NE India - Cultural, Political & Historical Issues

12-14-2005, 01:03 AM

There will be a lot of overlap with Missionary, British etc problems in NE India, but this thread is to focus on NE India alone.

12-14-2005, 01:07 AM

To kickoff the thread - Journal article by Sanjoy Hazarika; Futures, Vol. 36, 2004. Hope to draw out experts (better than most of us anyway <!--emo& Tongue

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/tongue.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='tongue.gif' /> ) to have a good discussion and understanding. Perhaps we could analyze this article? Take it away!

QUOTELand, Conflict, Identity in India's North-East: Negotiating the Future.
by Sanjoy Hazarika 

Abstract 

Even a peripheral examination of major conflicts across the world reveals that these revolve around one critical natural resource: land. Whether in the Middle East, Ireland or closer home in Jammu and Kashmir, the battle is between those who believe in a boundary authorized by a particular political dispensation and those who believe that their ethnic and sub-nationalistic or nationalistic claims surpass such barriers. The North East of India, that little wedge of land protruding above Bangladesh, jutting into and flanked by Tibet/China, Myanmar and Bhutan, is a fascinating example of how mindsets and attitudes combined with intensely competitive and unbending views of history and geography make ethnic and demographic problems extremely difficult to resolve. Patronage by the Central Government, which is resented, and the physical and emotional distance from the mainland have combined to produce a strange psyche of dependence, bitterness and alienation in the region. Despite the seeming lack of answers for the future, it is evident that the region has to build on its natural advantage in terms of abundant natural resources. Greater degrees of autonomy with extensive powers to village "republics", based on tradition, but with a definite change towards gender sensitivity and representation, can show the way forward.

1. Introduction

When Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee went calling on the Chinese leadership in June 2003, the principal issue at stake between the two Asian giants was that of territory. For nearly a century, China has refused to acknowledge the McMahon Line as a border with India, after it was drawn up in 1913 at a meeting in Lhasa between representatives of the Government of India, China and Tibet. Chinese maps show at least three Indian states as either independent or even nonexistent. Jammu and Kashmir is shown as separate, so is little Sikkim which China calls a bit of a leftover of history, stressing it has not accepted its incorporation in 1974 as an Indian state; and then comes Arunachal Pradesh, above Assam in India's distant North East. Arunachal does not exist on Chinese maps.

With a skill that would do the Royal Geographical Society proud, Chinese cartographers have simply incorporated Arunachal into Tibet--and they did this decades ago--indicating that they have gained about 90,000 square kilometers of Indian territory without New Delhi having to do anything about it. Of course, the map which has "absorbed" Arunachal is unacceptable to India and especially to the state government and people of the State who live within the territory of India under the Constitution of India! This remains one of the major ongoing disputes between the two countries, despite recent and past efforts.

Land and various allied issues, such as resources, settlement, migration, a sense of history and culture as well as claims and counter-claims to that history and culture and various readings of them--meshed with politics and social, especially ethnic, equations---continue to be overwhelmingly difficult challenges in the new Millennium, as they were in the old. This is quite evident from a quick look around the world (the Middle East, especially Palestine; Russia and Chechnya; the tragedy of the Balkans, Sri Lanka's enduring ethnic crisis, etc.).

In the North East of India, a peripheral and marginalized region of the country, some of the critical issues of land and space, of identity and settlement, of migration and confrontation are being played out. These issues are likely to remain troublesome well into the twenty-first century unless the people of the region themselves, as also the government, demonstrate a strong will and apply their creative energies to a peaceful resolution of the conflicts.

2. The regional setting

The region is located between four countries: Tibet/China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan. Its only physical connection to India is a narrow land corridor called the Chicken's Neck which is 20 kilometers wide at its narrowest, in the region near the main railroad junction of Siliguri. Through this corridor run the only railway tracks and road highways between the North East and the rest of India. The pipelines carrying gas and oil from resource-rich Assam are also located here. Many people do not realize that the North East has only two per cent of its land borders with India. The rest are with these other neighbouring countries! Naturally, this and the relatively poor connectivity, has added to the sense of distance. There are seven states Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura with a population of just above 35 million. An eighth state has been added to the list, Sikkim, over which Beijing emphasizes the difference of opinion with New Delhi. It issued a clarification during the recent visit of Prime Minister Vajpayee that the opening of border trade through the former Himalayan kingdom did not amount to recognition of India's sovereignity over it.

The population of the North East is barely 4% of the one billion plus total Indian population. But there are not less than 350 distinct ethnic groups here [1]. It is India's frontier land, where migrations from other parts of India and South East Asia have taken place over the centuries. In its extremely complex ethnic population mosaic there are groups found in Myanmar and China (the Lisu of Arunachal Pradesh), in Myanmar (Naga, Chin, Tai-Ahom and Khamti to name just four) and some are believed to have their origins in Kampuchea (the Khasis of Meghalaya state).

Over the decades, the sense of alienation, and in some cases, of separation has grown acutely. The Nagas, for example, who live in the states of Nagaland, Manipur and Assam, say they were never part of India and want to live as an independent entity. They were the first in the country to raise the banner of revolt against New Delhi and launch an armed insurgency, which continues to torture parts of the North East, with other groups turning to it for support and training in their efforts to break away. These insurgencies have led to a massive infusion of security forces, consequent and extensive human rights violations of every kind (rape, disappearances, torture, illegal detention, destruction of villages and property, including foodgrains and livestock). Militant groups too are preying on innocent people, extorting funds and hurting those who do not pay their taxes. Ordinary people are caught in between these armed groups. Searches and night patrols are a common sight in most parts of Nagaland and Manipur.

3. The collapse of the state 

Indeed, for decades, a strange phenomenon has existed in the state governments of Nagaland and Manipur. Without fuss or tumult, government employees, from the junior to senior levels, pay not less than 24% annual "tax" (1) (calculated at two per cent per month) to underground groups. The money is collected at the different offices and handed over to a representative of the insurgent group.

In most parts of the world, the payment of tax is seen as recognition of the government's authority. In Nagaland and Manipur--as well as in other states where such collections take place--it could be viewed as a measure of the state government's abdication of responsibility as well as the power of the insurgent groups. This is quite beside the extensive tax collections from businesses in the main towns of these small states.

The state governments say they act on the basis of complaints (2) but few dare to complain, such is the fear of the militants. In what can be called a classic copout, the Chief Minister of Nagaland even defended the insurgents: "The people pay them with trust. When the people want to pay, how can the state government stop them?" (3)

The insurgent groups are open and blunt about their approach: "I have to run a government, I have to maintain an army," said a senior official of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (4) at Dimapur, Nagaland's commercial capital, one of the dominant groups in the region justifying taxation. And it's nothing new taxes have been levied for decades, virtually since the beginning of the anti-India campaign in the early 1950s, to sustain the armed cadres and the political organization. This continues today even though the main tax collector, the NSCN (Isak-Muivah faction) has been holding talks on a possible peace accord with the Government of India since 1997. What is perhaps more interesting is that under a Constitutional arrangement, hill tribes like the Nagas, Khasis and Mizos, for example, do not pay income tax to the Government of India. But they pay up, willingly or otherwise, to insurgent groups.

