Afzal Kh&n, who, in their opinion, did not first try to strike Shiv§jl. But Mar&tha writers have justified SMvajf s treatment of Afzal as an act of self-defence against the attack of the Bijapur general. The contemporary factory records accord with the statement of the Maratha chroniclers.

Shiv&jl next entered the South Konkanand the Kolhapur district. But in July, 1660, he was invested in the Panhal§ fort by a Bijapur force under Sid! Jauhar and was forced to evacuate it. He was soon confronted with a new danger. Sh&ista KMn? the new Mughul governor of the peccan, commissioned by Aurangzeb to suppress the Mar§tha chief's activities, occupied Poona, captured th© fort of Ghakan and drove away the Marathas from the Kalyan district. But SMv&j! soon patched up a truce with the Bijapur State, through the intervention of Ms father, who still held a position of importance there. Thus he became free to turn his whole attention to the Mughuls. After about two years* desultory fighting, he secretly entered into Sh&ista KMn's apartments in Poona with some attendants on the 15th April, 1663, " surprised and wounded the Mughul viceroy of the Deocan in tie heart of Ms camp, in his very bed-chamber, within the inner ring of hia body-guards and female slaves", slew his son, Abul Fath, one captain, forty attendants and six women of his harem, and then went safely away to the neighbouring stronghold of Singhagarh. The Mughul viceroy lost Ms thumb and barely escaped with Ms life. This daring exploit immensely increased the prestige of SMv&jl, who soon performed another feat, not less adventurous than the one described above. During the period 16th?20th January, 1664, he attacked and sacked Sur&t, the richest seaport on the west, without hindrance, as tha governor of the placq had taken to his heels instead of opposing him. The Maratha chief decamped with rich plunder exceeding ten million rupees in value. Only the local EngMah and Dutch factories successfully resisted him and escaped being plundered.

Indignant at these repeated reverses, which greatly affected Mughul prestige and influence in the Deccan, Aurangzeb sent, early in 1665, Jay Singh, B&j& of Amber, and Dilir Kh&n to the Deccan with an expeditionary force to punish SMvijI, Jay Singh, a tactful and br&ve general, who combined with varied military<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Portuguese also ( though alone of all Western peoples who had come to India ) often resorted to religious oppression through fanaticism, like Aurangjeb, and we find from a Goa letter1, dated 30th November 1667, that the then Governor of Goa had ordered the expulsion of inhabitants who did not belong to the Roman Catholic faith and that four Padres had even advised that the Hindus should be massacred. Shivaji in his invasion of Bardesh caught hold of these Padres and on their refusing to become Hindus executed them. The Governor of Goa2 thereupon found it necessary to cancel his order

Shivaji The Founder Of Maratha Swaraj, C V Vaidya, Pg 208.

http://dli.iiit.ac.in/cgi-bin/Browse/scrip...e=2020050017870<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Hauma Hamiddha]

For long I wished to write a brief history Sambhaji, the brother of Shivaji, his contributions to the Hindu struggle and his early death on the battlefield. What ever we know of his struggle is mainly from Sanskrit chronicles like those of Paramanand and Jayaram Pandit (Maharatta Brahmin historians and contemporaries), supplemented by bakars and Farmans of the Mohammedans. The core of the narrative here of course follows Paramanand and Jayaram's efforts.

From the reliable genealogies of the Bhosles we known that Babaji Bhosle had two sons, the elder of them Maloji Bhosle being born in 1552 CE. His younger brother was Vithoji Bhosle. Maloji Bhosle and his brother gained some prominence as a restorer of ancient rudra temples that had gone into disuse by repairing them, building tanks for them and supporting worship (gR^iShneshvara and shambhu mahAdeva; latter close to a temple built recently in Satara due to Chandrashekarendra Sarasvati, former AchArya of the Kumbhakonam maTha). Maloji had two sons Shahji and Sharifji and Vithoji eight sons all of whom fought under Shahji to resist the Mogol invasion of the Nizamshahi Sultanate. Shahji collaborated at first with the talented African slave Maliq Amber, who was sold to the Nizam Shah as a boy. The black warrior was remarkably innovative in his methods and Shahji closely observed him and learnt how to make maximum advantage of the terrain to counter numerically superior enemies with a small force. The Maliq started developing both land armies and a strong navy with fellow black slaves who had been sold to the Ahmednagar court.

Shortly, after Shahji began collaborating with Maliq Ambar, Sambhaji was born to Shahji and Jijabai, and he was named after one of their ancestral shiva temples. Shahji and Jijabai had 6 sons but of them only Sambhaji and Shivaji survived past puberty (teShAM madhye shaMbhu-shivau dvAvevAn-vaya-vardhanau - they were the middle sons). The African warrior laid a trap for the invading forces of the Mogol Padishah Jahangir and the Adil Shah who was also fighting on their side. Finally, the Mogol and Adili forces were ambushed by Amber in Bhatavadi where Shahji also entered the fight on the side of the black warrior with his brother and cousins. Paramanand's Sanskrit poem on this battle gives a detailed account of the action that took place. The spectacular feats of Shahji in the battle resulted in a rout for the Mogols and their allies. In course of time he conquered the Pune region and made it his land. This also resulted in the jealousy of the African warrior towards him and Shahji wandered away, with both him and his young son Sambhaji entering Adil Shahi court and then the Mogol court when Shah Jahan ascended the throne.