Thus, in many cases, the very integrity and concept of the State and nation is confused, fuzzy and at stake. The collapse of institutions is not at hand it has already taken place, leading to acute despair and greater frustration. For example, in Manipur, there are police stations which are occupied by insurgent groups. Governance is marked by its near-complete absence in many parts of the state. A young official recently spoke of a "parallel government" in Manipur, which is run by the "underground" or "ugs", as the insurgents are widely known.

It is not just a question of fealty and fidelity to the State. The issue of identity goes beyond taxes: it has come to span state boundaries, leading to greater fears and bitterness among communities, large and small, who are worried that their lands will be encroached upon or bartered away by an insensitive central or state government.

There are many truths here and conflicting realities, especially in terms of perception. It is these conflicting perceptions which lie at the root of most confrontations in the region, between India and its perceived North East as well as within the North East itself [3].

India has over the years enacted numerous laws and Constitutional provisions which seek to protect rights of ethnic groups in the North East, especially hill tribes. Thus, the Sixth Schedule and Article 371A (far less known than Article 370 in relation to Kashmir, which prevents "outsiders" from buying land in that state, but equally powerful) protect the numerous tribes and tribe-dominated states and districts of the North East. The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution has been in place since the 1950s; it was an innovative effort to give small tribes extensive powers to develop at their own pace through a system of autonomous district councils, protecting their traditions, lands and rights. These laws have worked to a degree.

But all these regions are not homogenous. They are heterogenous, especially in the towns where small groups of traders, professionals as well as workers from the plains live with their families. These groups are marginalized, disadvantaged and under pressure from the "protected" groups and, one could argue, are in need of protection themselves. The "minority" of elsewhere is a "majority" in the small states of the North East. The laws here too need to be changed to become more representative, gender-sensitive and democratic.

4. Community and territoriality 

As mentioned earlier, the dominant Naga group, the NSCN faction led by Isak Chisi Swu and Th. Muivah, is currently holding talks on a possible agreement to end the 50-year-old confrontation between India and the Nagas. The sticking point here is land. The Nagas are demanding a unification of lands which they claim are "traditionally" theirs; if accepted, this would have the drastic effect of reducing the territorial size of Manipur, where Nagas live in the northern hills, by nearly half. It will chew chunks off Assam and the neighbouring state of Arunachal Pradesh.

Hardly surprisingly, the move has met with a mixture of outrage, opposition and suspicion from the affected states. All have said that they will not part with their land. Indeed, this appears to be the main challenge in the quest to peace--the determination by either side to stick to their viewpoints without giving an inch, out of concern that it will seen as either selling out or a sign of weakness.

Although both the Nagas and the Indian negotiators say there is a better understanding of each others views, (5)this is one issue on which they are not budging. The Indian government's position is simple: while it has the Constitutional powers to change the borders of a state without the concurrence of that state, it knows it will risk a furious revolt with major law and order problems, as well as security implications, if it even considers such an effort.

5. An alternative model of governance for the future 

However, there is another concept which has been doing the rounds and which is worthy of consideration. Given the failure of state institutions to bring about any element of governance or sense of cohesion to village and district administrations in a state such as Manipur, it has been suggested that traditional tribal institutions which work on the basis of social cohesion, a collective will, leadership of elders and both justice and honour be given extensive powers for economic and social development at the level of villages and groups of villages. In addition, such traditional systems, currently not recognized by the Constitution should be given constitutional status, to carry out these administrative and political tasks with government funding.

These traditional institutions, which are defined by different names among different tribes, could elect a forum or platform representing all Nagas (the tribes from all the states where Nagas live). This could be the first step toward Naga unity. But that unity, given the compulsions of all the neighbouring states, cannot, at the initial stage, be territorial in nature. This is difficult for many Nagas, in the underground or overground, to accept because for over 60 years they have wanted a land where all Nagas live together. This is the problem that faces Indian negotiators as they face off with Naga leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Nagalim is the word used by the Nagas for land) in different parts of the world. Both sides understand the difficulties of the other. The Nagas are unlikely to budge in the near future on this issue, although they may not continue to press on the other core issue of sovereignty.

Thus, the question of bargaining arise--what is either side prepared to give up? And clearly if sovereignty is no longer a stumbling block, then the Government of India's problems in giving a larger Naga homeland which includes parts of three neighbouring states (Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh) are acute. The Centre is armed with Article 3 of the Constitution, which enables it to change the territorial boundaries of a State, virtually unilaterally. But it is unlikely to enforce this because of the chaos that may ensue with communities and states worried about their political rights and futures; it may provoke a major revolt against New Delhi and additional law and order problems even in areas where such difficulties do not currently exist--and the Centre would be foolish to provoke such antagonism.

An agreement between two parties or more groups presupposes one basic element that it will spread goodwill not ill-will. That is one of the factors that must weigh with negotiators at the talks between New Delhi and the Nagas. The Nagas have to do a lot of persuasion, at the civil society level, with their neighbours about their case. Without those conversations and dialogues, no amount of table-thumping or chest-beating about rights and history can work.

The situation may be best served with traditional systems being given a new lease of life: new rights of governance and justice at the village level, wherever they are physically located. The Nagas would remain where they are, in the four states, but they would elect Naga bodies at the state level, which would be recognized by India as truly representative. These panels could work as an Upper Legislative Chamber in each of the four states, coming together for an annual or biannual apex meet to consider issues of common interest and stake. The chambers could handle issues related to Naga traditions, justice, culture and rights as well as local infrastructure development through their village councils leaving the day-to-day administration to the state governments. The Central Government could provide substantial funds for this model of governance.

History is a shared process. It cannot be exclusive, by its very nature. Just as the Nagas have a history, so do their neighbours. And the latter have a written historical account of their past. The Nagas have an oral history; their written history began with the British colonial presence in the 19th century and then the entry of the Christian missionaries. There was no centralized Naga state or currency or legal framework but a group of tribes, with democratic but patriarchal traditions, often at conflict with each other.

What goes in favour of a traditional system of governance is that a forum of Naga representation exists in the form of a body called the Naga Hobo (assembly). However, this group has been weakened by the absence of a number of tribes and the wrath it has faced from different insurgent groups. A revitalized and more representative Hoho could calm the concerns of Naga neighbours rather than groups like the NSCN which are bound by political considerations.

The issue of land is reflected in other conflicts in the North East. One is especially referring to the question of illegal migration from Bangladesh into the region and other parts of India.

6. Migration and conflict

Migration is central to the history of the world. And migration is related to land settlement and conflicts arising from that. The West Bank is a classic example of this, especially when one group or community or nation is convinced of its "rightness" [4].

In the North East, as seen earlier in the case of the Nagas, land rights and territorial concepts are major factors in developing and strengthening identities. In the neighbouring state of Assam, over the past 24 years, another drama has been playing itself out over the issue of identity--and this is related to illegal migration from Bangladesh.

Millions of Bangladeshis have moved from that country to India in the past 30 years. The Indian government figure is 15 million; (6) others place it higher, some say that it is lower. The reason is economic--the push factors are endemic poverty in Bangladesh and the hope of a better life in India, although this is derided by Bangladeshi officials. Yet, there is now official acknowledgement of out-migration from that country (7) and a better understanding of Indian concerns on the matter.

Following a trend set in the early 20th century, when a Muslim League government in Assam promoted influx from the then East Bengal as part of its political aim to change the state's demography, migratory peasants and landless labourers have moved from what is currently Bangladesh. While substantial migrants have gone to the rest of India (West Bengal and other states, including Bihar and New Delhi), a large number have settled in Assam over the years.

Their presence, as well as the presence of others who moved to the state earlier, has been the subject of agitations, riots, killings, laws, investigations and bilateral nastiness between India and Bangladesh. Of the estimated total of 15 million illegal settlers said to have moved to India, approximately 1.5 million illegal migrants are in Assam alone.

The crux of the matter in Assam, as for the Nagas, is land and its control. But the context is completely different. In Assam, land is being taken by non-nationals, who over the past decades, have been placed on voting lists by unscrupulous politicians and bureaucrats. They have been given ration cards which indicate residency. Former officials say that revenue staff persons are particularly to blame as they have, for a fee, given land rights to settlers. This would be unacceptable anywhere in the world. It is only soft states like India where such situations are accepted and even connived at by border guards and political parties like the Congress Party, which refuses to acknowledge the problem of illegal migration because its vote banks, predominantly Muslim, would be hurt by such a stand.

Both right-wing regional and national parties like the Asom Gana Parishad in Assam and the Bharatiya Janata Party say that illegal migrants should be detected and evicted. There appears to be growing agreement in Parliament that a flawed law which protects the settler should be repealed and replaced with a tougher Act which will also seek to protect the rights of Indian Muslims. Without protection, the latter fear they will become the targets of a new hate campaign.

Ways of tackling illegal immigration range from strengthening laws and an existing programme of building fences on the border with Bangladesh to legalizing some of the migration, by giving work permits to those willing to travel and work for a year or two before returning. One step that the Government of India has taken is a limited exercise in identifying residents: the issuance of identity cards to individuals living along the borders. The Work Permits concept is a by-product of the Identity Cards--only after ID cards are issued can a Work Permit scheme be put in place, through a network of computer systems and a software program that enables district officials in Bangladesh or even Nepal to inform their counterparts in North East India of groups of willing workers and responses from the other side. The Work Permit scheme would enable groups of not less than 25-to-75 workers to come to North East India to specific locations, report every six months to police and extend a one-year permit to a maximum of two years with opportunities to repatriate funds to Bangladesh. These permits could be regional in character, to make them politically more acceptable to India's neighbours in the East.

The Central Government also seeks to overturn a 20-year law that places anti-foreigner legislation as it prevails elsewhere in the world on its head. The 1983 law on detection of foreigners by tribunals has specific clauses which ensure that the accused is treated as an Indian unless proved otherwise. This is precisely the opposite of the law in other countries: the accused is treated as a foreigner unless proved otherwise. In addition, the complainant must live under the jurisdiction of the local police station and pay ten rupees for filing the complaint. These are aimed at ensuring that the complaints are not frivolous, say minority group leaders in Assam. The result: just over 1000 deportations after going through 300,000 complaints.

The government wants to revoke this law (which is applicable only to Assam and not the rest of India) and strengthen existing legislation like the Foreigners Act, which go through normal court processes, unlike the tribunals, which were quasi-judicial in nature.

India should, as a start, set up a National Immigration Commission which reviews all existing laws relating to citizenship, residency, immigration and migration, settlement and voting rights as well as issues relating to refugees and refugee settlement. There is much misunderstanding about various groups of settlers in India (it is not a signatory to the UN convention on refugees, although it is home to hundreds of thousands of refugees). Part of the reason is that such a review of laws has not been undertaken and a singular lack of clarity remains about groups such as migrants and refugees. Right wing political groups use the issue for their advantage, whipping up xenophobic fears, particularly in the North East, about being "swamped" by Muslims, especially from Bangladesh. India should enact a national law on refugees, which would help clear the haziness, reduce tensions and protect genuine citizens.

7. Where is the infrastructure? 

The problem of immigration has much to do with governance and infrastructure. In the North East, it is a question of ensuring that these are there in the first place. Law enforcement agencies at the border often look the other way (on both sides of the frontier) when people cross, illegal trade is three times that of legal business and the biggest item of trade from India to Bangladesh is 1.7 million head of cattle every year--headed for the slaughter houses! Across the frontier, despite the barbed wire fences which exist in some parts, salt and sugar, rocks and wood, fruits, fish and vegetables, kerosene and cigarettes, bamboo and textiles, liquor and people (and cattle) flow with ease.

Beyond the borders too, there are other problems related to infrastructure. For decades, the Government of India has poured in hundreds of millions of rupees into the region without ever asking for accountability and transparency from the state governments. Some people, especially in the realm of politics and the bureaucracy and their favourite contractors, have become enormously rich. The majority, however, have been untouched by the Centre's largesse which has created cynicism, confusion and suspicion of government schemes.

Patronage is resented, yet demanded as a right.

The distance from the mainland has grown although there are worthy efforts--even if late--to bridge the gap by non-government groups and some Central Government departments such as the newly-created Department for Development of North Eastern Region.

For while political groups still speak shrilly of the region's exploitation, thousands of young people leave the North East every year to seek education and work elsewhere in India. This is a ringing assertion of their hope of a decent future in the country but also a sharply negative statement of their views on the future of their home areas.

8. Conclusions 

What is critical here is the need to tackle the growing radicalization of young men and women in marginalized areas, whose lives and communities are untouched by development. This is most evident in those districts of the North East which are located on the border with Bangladesh. They are shut out of the system, without access to proper education, health and communication systems, desperate for work and embittered by the non-existence of governance. They live in the most marginal of areas--on the sandbanks and islands that dot the riverscape of the mighty Brahmaputra river.

Yet, they produce the milk, rice, fruits and vegetables, eggs and meat which feed the towns of the Assam Valley. It is this contradiction which has to be addressed and changed through greater power devolving to rural communities and villages and the implementation of government schemes such as agricultural extension and installation of infrastructure.