But soon after that the Mogols conquered Devagiri and pressed the Nizam Shah close to extinction. Shahji for the first time made a proto-nationalistic attempt at this point. He with his young son Sambhaji (Shivaji was just born sometime back) decided to become the protector of a puppet Nizam Shah and resist the Mogols. For about 3 years he struggled against the Mogols and the Adil with a force of about 12,000 men that he had assembled along with a renegade Brahmin fighter Murar Jagdev. Shah Jahan was at the pinnacle of his prowess, he had destroyed the Nizam Shah and defeated the Portuguese. The Mogol depredations combined with failed monsoons had triggered famines in Maharashtra depopulating many human settlements. The Mogol Padishaw pressed hard on Shahji and in the early 1630s captured his wife and the young Shivaji. However, they somehow got free after one of Jijabai's relatives bribed a relatively mild Moslem officer who had arrested them. Finally, after much fighting Shah Jahan reduced Shahji's possessions to a mere 5 forts and deputed a force to collaborate with the Adil and the Qutb to destroy Shahji and returned to Delhi. Shahji was finally starved in the siege of Mahuli and was forced to surrender to Randulla Khan, the able Jihadi of the Adil Shah.

Randulla Khan's invasion of the South
Muhammad who succeeded Ibrahim, as the Adil Shahi Sultan was a fanatic Jihadi who wanted to put the Hindus in their place and bring the whole of South India under the cresent banner. Muhammad gathered under his ace commander Randulla Khan several vigorous green holy warriors of the cresent who shared his vision - Mustafa Khan, Afzal Khan and Asad Khan were the chief of these. There was also the African warrior Siddi Jawhar fighting on their side. The Adil Shah ordered Randulla Khan to lead these forces into the Vijayanagaran territory and systematically attack Darwar, Lakshmeshvar, Penukonda, Vellore, Chandragiri, Shira, Ikkeri and Jinji and plunder the cities and destroy Hindu temples situated there. The renegade brahmin Murar Jagdev tried to negotiate with regards to the Hindus with the Sultan. He was murdered by Pathans sent by Mustafa Khan at night. Shahji who was forced to surrender after being starved in the siege of Mahuli, was asked to accompany the invasionary force with his surviving troops. The Moslem plan was simple but the utter strategic failure of the Vijayanagaran Nayakas and their armies allowed the Army of Islam to execute it. Every invasion they would leave immediately after monsoons and return just before the next monsoons to Bijapur.

In the first invasion (1637 CE) the ghazis of Randulla Khan stormed into Dharwar and Lakshmeshvar destroying and plundering the cities. They then attacked Ikkeri and besieged it. Virabhadra Nayaka exhausted his supplies in the Ikkeri fort in 2 months and was forced to surrender. He ran for life and hid in Bednur, while the Moslems devasted the city. It is claimed that they collected a staggering wealth of 1.8 million gold pieces from the plunder of Ikkeri. The houses of all Hindus were demolished and the males killed and women taken by the Moslems. In the next invasion Randulla Khan sent his deputy Afzal Khan a giant ghazi who was reputed to bend iron bars with his bare hands to destroy Kasturiranga, the prince of Shira. Kasturiranga put up brave fight but soon ran out resources and men in face of the streaming Islamic attacks from Bijapur. Afzal Khan promised to reach a settlement and asked Kasturiranga to meet him in private for the negotiations. When the prince came to meet the Khan, the latter stabbed him to death in course of the meeting. This incident left a profound impression on Shahji who kept as far as away as he could from the Adil Shahi general. Shahji got his chance to grab some land when he saw that Kempe Gauda the fort keeper of Bangalore was offguard. He promptly seized Bangalore and then forced the Wodeyar of Shrirangapattanam to vassalage. In Bangalore he ruled like an independent ruler paying only an occassional tribute to the Adil Shah and sending official messages pledging to be his vassal.

Ranadulla Khan then savaged Basavapattanam after killing Kenge Nayaka and then seized Tumkur, Balapur and Vellore. The Sultan was elated at these successes and had profitted over 40 million coins, with which he embellished Bijapur by erecting several specimens of Saracenic architecture. Shahji was a decent ruler of Bangalore and its surrounding regions--importantly he saved the Hindus in his territory by establishing a Hindu rule with Brahmin ministers rather than subjecting them to the Islamic courts.and soon added Balapur without rousing Adil Shahi suspicion to his territory. His son Sambhaji in his late teens proved his worth by slyly annexing Balapur to Shahji's territory without arousing the Moslems' suspicions. But the Adilshah noted the when Shriranga III came to the Vijayanagaran throne Shahji had opened contacts with him. Simultaneously, Shriranga started organizing a major counter-attack on the Moslems at Vellore and Shivappa Nayaka organizing a force in Bednur seized back Ikkeri from the Moslems.

Adilshah becoming suspicious asked Shahji to come over to Bijapur with his entire family and stay there for several months. Ranadulla Khan, who was generally lenient towards Shahji died around that time (1643), and his replacement Mustafa Khan asked the Sultan to take action on Shahji. Shahji ever aware of self-preservation agreed to toe the Moslem line. However, his young sons Sambhaji and Shivaji noticed this and were filled with the urge of independence. In the Peshve bakhar they are mentioned as explicitly saying that the devas were displeased with Shahji working with the Moslems who were uprooting Hindus and converting the whole country. Whatever the case, either due his young sons' independent thoughts or his own sub-current loyalty to his religion, he was seen my the Moslems as possibly involved secretly siding with the rebellions in Karnataka. So the Adil Shah severely reprimanded him in 1644, and sent Mustafa Khan to deal with the Hindus in the South.