The experience of the past 50 years has produced a mix of dependency, alienation and bitterness that will take time, dialogue, innovative strategies at the community level, using the natural advantages of the area such as its waterways, herbs, orchids and fruits, to develop industries and exports, and realistic policies to change.

Some years from today, the Trans-Asia Highway may run from South East Asia through the subcontinent to Turkey, connecting this continent with Europe. If the North East of India is to take advantage of this opportunity and is not to be left aside and remain at the bottom of the South Asian heap in the company of backward Indian states such as Bihar (even Bangladesh is moving ahead), its governments, insurgents, activists and policy makers must reduce confrontation zones, build more areas of cooperation, cut down rhetoric and get real and focused on its natural advantages.

(1) Interviews with government employees by the author over the years, including in November 2002.

(2) Interview with Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio of Nagaland [2].

(3) Interview with CM Neiphiu Rio of Nagaland [2].

(4) Interview with the author, Dimapur, November 2002.

(5) Interviews with government negotiators and Naga leaders, January, February 2003. New Delhi and Amsterdam.

(6) This figure has come from the report of a special task force, appointed by the Government, which looked at border management.

(7) Remarks by Tufail Haidar, Bangladesh High Commissioner to India, India International Centre, October 5, 2002, at a lecture on Distant Neighbours, Troubled Borders.

References

[1] Hazarika Sanjoy. The north east, security and sustainability. In: India's national security annual review; 2002.

[2] The Statesman. New Delhi, 2003. June 21.

[3] Hazarika Sanjoy. The little magazine 2002;5 & 6(III).

[4] Hazarika Sanjoy, Rites of passage, border crossings, imagined homelands, India's east and Bangladesh, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2001.

Sanjoy Hazarika, Tel.: +91-11-2612-1426. E-mail address: sanjoy@c-nes.org (S. Hazarika).

Center for Policy, Research, Dharma Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi 110 021, India

12-14-2005, 01:14 AM

From KanglaOnline

QUOTEManipur and Manipuri
By: U A Shimray

Officially, the whole Indian population is divided into four category as- âGeneral,â âScheduled Castes (SC),â âScheduled Tribes (ST)â and âOther Backward Classes (OBC).â Within this categorisation viz., ST/SC and OBC there are numerous ethnic groups. In Manipur, there are 30 ethnic groups recognised as STs and non-tribal Meeteis (or Meiteis) and Pangan (Muslim). All this composite ethnicity represents as citizen of India. In state political identity, tag a domicile of Manipur State (Tribal groups carry their respective STs certificates issued by the Magistrate). Indeed, every individual adhere to certain ethnic identity in the form of surname, social group and residence.

National Media including Manipurâs local papers report that the girl killed in Mumbai on 13 August as âManipuri girl killed.â This was immediately countered by the Naga Studentsâ Union from Delhi, Shillong and Mumbai that the deceased person is Nagas belonging to the Tangkhul Naga community and not Manipuri. Such reaction indicates that the identity Manipuri when imposed to the whole population of Manipur State is troublesome and is incorrect in the context of ethnicity. May be in political term suffix of âriâ is not problem. Manipuri also used as language identity and is an official language of the state. The language is use as lingua franca of the various ethnic groups. Locally, it is known as Meetei-Lon, a traditional language of Meetei community. Today, we observe the larger identity based on political unit (identity) like Assamese or Arunchali. The fact is in Assam there are several ethnic groups having distinct social identity like Boro, Karbi, Dimasa, Kachari...and the same in Arunachal- Apatani, Mishmi, Singphoâ¦ But we donât see such suffix in case of Mizoram, Meghalaya, or Nagaland (Or is the end letter is not suffix-able!). Hitherto, in Mizoram (âMizoâ refer to the people and âRamâ the land) or Meghalaya (abode of clouds) contains many ethnic groups.

In 1762, Anglo-Manipuri Treaty Proposal mentioned, Goursah Singh as the Raja of Meckley. The reference of Meckley is to the people Manipuri. Pemberton Report (1835) writes, ââ¦the territory of Muneepore, through which lie the routes leading from the districts of Sylhet and Cachar to the Ningthee river, and central portion of the northern provinces of Ava. The country inhabited by the Muneepoorees is, by the Burmahs called âKathe,â which term equally apply to the people; by the inhabitants of Cachar it is named Moglie; by those of Assam, Meklee, and by the Shans, or those who inhabit the country east of the Ningthee riverâ¦of term the Burmese word is a corruption.â Dun (1886:13) in his book, âGazetteer of Manipur,â writes, âThe name Manipur is only applicable, popularly speaking to the Hindu dweller of the plain areas. The wild tribes are divided generically into the two groups the Nagas and Kukis.â The identity called Manipuri is presented by the Jyotirmoy Roy (1958: 2) in âHistory of Manipurâ as â(O)f the total area of modern Manipur the valley covers nearly 700 square miles, the rest is covered by hills. The Manipuri community lives in the valley. The hill area is the abode of the Nagas and the Kukis.â

Recently, the Meetei community of Manipur State assert a word Kangleipak and resurrection of Sanamahi culture. Sripati Bhattacharyyaâs Class VI textbook âSocial Science Part-I, Historyâ mentioned that tha present name Manipur was coined after the introduction of Hinduism in the early 18th Century AD (see page 97). Today, some Meetei activists are asserting to the name Kangleipak instead of Manipur. W. Chingtamlen (2005: xi) in his book âA Short History of Kangleipakâ writes, â(T)he downfall of this ancient Kingdom of Kangleipak and its fine and brave people is associated with the changing of the name of this land from Kanleipak to Manipur.â He further stated that the downfall of Kangleipak brought identity crisis in the Meetei Race and disintegration of the hill and plain. Ch. Maniharâs âClarification on the Bishnupriya in relation to the Manipuriâ cited the name Manipur in place of Kangleipak was first used by the British East India Company during the reign of King Bhagyachandra.

Regarding to Sanamahi Religion, we quoted W. Chingtamlen (2005: 53), â(T)he Original Religion of the Meetei Race is Sanamahi Religion, on of the most ancient and unique Religions of the world. The Meetei Race, the so called the Manipuri now was not Animist as a people and did not worship idols as the Hindu did in their Religion, since very early time before Christ.â Revivalism of Sanamahi culture and its tradition came along with the demand to replace Bengali script by traditional script Meetei-Mayek in Manipuri language. In the protest, the 47 year old Manipur State Central Library, storehouse of several priceless and irreplaceable books/editions and journals, historical records were burnt down by the Meeteisâ activists called Meetei Erol Eyek Loinasinlon Apungba Lup (MEELAL) on 13th April 2005 (Burning public properties now spread in the hills too. Recently, the All Naga Students Association, Manipur (ANSAM) burnt down many government offices at Chandel, Ukhrul, Senapati and Tamenglong in protest against the Chief Minister O. Ibobiâs declaration of 18 June as Official Holiday.

Language problem is not a new item in Manipur. As said, Manipuri is commonly used as lingua franca between the various ethnic groups however, majority of the tribal groups cannot read or write Manipuri. In the late 1980s political struggle to recognise Manipuri (in original Meetei script or Mayek) in Eighth Schedule finally came into implement in 1992. Till now, many Manipuri based local newspapers use Bengali script. An official recognition of the Meetei-Mayek has 27 (twenty seven) alphabets, but there is another group contesting that it contains 36 (thirty six) alphabets.

United Committee Manipurâs (2005) Report âInflux of Migration into Manipurâ came out with a concept âManipuri National Subgroups.â This neo-thought refers to the various ethnic (indigenous) communities of the state. UCM (2005: 2) writes, â(A)ll the indigenous people of Manipur belong to Mongoloid stock and comprise various Manipuri National Subgroups. Among the Manipuri Sub Groups the Government of India recognised 33 groups, as Schedule Tribes.â The non-Manipuri National Subgroups are refers as âalienâ (UCM 2005: 39). These aliens are non-citizen of Manipur.

In the last Naga integration rally at Kohima, 31st August 2005 in the midst of more then ten thousands crowd one local journalist ask my opinion regarding the âprospect of Naga integrationâ which I didnât give my comment further the journo ask where the âManipuri Nagasâ are seatingâ¦there I reply that I never heard of Manipuri Nagas but I know Nagas from Manipur State. Such âinnocentâ gesture is sometime unhealthy and uncomfortable in the multi-ethnic situation. Some ethnic group from Assam state would not like to address them as Assamese because they have their own respective ethnic identity not the state imposing identity. Likewise many are not at ease when the hill communities of Manipur State are address as Manipuriâ¦to my experience many prefer to use their own identity like Kukis (Thadou), Paiteis, Nagasâ¦And every ethnic groups have their own social organisation and student forum.

Is Meetei-Mayek movement relevance for the tribal communityâ¦? The statement is dicey. But in respect of social, cultural and political situation, a movement does not hold any future prospect for the tribal. Tribal organisations like All tribal Students Union, Manipur (ATSUM), ANSAM and Kuki Student Organisation (KSO), United Naga Council (UNC) clearly articulate their opposition towards introduction of Meetei-Mayek in tribal population. Indeed, the assertion of the term Manipuri and language movement is conspicuous attempt of assimilation to the larger ethnic identity. The UCMâs report in the Appendix XXVI- List of Chief Secretaries, suffix Shri LB Thanga and Shri K. Kipgen as Manipuri. Instead of negotiating the right perspectives, idea of Manipuri National Subgroups is slowly making its entrance in the ethnic politics.

12-15-2005, 08:40 PM

QUOTEFighting to Preserve a Tribal Heritage
Hinduism Today; 3/31/2005; Knapp, Stephen

A pilgrimage through Northeast India reveals a rich Vedic lifestyle
threatened to the core by sometimes violent Christian insurgents

IN DECEMBER OF 2003 A FEW OF US from the Vedic Friends Association traveled
through Assam, Arunachala Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, and later Sikhim on a
spiritual journey. Unfortunately, the trip wasn't all love and light. The
local tribesmen in that part of India face a major threat from sometimes
violent Christian insurgents whose conversion efforts too often result in
murder and mayhem. This article is about the plight of these noble people
and the danger they face on a daily basis from religious zealots who have
no notion of the vast spiritual heritage they debase or the terrible
consequences they incur for doing so.

This is not the first time that HINDUISM TODAY has reported on the plight
of the 30 million tribal Hindus in Northeast India. In November/December,
2000, the magazine published a five-page feature article by Renu S.
Malhotra entitled Missionaries Roil Northeast India in which the author
detailed the disastrous effects Christian conversion efforts were having
there. In 2004, Mrs. Malhotra took another trip through that same area and
was disappointed to report that the situation has not improved. Instead,
she said, it has gotten worse. (See page 65.)

During our trip, the tribal people seemed less concerned with aggressive
Christians than they were impressed with us--white Americans who had been
raised as Christians but had now chosen to follow the Vedic and Hindu path
of spirituality. Our presence in their cultural rituals touched them
deeply. They asserted again and again that we were the only Westerners they
had ever met who weren't hell-bent on convincing them to give up their
traditional ways of living and convert to Christianity.

Many tribal cultures all over India are immersed in Vedic traditions, or
contain elements that are carried over from the Vedic way of life. Today,
however, the world is slowly coming to understand that Christians are
thoroughly infiltrating the Northeastern region. Nagaland in
particular--long famous for its ancient, ascetic, Naga culture--is an area
where conversion tactics are most successful. According to census figures
just released for 2001, Nagaland is 90 percent Christian.

Many tribal people of India's Northeast are being hammered with the idea
that if they want to progress into the 21st century, they must become
modern like the Westerners. Since most Westerners they meet are evangelical
Christians, they presume that Christianity is the essence of the Western
value system and that they must therefore become Christian to be
progressive.

As these tribal people innocently and enthusiastically strive by this
reasoning to stay in touch with the times, they adopt very little of the
best the West has to offer and take instead much of its worst. Abuse of
alcohol and drugs is escalating and so is sexual promiscuity, fueling the
spread of AIDS and causing more abortions to be performed. Abortion never
used to be an issue in this part of India, and AIDS was almost unheard of.

According to local tradition, if a boy and girl were caught in a sexual
act, they were forced to marry. Illicit sex was not allowed. Now, many
local people, wanting to sidestep local punishment, become Christian just
so they can handle a vast array of sexual indiscretions under the
protection of Western leniency.

In one area of Arunachal Pradesh that we visited, new converts to
Christianity were being told to not associate with their "heathen" friends
and neighbors. They were also being discouraged from participating in their
traditional festivals, dances and music, or even joining in community
harvests and group house raisings. They were being motivated to wear only
Western clothes, listen only to Western music and celebrate only Western
holidays. This was creating divisions in families and communities, and
creating social unrest.

Further complicating conversion matters today, even as I am writing this
article, different Christian sects are quarreling with each other over
converts. This is having an interesting effect on the tribal people. While
it is confusing them, it is also sending them an important message that
perhaps they were better off before these Christians came into their lives.
Many are beginning to think now that perhaps their old culture was fine
just the way that it was. In the old days, tribal wars were only fought for
land and resources. Quarrels and crimes over religious differences were
almost unheard of.

The most significant conflicts arise from the sometimes violent aggression
of Christian insurgents (See page 64). In the last two decades 10,000
people have been killed for religious reasons in the state of Tripura
alone.

During our travels, we tried to stress that from our Western perspective
the indigenous cultures could easily survive in the modern world if some
sense of flexibility could be brought to bear with regard to incorporating
technological developments and advanced education. We tried to present the
idea, for instance, that much good could come from the amalgamation of the
old with the new, such as improvements in communication, medicine, farming,
construction, transportation and more.