Mustafa Khan's invasions
Shah Jahan called on Adil Shah and Qutb Shah to destroy the Hindus of the South and bring the whole of Hind under Islam. First, Mustafa Khan attacked the Vijayanagaran army lead by the Nayaka Shivappa who had liberated Ikkeri (1645). The Hindus fought with great fury and inflicted severe losses on the Moslems in the battle of Sagar. But Mustafa Khan who greatly hated the Hindus was strengthened by reserves and he fell back on Shivappa Nayaka and routed in the second battle of Ikkeri. But Shriranga III began his counter-operations right away and captured Vellore. The Moslems were alarmed and the Qutb Shah and Adil Shah made a common cause and dispatched a large army of Jihad against Shriranga. Shahji refused to join this army eventhough he was asked to. At that time his young son Shivaji in Maharashtra instead started making preparations to take a critical fort of Kondana near Pune from the Moslems. His other son Sambhaji started secret negotiations with Hindu Palegars to look upto Shahji and not side the Moslem invasionary force. Mustafa Khan struck rapidly and captured Vellore. But as soon as Mustafa Khan returned to Bijapur Shahji and Sambhaji secretly provided intelligence and help to Shriranga and he was able to defeat the Moslems and recapture Vellore. Furious, the Sultan sent Mustafa Khan along with Afzal Khan and Asad Khan to destroy Shiranga. Shahji was ordered to help the invasion and threatened with arrest if he sided with the Hindus. Shriranga contacted Shahji and asked him to open negotiations for peace with Mustafa. Shahji duely did so and was trying to buy time for the Vijayanagarans, when Shriranga thought he might succeed by launching a preemptive strike on the Moslems. However, he was mistaken-- while outwardly the Moslems seemed to be negotiating peace as per Shahji's moves, they were themselves preparing to strike. So Shriranga's element of surprise was completely blown off and the Moslems slaughtered his forces in the battle and seized Vellore. However, Shahji helped him escape with life. While the Adil Shahi army was tied with Shriranga, Shahji's son Shivaji captured the Kondana fort from the Moslems, while his elder son Sambhaji quite deposed a Moslem palegar in the Raichur Doab and was bringing territory under his control in contrivance with the local Hindu population.

The brahmins met at the Tirupati temple and bank-rolled a Hindu army using temple revenues under the surviving Nayakas to counter the Moslem depredations. Alarmed at the growing Hindu counter-attack the Sultans ordered a major offensive with two Jihadi armies under Mustafa Khan and Afzal Khan from Bijapur and the zealous Mir Jumla from Hyderabad. The Hindus at first fought the Moslem army at Virinchipuram, where despite their defeat staved of the Moslem army by inflict heavy losses on them. The surviving Nayaka, Rupa Nayaka went over to Jinji and from this excellent fort began operations against the Moslems with the Tirupati funds. He kept hitting the Moslem armies repeatedly and kept retreating to his fort. Sambhaji kept providing the Nayaka secretly with intelligence and was thus coming of his own in concieving a nationalist Hindu cause, much as his brother was in Maharashtra. The brahmins at the Tirupati meet also decided to take a second course of action and selected a set of expert tantriks to perform a series of abhicAra rites on the Sultan of Bijapur. The abhichAra had its due effect and the Sultan's limbs were paralyzed. Mustafa Khan and Mir Jumla enraged over the developments launched a major attack on Jinji. Shahji and Sambhaji were asked by Mustafa Khan to join him against the Nayaka at Jinji. Shahji proved an obstructionist and kept interfering by shielding various Nayakas and delaying encounters. Mustafa Khan furious over these actions had him arrested with the help of Shahji's treacherous relative Baji Ghorpade when the former was offguard due to a wild party. Shahji was put in chains by Afzal Khan and taken with him to Bijapur. Mustafa himself was targetted by a mAraNa prayoga laid by the brahmins and is said to have died in a week there after. But his successor Muhammad Khan continued the siege and finally killed Rupa Nayaka and captured Gingi.


Following Shahji's arrest his sons Sambhaji in Banglore and Shivaji in Pune started asserting theior independence against the Moslems. With the help of the Brahmin advisers they started acting as independent *Hindu* rulers and did not remit any tributes to the Adil Shah. The Sultan acted quickly and sent a force under Asad Khan from Jinji to take Bangalore from Sambhaji. Sambhaji gave a notable display of his valor by routing the Moslem force advancing towards Banglore by after intercepting it on the way to the city. Shivaji was in the mean time attacked in both Purandar and Kondana by two columns of the Sultan's army, but he too gave an ample taste of his valor by defeating both the Moslem armies. The action by Shahji's sons and their ability to punish the Moslem armies both in North and south made the Sultan wary of any action on Shahji. In the meantime the brothers tried an unusual political move by contacting a representative of the Mogol emperor to negotiate with the Sultan for their father's safety and possible release from captivity. Ahmad Khan the Moslem commandant agreed to negotiate his safe release provided his sons surrendered Kondana and Banglore. Shahji agreed to such a deal and was released. His sons on the surface agreed to do so but secretly harbored plans to seize back their territory from the Moslems.

Soon they had their chance when the two Moslem Sultans, the Sunni and Shia started fighting amongst themselves over their territorial possessions after the battle of Jinji. In course of this fight, Shahji and Sambhaji secured Banglore and went on take Kanakagiri for themselves. When Mir Jumla started driving the Adil Shahi troops, Shahji and Sambhaji intervened with their forces. To the Hindus they were protectors for Moslem depredations and for Adil Shah they were the only hope to survive Mir Jumla. They caught Mir Jumla in an ambush between their columns near Bangalore and defeated him soundly. They held him ransom for 900,000 gold pieces and with this victory became the most powerful force in South India. In Kanakagiri, Sambhaji saw the remnants of the past Hindu glory and the idea of founding an independent Hindu kingdom with this fort as a base came to his mind. Sambhaji accordingly dispossessed to local Moslem officials and appointed his Hindu ministers instead. Abba Khan the local Moslem Adil Shahi warlord was furious over these movements and raising a force of ghazis launched a fierce attack on Sambhaji. Shahji tried a political move by representing to the Adil Shah that he was holding the territory for the Sultan while Abba Khan was revolting against him. Afzal Khan was sent to settle affairs, and he long wanted to punish the Maharatta upstarts severely. He also had a grudge against Sambhaji due the defeat at his hands in the Bangalore encounter.

Afzal Khan laid a cunning plan. He sent a message to Sambhaji that he would help him against Abba Khan and asked the former to storm the defences of Abba. Sambhaji vigorously attacked and was in the thick of battle when the detachment of Afzal Khan which had supposedly come to help turned against him and surrounded him. He tried to cut his way out, but received several shots was killed. Thus at the age of 25, Sambhaji, the poorly known brother of the future Maharatta Raja died in front of Kanakagiri. His mother Jijabai bore a long-standing grudge against Afzal Khan after this event, and finally had her satisfaction, when Shivaji slew the Khan and restored the Hindu prestige.

[Hauma Hamiddha]

Kondaji Ravlekar was a brAhmaNa warrior who conquered the Panhala fort for the Maharatta king Shivaji, from the Moslems. This tale and the battles leading to it are described in a remarkable text parNAla-parvata-grahaNAkhyAna by a certain Jayaram Kavi. The Moslems of Bijapur had taken Panhala from the Maharattas in 1660 CE after the great battle of Pavankhind, where the deadly Black African warrior Siddi Jawhar had pressed hard on Shivaji. Finally in 1672 Shivaji scored a string of victories against both the Mogols of Delhi and the Adil Shahi Moslems, such as the great battle of Salher (This is described in the PPG as the sAleri parvata yuddha, where another brAhmaNa warrior of Shivaji, Moro Tryambak Pant lead the Maharatta army to rout the Mogols in a spectacular assault. 30 principal Moslem officers and several thousand troops of theirs were destroyed by the attack of the Maharattas, in addition to serious injuries to Ikhlas Khan the imperial commander of Awrangzeb). Realizing that the Moslems were on the defensive Shivaji decided to strike hard early next year, assembled a body of fierce Maharatta fighters near Rajapur and asked them to take Panhala. He entrusted their leadership to Anaji Datto and the Rigvedi brahmin warrior Kondaji Ravlekar. Kondaji first dressed as Moslem and spied the fort. Then having obtained good intelligence, he chose a steep un-guarded mountain cliff for the attack. On the pradoShaM day of March 6th 1673 in phAlguni, Kondaji secretly climbed the mountain cliff with 60 commandos and launched a surprise attack on the Moslems. He then opened the fort doors and Anaji Datto rushed in with the main army and attacked Baboo Khan the Islamic commander. In the intense fight that followed Baboo Khan was beheaded and a traitorous brahmin who helped him with accounts Nagoji Pandit was also killed. Thus Panhala was conquered.

[Bharatvarsh]

Continuation of posts from "Advanced History of India -Vol 1" by Majumdar:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->508  AN ADVANCED HISTORY OF INDIA

experience, gained during his campaigns in different part® of the Empire, much diplomatic skill and foresight, proceeded cautiously against the clever Maratha chief. Raising a ring of enemies round Shivajl, he besieged the fort of Purandhar. The beleaguered garrison in the fort maintained a heroic resistance for some time, during which its "Prabhu" commander, Munar Bajl Deshpande of Mahad, lost his life with 300 Mavlis. The Mughuls also blockaded Rajgarh, the seat of Shivajf s government, Considering the cost of farther resistance, Shivajl concluded the treaty of Purandhar with Jay Singh on the 22nd June, 1665, whereby he ce4ed to the Mughuis twenty-three of his forts, retaining only twelve for himself, promised to supply a contingent of 5,000 cavalry to act with the Mughul army in the Deccan, and was permitted to compensate himself for his territorial losses by collecting chawth and sardesh-mnkhi in some districts of the Bijapur kingdom. He soon joined 4he imperialists in a war against Bijapur. But Jay Singh's Bijapur campaign ended in failure. He, however, plied Shivajl "with high hopes", and using "a thousand devices" prevailed upon him to visit the imperial court at Agra.

Jay Singh's object in sending Shivaj! to the imperial court was to remove him from the troubled area of the Deccan, but it is very difficult to understand what led Shivajt to agree to his proposal. Mr. Sardesai writes that the consideration which led Shiviji to go to the imperial court was his deske to see with his own eyes the Emperor, his court, and the sources of his strength, with a view to preparing his plans for future operations against him proparly. We know, on the other hand, that Jay Singh had to persuade him to take such a risky step by holding out promises of reward and honour and taking solemn oaths to be responsible for Ms safety at Agra, To secure the consent of the Emperor to the occupation of the island of Janjlra, then held, by the Siddi, an imperial servant, might have also been an objective of the Maratha chief. With the assurance of the astrologers and con¬currence of the majority of his officers, he started for Agra with his son, Shambhuji, and reached there on the 9th May, 1666.