At the close of this most educational journey, it became apparent to me
that, more often then not, it is old values--not new ones--that provide
solutions to modern day problems. This can be an important lesson learned
too late. One of our more sobering observations during the trip was that
when a culture is lost, it is almost impossible to bring back, or even to
fully understand in retrospect.

The indigenous cultures of India are treasures worth saving. They offer an
important connection to the best India's past has to offer. It seems to me
that the social and environmental problems of the country are not due to
some inherent problem in the traditional culture itself, but rather in the
choice many make to abandon this culture. Remaining fixed in the true
principles of this ancient lifestyle and passing these principles on to the
next generation certainly can't hurt India in its attempts to carve a
future which is at least as powerful as its past.

Stephen Knapp has written many books and articles on Vedic philosophy and
is the president of the Vedic Friends Association, an organization
dedicated to protecting and sharing Vedic culture. For more information
see: www.stephen-knapp.com and www.vedicfriends.org. 

Article copyright Himalayan Academy.

02-14-2006, 06:08 PM

QUOTENORTHEAST VIOLENCE - An Overall View (By R.Upadhyay)
www.saag.org

Brahmaputra, Imphal and Surma valleys with surrounding mountains and hills are the geo-political boundaries of Northeast India. Comprising of seven States Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and Tripura, with a collective area of 255,088 sq. km. (about 8% of the country's territory) include two third of hills and forests and one third plains. Bounded by Bhutan and China (Tibet) in north, Myanmar in east and south and Bangladesh in south and west, the region is connected with about 4000 sq. km of porous international borders and touching the two ends of only a 20km wide corridor (Siliguri Corridor) in west with the rest of India.

With a combined population of about four crores (38,495,089 -2001 Census), which includes 209 Scheduled Tribes (Arunachal Pradesh -101; Manipur -29; Assam - 23; Nagaland - 20; Tripura - 18; Meghalaya - 14; and Mizoram 53) - Northeast is a most diversified region. States with overwhelming tribal population are Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram whereas those having more than one third tribal population are Manipur and Tripura (Women and Changing Power Structure in Northeast India - Ashok Kumar Ray - Rajendra Prasad Athparia, 2006). Contrary to the general perception these tribes constitute below 30% of the population of the entire Northeast. While Assam, Tripura and Manipur are dominated by about 60% of non-tribal population, the rest of the states are having a tribal majority ranging from 60 to 90 percent. The area being the abode of various ethnic groups like Ahom, Naga, Lusai(Mizo), Meitei, Garo, Khasi, Koch, Hajomg, Rabha, Kachari, Tippera, Chakma, Abhor, Bodo, Miri and hundreds of other tribes for centuries - remained the isolated corner of Indian sub-continent and away from the larger civilisational masses.

Contented in forests and hills, the tribes of the Northeast viewed anyone entering in their territory as outsiders. With a definite territory, kinship, social structure, distinct tradition and mostly having non-monarchical character, they remained away from the influence of Sanskritisation for centuries and preserved their exclusivity till the annexation of their territories by the British in the nineteenth century. Except for Nagas and the Mizos most of others were however, under the domain of some princely kingdoms like Ahom, Manipur, Tripura and Khasis. Nagas and Mizos were constant problems for these rulers.

The British annexed the Northeast at different points of time like Assam plains (1826), Cachar plains (1830), (Khasi Hills (1833), Jaintia plains(1835), Karbi Anglong or Mikir Hills (1838), North Cachar Hills (1854), Naga Hills (1866-1904), Garo Hills (1872-73) and Mizo Hills (1890) (Autonomy Movements in Assam - Documents by P. S. Datta, 1993, Page 5-6). All these areas formed parts of Assam Province of British India. But the colonial power with a view to keep them excluded from the ministerial jurisdiction of Provincial Government declared these hill districts as Excluded Areas under the exclusive administrative control of Chief Commissioner of the province. They introduced inner line permit to prevent the entry of outsiders in this area without valid permit. This permit system debarred the hill people from interaction with the larger masses of Indian mainstream and from the socio-political influence of the outside world. Manipur, Tripura and Khasi States (Now Khasi Hills in Meghalaya) remained as Princely States under Brtish control.

The Christian missionaries followed the British and established their foothold in the region. Converting the tribes from their indigenous faith to Christianity, they robbed off their traditional identity and imposed on them a new socio-religious identity based on Christian traditions. Such socio-religious transformation was though contrary to their respective ethnic traditions, over the years the converted tribes accepted it as the generic identity. Christianisation and basic education helped some of them to get middle to lower level jobs in Church and British administration which gave birth to a middle class; a new social phenomenon in tribal society. This new class of people, who came into contact with the people outside their area - gradually developed identity consciousness. The social reformers of mainland India practically remained indifferent of this development and did not make any effort to counter it. Similarly, the leaders of freedom movement due to lack of rapport with hill people - failed to instill among them any emotional feeling towards India. Thus, in the absence of socio-cultural intercourse with the plains of India the isolated tribes developed a centrifugal tendency against mainland Indian sub-continent.

In the backdrop of the historical reality, when freedom knocked the door of the country and the British declared the lapse of its paramountcy over Indian States, it placed the national leadership in a complex situation. Being confronted with the problem of preventing further balkanization and the task for integrating 562 Princely States - they failed to appreciate the new political awakening in tribal society (Integration of the Indian States by V. P. Menon, 1985, Page 485).

The tribal masses accepted many imposed changes, which were against their self-governing character and heterogeneous system of pristine institutions but had not anticipated their future political identity because of non-participation in the freedom movement. Therefore, even with provision in Indian constitution for preservation of their traditions a section of vested interest with the investigation of foreign forces sought independent existence outside India. Ironically, those, who with a view to preserve their independent identity had fought decades after decades against the British before their subjugation - were in the forefront of secessionist demands on a plea of imaginary danger to their forcibly imposed religio-cultural identity. But the Mizos under the influence of Mizo Union, Garos under the banner of Garo National Council and most of the other tribes favoured integration of their territories with India with more tribal autonomy and thus, the entire region of the northeast became the integral part of Indian Union.

It is a known fact of history that in a federal polity the national objective cannot be achieved without regional support for which the Indian core was expected to appreciate the unique geo-social problem of the region. It needed an organic relationship with its diverse ethnic groups particularly the hill tribes. The national leadership however, failed to develop any mechanism for their emotional integration with the national mainstream. In stead of breaking the legacy of imperialist rule, undoing the arbitrary and irrational British method of administration and formulating a coherent nation-centric policy to build up an organic relation between the tribal masses and rest of people in India, they took them for granted. Ignoring the alienated mindset of these people, they provided opportunities to the forces of vested interest to fish in troubled water.