But Shivaj! was coldly received by Aurangzeb and ranked as a noble commanding 5,000 men, which wounded his sense of .honour so much that he created a scene and swooned. On being restored to his senses, he accused the Emperor of breach of faith, whereupon he was placed under guard* Thus his "high hopes were dashed to pieces and he found himself a prisoner instead'*. An ordinary man would have given way to despair under such<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AURANGZEB 'lLAMGlR 500

trying circumstances, but, being gifted with extraordinary resource¬fulness, he resorted to a stratagem to effect his escape. Pretending to recover from his feigned illness, he began sending out of his house every evening baskets of fruits and sweetmeats for Brahma^as, mendicants and nobles, as thanksgiving offerings for his fictitious recovery. After a few days, when the guards had relaxed their vigilance and allowed the baskets to go out unchecked, Shivajl and his son concealed themselves in two empty baskets and slipped out of Agra, eluding all the spies of the Mughul Emperor. He hastened with Shambhuji to Muttra and, leaving his fatigued son there in charge of a Maratha Brahma$a, reached home, in the guise of a mendicant, on the 30th November, 1666, by following a roundabout way, via Allahabad, Benares, Gaya and Telingana. For three years after this, Shivajl remained at peace with the Mughuls and utilised the period in organising his internal administra¬tion, Aurangzeb granted him the title of JRdjd and &jagir in Berar8 and raised his son Shambhuji to the rank of a noble of 5,000. But war was renewed in 1670. The position of the imperialists being weaker than before, owing to a bitter quarrel between the viceroy.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
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Shah * Alam, and his lieutenant, Dilir Khan, Shivajl recovered almost all th© forts surrendered by him in 1665. In the month of October 1670, he sacked Sur§t for the second time and captured immense booty in cash and kind. He then carried daring raids into Mughul provinces and repeatedly defeated Mughul generals in open tight. In 1672 he demanded chaittih from Surlt.

The tribal risings in the north-west then engaged Aurangzeb's attention more than anything else, and a part of the Mughul army was transferred from the Deccan to that region. The desultory fighting of the Mughul captains against Shivajl from. 1672 to 1678 led to no success. The Maratha hero was then in the full tide of power. On the 16th June, 1674, h© formally crowned himself king at Raigarh with great pomp and splendour, and assumed the title of CKh&irapati (Lord of the Umbrella, or king of kings).

Besides being relieved of pressure from the Mughuls, owing to their preoccupations in the north-west, Shivajl secured the friendship of the Sultln of Golkunda, and conquered in one year (1077) JinjI, Vellore, and the adjoining districts. These greatly enhanced his prestige and gave Mm the possession of a vast territory in the Madras Camatic and the Mysore plateau, covering sixty leagues by forty, yielding him an annual revenue of 20 lacs of huns and containing 100 forts. His successful career came to a close with his premature death at the age of fifty-three (or fifty, according to some) on the 14th April, 1680. Shivlji*s kingdom extended roughly along the entire coast from Bamnagar (modern Dharampur State in the Surat Agency) in the north to Karwar in the south, excluding the Portuguese, African and English settlements of Daman, Salsette, Bassein, Chaul, Goa, Janjira and Bombay. On the east, its boundary ran in an irregular line from Baglana in the north, through the Nasik and Poona districts and round the whole of Sat&ra, to Kolhipur in the south. His last conquests brought within the limits of his dominions the Western Camatic, extending from Belgaum to tlr banks of the TungabhadrS, opposite to the Bellary district of the modern Madras Presidency, and also a large part of the present kingdom of Mysore.

C. ShivtfP* Government

Shivajl was not merely a daring soldier and a successful military conqueror, but also an enlightened ruler of his people. As Mr, Rawlinson observes; "lake nearly all great warriors—.Napoleon is a conspicuous example—Shivaj! was also a great administrator, for the qualities which go to make a capable general are those<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AURANGZEB 'ALAMGlR 511

which are required by the successful organiser and statesman.*1
His system, like that of the Muslim rulers of India, was an auto¬
cracy, of which he himself was the supreme head. But in the actual
discharge of State business he was helped by a council of eight
ministers—the asMapradhdn—whose functions were chiefly advisory.
The eight ministers wetre: (i) The Peshwd or the Prime Minister,
who had to look after the general welfare and interests of the
kingdom, (ii) the Amatya or the Finance Minister, whose duty was
to check and countersign all public accounts, (iii) the Jfanln,
who had to preserve a daily record of the king's acts and the
proceedings of his court, (iv) the Sachiva or the superintendent, who
was in charge of the king's correspondence and had also to check
the accounts of the maMls and paragands, (v) the Sumtwi or the
Foreign Secretary, (vi) the Sendpati or the Commander-in-chief,
(vii) t&e Pandit Mao and Ddriddhyakslva or the Royal Chaplain and
Almoner, and (viii) the Nydyddhwa or the Chief Justice. All the
ministers, excepting the Nydyddhua and the Pandit Rao, held
military commands besides their civil duties, and at least three
of them were placed in charge of provincial adininistration as well.
The ministers were in charge of different departments of the State,
which were no less than thirty in number, Shivajl divided hi$
kingdom into a number of provinces, each being placed under a
viceroy, who held office at the king's pleasure and was assisted
like him by a staff of eight chief officers. The viceroy of the
Karnatak had a position somewhat different from that of the
other provincial governors, and he exercised more power and
discretion. .

For purposes of revenue collection and administration, iShivftjf s kingdom was divided into a number of prante or provinces. Each prant waa subdivided into paraganas and tarfs, aad the village formed the lowest unit. Shivajl abandoned the existing practice of farming out land revenue and substituted for it direct collection from the ryots through State officials, who had "no right to exercise the powers of a political superior (overlord) or harass the ryots**, The assessment was made after a careful survey of lands, for which purpose a uniform unit of measurement was introduced. The State dues were fixed at 30 per cent of the expected produce, which was after some time raised by Sbivaj! to 40 per cent after he had abolished other kinds of taxes or cesses, The cultivators knew definitely the amount of their dues, which they could pay without any oppression. They were given the choice of payment either in cash or in kind.* The State encouraged agriculture by granting advance loans from the treasury to the ryots for the purchase of

WVANfEli HISTORY — $9<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->512 AN ADVANCED HISTORY OF INDIA

seed and cattle, and the latter repaid these by easy annual instal-meats. It is wrong to say, as Fryer has done, that the State officers practised extortions and oppressions on the cultivators, though it might have been that Shivaji, with a view to making his kingdom financially sound, was strict in the matter of revenue collection. Modern researches have amply proved that the revenue adminis¬tration of Shivaji was humane, efficient, and conducive to the interests of his subjects, as even Grant Duff admitted many years ago.

As the hilly regions of Maharashtra did not yield much in land revenue, Shivaji often levied chavtii and sardeshmukhi on the neighbouring tracts, which were completely at his mercy, and also on the Mughul provinces as well as some districts of the Bijapur kingdom. The practice of levying chauth had already been in vogue in western India, as we find that the Raja of Ramnagar exacted it from the Portuguese subjects of Daman. Scholars differ in their opinions regarding the nature of the chaukh contribution, Ranade, who compares it with Wellesley's subsidiary system, writes that it was "not a mere military contribution without any moral or legal obligation, but a payment in lieu of protection against the invasion of a third power". Sir J. N. Sarkar expresses a different opinion when he writes: "The payment of the chauth merely saved a place from the unwelcome presence of the Maratha soldiers and civil underlings, but did not impose on Shivaji any corresponding obligation to guard the district from foreign invasion or internal disorder. The Marathas looked only to their own gain a,nd not to the fate of their prey after they had left. The chavih was only a means* of buying off one robber; and not a subsidiary system for the maintenance of peace and order against all enemies. The lands subject to the cka,v£h cannot, therefore, be rightly called spheres of influence." According to Mr. Sardesai, it was a tribute realised from hostile or conquered territories. Dr, Sen writes that the chauth was a contribution exacted by a military leader, which was justified by the exigencies of the situation. Whatever might be the theory of this burdensome imposition, which amounted to one-fourth of the government revenue, in practice it was nothing but a military contribution. The sardeshmulcM was an additional levy of 10 per cent, which Shivaji demanded on the basis of his claim as the hereditary Sardeskmukh (chief headman) of Maharashtra. But this was a legal fiction. The exaction of chauth and sardc'\mukh% gave to the Mar&thas influence over the districts which lay beyond their jurisdiction and was followed by their easy annexation.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AURANGZEB  lLAMGlR 513

The organisation of the Maratha army by Shivaji on a new model is a brilliant proof of his military genius. Previously the Maratha fighting forces consisted mostly of cavalry, who had heen in the habit of working half the year upon their fields, and engaged themselves during the dry season in active service. Shivaji, however, introduced a regular standing array. His soldiers had to be always ready for duty, and were provided with pay and quarters during the rainy season. The strength of this force rose from thirty to forty thousand cavalry and ten thousand infantry. Shivaji built a considerable fleet, the crews for which were recruited from among the low-caste Hindus of the Bombay coast. Although the achieve¬ments of the Maratha navy under Shivaji were not very remark¬able, yet in later times the Maratha fleet under the Angrias gave considerable trouble to the English, the Portuguese, and the Dutch. According to the Sabhdsad BaJchar^ he maintained an elephant corps numbering about 1,260 and a camel corps numbering 3,000 or 1,500. We do not know definitely what was the strength of his artillery, but Orme writes that "he had previously purchased eighty pieces of cannon and lead sufficient for his matchlocks from the French Director at Surat".

There was a regular gradation of officers both in the cavalry and the infantry. The cavalry had two branches—the bargls or soldiers provided with pay and equipment by the State, and the sildhddrs, who equipped themselves at their own cost and supplied the pay and equipment of the soldiers whom they brought to the service of the State, but were paid a stipulated sum by the State to defray the expense of service in the field. In the cavalry, 25 troopers formed a unit; over twenty-five men was placed a havalddr, over five havaUars one jumldddr, and over ten jumladdrs one Mzan, who received 1,000 huns a year. Higher ranks over hdzarls were pdnjhazaris and the samobat or supreme commander of the cavalry. In the infantry, nine privates (pdiks) formed the lowest unit under a naik. Over five ndiJcs there was one havalddr, over two or three havalddrs one jumladdr, and over ten jumldddrs one MzarL Instead of five hdzdris as in the cavalry, there were seven Mzans in the infantry under the command of the sarnobat of the infantry. Although Shivaji in most cases led the army hi person, it was formally under a sendpati^ or oommander-in-chief, who was a member of the council of ministers. Since forts played an important part in the history of the Marathas, ample precaution was taken to maintain the garrisons there in an efficient condition. Every fort was under ihree officers of equal status, viz, the havaldar, the is, and the sarnobat, who were to act together and thus to serve<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->514 AN ADVANCED HISTORY  OF INDIA

as a check oa one another. Further, to prevent treachery on tke part of the fort-officers, Shivajl arranged "that in each garrison there should be a mixture of castes".