Taking advantage of the situation, the imperialist forces while establishing their operational bases in different parts of South East Asia began playing the divisive game in Northeast. (Insurgency in Northeast India by S. K. Sareen, 1982). While China with its eye on this oil, tea and mineral rich region tried to unite its people for an umbrella of Mongoloid movement, Pakistan and Bangladesh with Muslim League agenda of 1906 for Islamic expansionism promoted Muslim infiltration in the region and helped the secessionist forces against India. Church is regarded one of the four arms of western powers besides Infantry, Air Force and Navy (Dr. J. C. Kumarappa's quote from 'What ails Northeast' by Bhanu Pratap Shukla) and hence the Christian Missionaries, with a view to maintain religio-cultural hegemony in the region also helped them through western powers.

Against the background of the unique situation, India has been facing the challenge of autonomist and secessionist demands at different places in Northeast at different points of time but ethno-political violence in the the region was often greatly exaggerated in the media. India is a country where caste, creed, language and religion dominate the political discourse and therefore, the centuries old isolated region cannot be an exception. If we look into the on going movements and revolts in number of regions in the country, it appears that entire India is passing through a whirlpool of competitive and violent politics as seen in Northeast. Maoists, Sikh extremists and the movements for new States like Telangna, Bundelkhand and Harit Pradesh are nothing but a continuous search for new political identity by the diverse groups in the country.

In absence of a sense of pan-Indianism among them, hill people of Northeast, who had more proximity with the people and cities across the international border than rest of India, were not expected to overcome their political confusion overnight. With arms left by Japanese army in the region during Second World War the Nagas under the banner of Naga National Council led by Angami Zapu Phizo therefore, fired the first shot for liberation of this territory from Indian occupation just on the eve of Independence on August 14, 1947. Though, the revolt was suppressed and Phizo was arrested in 1948, his arrest made him the supreme leader of the Nagas. Gradually he succeeded in accomplishing Naga unity irrespective of their division in over a dozen of sub-tribes. He even consolidated the Nagas residing in the contiguous areas of Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and even in foreign territory of Mynmar and now the insurgents are demanding Greater Nagaland, which includes all the Naga inhabited areas. The poisonous virus of Naga revolt disturbed the political climate of entire Northeast and subsequently encouraged other ethnic groups like Mizo, Bodo, and Meitie for similar demands.

The Unique geo-political situation of Northeast with long international border is vulnerable from the security point of view. Moreover, instigating hand of foreign enemies further complicated its problem. The British granted political asylum to Z. A. Phizo, the legendary Naga rebel and extended helping hand to Mizo insurgent Laldenga. Pakistan, China and Bangladesh on the other hand were supplying arms to various insurgent groups regularly. Baptist Christian Missionaries like Michel Scott meddled in tribal politics. These known misdeeds of foreign forces are enough proof to suggest that had the Indian establishment countered the evil designs of foreign adversaries effectively, the on going insurgency would not have persisted. Forced migration of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan reduced the aboriginal natives of Tripura to minority and Assamese also became scared of similar fate due to the politics of Muslim infiltration. Despite these developments the national leadership remained contended and paid little attention to study the problem dispassionately. Even re-organisation of states in mid 1950s was carried out without looking into this dark area.

The dialogues maintained by different insurgent groups in northeast with Government of India is continuing since independence. In the process some of them gave up their secessionist demand and also joined the politico-economic mainstream of the country. But there are still a sizeable number of insurgents particularly in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Tripura where widespread ethnic conflict has kept the entire northeast disturbed for decades.

Over the years the Government of India with a view to pacify the secessionist and autonomist ethnic groups, reorganised Assam and created Nagaland (1963), Meghalaya (1972), Mizoram (U.T. in 1972 and full-fledged statehood in 1987), Manipur (1972), and Arunachal Pradesh. Creation of smaller States on the basis of ethnic groups opened a Pandora box as the state leadership in the region have not fulfilled the political aspirations of over 200 hundred tribes, who have been in inter-ethnic conflicts for centuries. In Manipur various aboriginal ethnic groups like Meithi, Nagas, Kukis, and Hmars are fighting against each other under their respective insurgent leaders. In Meghalaya too, Garos and Khasis do not have smooth relation. In Assam the Bodos, Kacharis and a number of other tribes are demanding their separate States or independence. Even though peace is restored in Mizoram, Chakmas in this State are not at all comfortable with the Mizos.

The background of all the secessionist movements in Northeast is different but ironically, a section of media, academics and social scientists are trying to combine them together and have made the problem more and more complex. Blaming the Centre for the neglect of the region they plead that the former is treating its people as if they are not the citizens like rest of India. Mahasweta Devi, a well-known litterateur while answering to a question on unrest in Northeast said, "I think the area has been neglected for years. We have not treated them as part of India so it has resulted in unrest" (Pioneer dated January 16, 2006). Such academic assessment suggests that the genesis of the trouble has emanated from the neglect of the region.

Movement for preservation of ethnic identity in India has been an important issue of political discourse for decades. There is nothing wrong if such discourse is meant for the progress of the society without negating the nation building process. In Northeast it is however used by wide network of self-serving and anti-people corrupt politicians, Government officials, drug and arm smugglers and lumpen elements with the help of instigating hands of neighbouring countries.

The educated elite among the hill peoples with their share in political power emerged as a new feudal class that changed the socio-economic scenario in the in tribal society. Usurping the traditional right over land and forest of their own people and dividing the tribal society between rich and poor, they created class rivalry, which was unusual for tribal society. Ironically, despite the deep-rooted inter-tribe contradiction, tribal intelligentsia, who failed to share political power, is in unending search for larger identity on the plea of ethno-nationalism, which is the common ideology of all the secessionist groups. Their so-called quest for identity related insurgency is simply a pressure tactics for more and more political concessions.

The State leaders are saleable commodities at the hands of the ruling party at Centre. They change their loyalty overnight if there is change in Centre as they are more interested in seeking Central fund than to change the secessionist tendencies of the people. The national leadership overlooks the siphoning of public fund to the insurgents for the sake of their respective party's interest. Media reports suggest that the insurgents extort huge amount from ruling party leaders in their respective States. "The Outlook magazine carried a story that Ibobi Singh, Chief Minister of Manipur paid Rs. 1.5 crore to some Revolutionary Peoples' Front. Former Governor Lt. Gen. (Retd) V. K. Nayyar levelled similar charges against two former Chief Ministers in the State, besides a number of other politicians" (Pioneer dated February 9, 2006). In spite of the known nexus between the various anti-people forces and the insurgents, to put blame only on Centre may not be fair.