Though regular and generous in making payments and giving rewards to the soldiers, Shivaj! did not forget to enforce strict discipline on them. He drew up a set of regulations for their conduct so that their morals might not be lowered. The more important of these regulations laid down: **No woman, female slave, or dancing girl, was to be allowed to accompany the army.1 A soldier keeping any of these was to be beheaded. Cows were exempt from seizure, but bullocks might be taken for transport only. Brahma^as were not to be molested, nor taken as hostages for ransom. No soldier should misconduct himself (during a cam¬paign}/' As regfiards spoils of war, Shivajl ordered that "when¬ever a place was plundered, the goods of poor people, pulsiyah (copper money), and vessels of brass and copper, should belong to the man who found them; but other articles, gold and silver, coined or uncoined, gems, valuable stuffs or jewels, were not to belong to the finder but were to be given np without the smallest deduction to the officers and to be by them paid over to Shivaji's government *J0

D. An Estimate of Shivagi

Both as a ruler and a man, Shivaj I occupies a distinguished place in the history of India. A bom leader of men, who could throw a spell over all who came in contact with him, he elevated himself, by dint of his unusual bravery and diplomacy, from the position of a jagtrddr to that of a Chhatrapati and became an irresistible enemy of the mighty Mughul Empire, then at the zenith of its power. The most brilliant of his achievements was the welding together of the Maratha race, "scattered like atoms through many Deeeam Kingdoms", into a mighty nation in "the teeth of opposition of four great powers like the Mughul empire, Eijapur, Portuguese India, and the Abyssinians of Janjira". He left an extensive kingdom at his death. "The territories and the treasures, however, which SMvaji acquired, were not so formidable to the Mughuls/' writes Grant Duff, "as the example he had set, the system and habits he had introduced, and the spirit he had infused into a large proportion of the Maratha people/* The Maratha nation that he built up defied the Mughul Empire during

*W« may contrast with this the influence of the harem that accom¬panied the Mughul army.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AURANGZEB 'ALAMGlR 515

and after Aurangzeb's reign, and remained the dominant power in India during the eighteenth century, so that a descendant of Aurangzeb became the virtual puppet of a Maratha chief, Mah&dijl Sindlua. The Mar§tha power also competed with the English for supremacy in India till it was finally crushed in the time of Lord Hastings,

It would be unjust to describe Shivaji as "an entrepreneur of rapine or a Hindu edition of 'Aiauddln or Tamarlene", as Khafi Khan and even some modern writers have done. A great constructive genius, he possessed all the essential qualities needed for the national regeneration of a country. "His system was his own creation and, unlike Ranjit Singh, he took no foreign aid in his administration. His army was drilled and commanded by his own people and not by Frenchmen. What he built lasted long; his institutions were looked up to with admiration and emulation, even a century later in the palmy days of the Peshw&s* rule. ** He was not a relentless conquerpr indulging in unnecessary cruelty and plunder for the sake of plunder. His chivalrous conduct during his campaigns towards women and children, including those of the Muslims, has been eulogised even by Khafi Khan, a hostile critic: "Shivaji had always striven to maintain the honour of the people in his territories . . * and was careful to maintain the honour of women and children of Muhammadans when they fell into his hands. His injunctions upon this point were very strict, and anyone who disobeyed them received punishment*" Rawlinson rightly observes: "He was never deliberately or wantonly cruel. To respect women, mosques, and non-combatants, to stop promift-cuous slaughter after a battle, to release and dismiss with honour captured officers and men—these are, surely, no light virtues." Shivijfs ideal was the restoration of an indigenous Empire in his country, and he pursued it with singleness of purpose* But he had no time to work it out in full*

In his private life, Shivaji remained upmune from the prevalent vices of the time, and his moral virtue^ were exceptionally high. Sincerely religious from his early life, he did not forget the lofty ideals with which he had been inspired by his mother and his guru Ramdas, in the midst of political or military duties. He sought to make religion a vital force in the uplifting of the Maratha nation and always extended his patronage to Hindu religion and learning. "Religion remained with him*', remarks a modern Marathi writer, "an ever-fresh fountain of right conduct and generosity; it did not obsess his mind or harden him into a bigot." Tolerant of other faiths, he deeply venerated Muslim saints and granted rent-free<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->516 AN ADVANCED HISTOEY OF INDIA

lands to meet the expenses of illumination of Muslim shrines and mosques, and his conduct towards the Capuchin fathers (Christian monks) of SurSt, during its first sack by him, was respectful. Even his bitterest critic, KhafI Khan, writes: "But he (Shivajl) made it a rule that whenever his followers went plundering, they should do no harm to the mosques, the Book of God, or the women of any one. Whenever a copy of the sacred Quran came into his hands he treated it with respect and gave it to some of his Mussalman followers. When the women of any Hindu or Muhammadan were taken prisoners by his men, he watched over them until their relations came with a suitable ransom to buy their liberty."<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->6. Rajla Jayasing in his letter of January 1666 to Jafar
Khan writes : " .... —regardless of praise or blame by other
people, that if the Emperor sanctions it, I shall set on foot a
proposal for a match with his family and settle the marriage
of my son with his daughter,—though the pedigree and caste
of Shiva are notoriously low and men like me do not eat food
touched by his hand (not to speak of entering into a matri-
monial connection with him), .... "—-f. 139a, Haft Anjuman ;
p. 306, "R. G. Bhiarwjarkar Commemoration Volume", B. O.
R. Institute, Poona, 1917.

Maharashtra Of The Shivashahi Period, V S Bendrey, Pg 24

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Reconversion : a State policy

The policy of reconversion was much stressed in
§iv»ajf s period and greater still in Sambhajf s time. The
need was great especially to combat the ill-effects created
through the helplessness of the victims to regain their
social standing among their own kith and kin and parti-
cularly through the advantages taken by the other bigots
of their abandonment by the Hindu society. Later, this
policy, however, assumed a political0 exigency and recon-
versions were ordered to the communities concerned
rather than left optional to the wifl of either the Brah-
mins to purify or the communities to^accept restoration.
Sivajli was very particular, so also Sambhiay, in getting the
European powers to treat and agree not to allow con-
version by their Missionaries of even the Hindu orphans.
Sivajl thus declared conversion a crime, but reconversion
a moral duty of the king. The Missionaries, however,
did continue their sacred influence and religious respect
among the masses in their own territory. Satpbhajl
retaliated all the«affronts given by them, and revengefully
despoiled all the respect they commanded in his campaign
against the Portuguese. His conversion <jf churches into
Devi temples and destruction of nunneries and monas-
teries definitely uprooted all the influence and awe of the
Missionaries from the minds of the masses in the coastal
parts of the Konkan.

Maharashtra Of The Shivashahi Period, V S Bendrey, Pg 32

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[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Jay Sinh's letters to the Emperor appear after all to be
formal official reports of the transactions and do not supply
any clue as to how far he agreed or disagreed with Shivaji's
views. This want is admirably made up by the Persian
" Letter addressed to Jaysinh" in the name of Shivaji, ap-
pealing to his heart as a Hindu to appreciate and support the
national and religious uplift undertaken by Shivaji in order to
deliver his land from the oppressive Muslim yoke. Shivaji
urged that as Hindus, they must both work together to win
back their religious liberty and to prevent such persecution as
was involved in the demolition and plunder of temples and
forcible conversions ; that Aurangzeb's power was mainly sup-
ported by the strength of the Rajput princes, and it was a
shame as Shivaji pointed out, that a great ruler of the calibre of
Jay Sinh should not raise even a finger against the Epnperor's
policy but meekly execute it by pMlling the Hindu religion
down. Frank private discussions could not have been avoided
during the famous meeting. This is amply evidenced by
Aurangzeb's own subsequent conduct. He suspected Jay Sinh
of treachery and disgraced him publicly a year later when
Shivaji escaped from Agra, with the connivance, if not with the
active support, of Jay Sinh's son Ram Sinh.

new history of the marathas volume I shivaji and his line 1600 1707, govind sakharam sardesai, Pg 159.

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[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->After the capture of Sinhagad in 1644, Shivaji commenced open aggression against Bijapur, of which further proof is supplied by another
valuable document dated 30 March 1645, also a letter address-
ed by the Adil Shah to Klanhoji Jedhe, and his Deshpande
Dadaji Naras Prabhu. It says :—" Shivaji Raje has turned
disloyal to the Shah inasmuch as he has organized troops of
the Miavlas and having taken possession of fort Rohida, has
established his own garrison in it. He has also built a new
fort and named it Rajgad and thus strengthened his position.
You have openly joined him and pay him the revenue, instead of obeying our officer at Shirval. You give him insolent replies.
This cannot be tolerated. Unless you at once resume your
obedience to the Thanadar of Shirval, you will be put to death
without mercy."

This letter clearly unfolds the early moves of Shivaji.
After Sinhagad he took Rohida, built Rajgad, and established
his hold on that portion of the Maval, all within a few months,
indeed an astounding performance. What was first started in
secrecy7, took now the form of an open challenge. Dadaji
Naras Prabhu referred the letter to Shivaji and asked him
what reply he was to make. Shivaji thereupon wrote to Diadaji
Prabhu the following reply on 16 May 1645:—" The Shah is
entirely misinformed. Neither you nor I have turned disloyal.
Please see me with that letter immediately. You have no reason
to feel distressed. Raireshvar, the divine master of your valley,
inspires you and me alike and gives us success. He gives us
power enough to establish Hindawi-Swarajya. We are mere
instruments in divine hands. Come what may, we should stick
to the secret oaths we have exchanged, as advised by Djadaji-
pant in the presence of Raireshvar. He wills it all. Don't
lose courage."11 Letters like this tell us definitely how7 Shivaji
set out on his mission. As usually happens, he outwardly pro-
fessed perfect loyalty to the Sultan and urged that the activi-
ties he undertook were entirely in self-defence and part of the
Government's work, intended to put down lawlessness and
disorder, as peace was highly essential for the development of
this hilly country, which for centuries past had known no
rule, no authority, no order and which now had begun to yield
a good return.

new history of the marathas volume I shivaji and his line 1600 1707, govind sakharam sardesai, Pg 110 and 111.

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