Above all, the ground reality also suggests that the failure of the Central Government to manage the international boarder with firm hand to counter the unfriendly designs of our neighbours is the prime reason behind the unrest. Except Bhutan no other country across the border took tough action against the insurgents. If trans-border migration of insurgents is prevented, they may not survive for long. Ever Since Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of the country was trapped in the 'Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai' slogan and faced humiliating defeat in 1962, his successors continuously maintained soft attitude towards undesirable developments along the northeastern borders. Failure of the Centre in 1962 War gave rise to centrifugal forces in Northeast to accelerate secessionist demands.

The insurgents groups have covered a long way in fighting for the independence of their territories and some of them strengthened their striking power due to the sanctuary and help from across the international border but the common masses are not with them. They are fed up with the disturbances, which have only increased their miseries. They are more interested for development than to support them. It is a historical fact that rise of any country is closely linked to the emotional integration of its diverse regions and accordingly, contrary to the general academic perception the post-colonial leadership of India always accepted the people of the region as equal partners in nation-building process. But it is unfortunate that they are facing the trauma of insurgency for over half a century at the hands of a group of their own people. As discussed above, their owes are factually linked with the deep nexus between the insurgents and corrupt politicians and State officials, who allow unabated black-marketing of essential commodities and drug smuggling and not with identity crisis as is often highlighted by the media.

One can understand that the hill people of the region were under historical isolation from the socio-cultural interaction with the larger civilisational masses for centuries and were therefore apprehensive against the imaginary danger to their ethnic identity. But had such historical background been reason behind insurgency, why did the Assamese, who had centuries old socio-cultural link with the rest of Indian sub-continent and had taken an active part in freedom movement also now pose challenge against their assimilation with Indian State?

In view of the multiplicity of large number of ethnic groups, who are now aspiring to have their respective independent States or sovereignty on the plea of their pre-British status and separate nationality, the problem is getting multiplied day by day. The belief of the hill people that they were sovereign entity before their annexation by the British is applicable to a number of ethnic groups in the country. After departure of British over five hundred Princely states which had sovereign status merged under one democratic geo-political boundary and the Hill districts of Assam also became a part of Indian Union. Thus, harping on Pre-British status will only add to the prevailing socio political tension in the region. With growing number of militant outfits, if independence were granted on the basis of ethnic identity, there would be endless fight for hundreds of States or nations in the northeast. This is neither practicable nor feasible. However, being a region of competing ethnicity of a large number of tribes and sub-tribes, Northeast needs a lasting solution in totality through a revolutionary nation-centric policy.

Academics, political analysts, social scientists and tribal intelligentsia are pondering over only the economic neglect of the region and their pre-British identity as primary reasons behind the insurgency. But if one looks into the overall economic structure of the country Northeast is also in the continuing process of development particularly in fields of education, communications, rural electrification and cottage industries. The level of development in this region may not be at par with relatively higher developed states like Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka and Tamilnadu but in comparison to BIMARU States, from where crores of populations are migrated for search of livelihood, Northeast is much better off. An ambitious plan of a grand Asian high way to connect India to Myanmar, Thailand and China through Assam, Manipur and Nagaland is already in pipeline, which will provide economic boom to the region once it is through. Thus, the blame on Centre for economic neglect of Northeast may not be fair. In fact the Indian establishment provided respectable and proportionate place in the political map of the country also to the people of Northeast. But with greater number of western educated people than many of Indians in plains, they expect larger share in political power.

Despite political and administrative corruption, the increasing participation of the people of Northeast in the development process of their respective States and significant changes in their socio-political behaviour have sent a positive signal that they are working as equal partners in the nation-building exercise. Sending larger number of their representatives in Parliament from national parties like Congress, BJP and CPM and participation of the people of entire region in elections prove their commitments towards the core of Indian Union. Laldenga, the Mizo rebel leader ultimately joined the mainstream politics under India's constitution and Mizoram is practically free from the menace of insurgency. Similar is the case of Meghalaya and Arunchal Pradesh. Therefore, the apprehension of the dismemberment of Northeast from India through the so called co-ordinated challenge to the Indian core is far from the ground reality. Only some misguided sections in Nagaland, Manipur, Tripura and Assam are working for India's inimical neighbours and anti-Indian forces only for their self-serving interest. They need to be handled with a strong political will as the rise of a sovereign state depends upon the integration of its diverse regions under a centripetal pull. Once the forces of disintegration are allowed to grow it will be the beginning of its decline.

Bibliography:

Insurgency in North - East India -S. K. Sreen, 1982.

India's North - East in Flames - V. I. K. Sarin, 1982.

North-Eastern Frontier of India - A. C. Sinha, 1994.

Integration of Indian States- V. P. Menon, 1985.

Thirty Years of Naga Insurgency - M. Horam.

India and North - East India -Sajal Nag, 1998.

Hill Politics of Northeast India -S. K. Chaube.

Women and Changing Power Structure in Northeast India - Ashok Kumar Ray - Rajendra Prasad Athparia, 2006.

Tribal Identity and Tension in North East India - B. Datta Ray, 1989.

The Periphery Strikes Back - Challenges to the Nation - State in Assam and Nagaland -Udayon Mishra, 2000.

Rites of Passage - Sanjoy Hazarika, 2000.

General Election in India (2004) - M. L. Ahuja

Anatomy of Revolt - S. Gurudev, 1996.

Echos from North Eastern India - S. K. Ghosh - Prabha Chopra, 1960.

Autonomy Movements in Assam - Documents by P. S. Datta, 1993.

(Email: ramashray60@rediffmail.com)

02-15-2006, 09:06 PM

http://www.asiantribune.com

QUOTEJournalists in India northeast walk a thin line 
By . T. Simchinthang - Asian Tribune

Lamka, 11 February, (Asiantribune.com): Journalists working in India's restive northeast are caught in a Catch 22 situation, often becoming the targets of both state and non-state actors, leading to a muzzling of press freedom. 

QUOTEEditors and the managements of daily newspapers published from Manipur took the extreme step of ceasing work to protest direct pressure being put by an outlawed militant group, the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), led by guerrilla leader City Metei, on media houses. 

QUOTEJournalists in Assam and Nagaland too face pressure from the state and rebel groups, both sides trying to coerce counter the media into toeing their line.

In Assam, more than extremist groups, it is the government that has on several occasions tried to muzzle the freedom of the press. More than 30 journalists were arrested during the past decade on charges of aiding and abetting insurgency.

02-15-2006, 09:14 PM

Moderate intensity quake rocks northeast India
(DPA)

14 February 2006

NEW DELHI - An earthquake of moderate intensity rocked northeastern India early Tuesday triggering panic among residents of the region, news reports said.

The epicentre of the quake, measuring 5.7 on the Richter scale, was located in the northeastern state of Sikkim, officials of the stateâs weather office said.

The tremor shook the states of Sikkim, Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur and northern West Bengal, IANS news agency reported.

Officials in the northeastern states said there were no immediate reports of casualties or heavy damage. Some houses in Sikkim sustained cracks.

Indiaâs northeast is considered by seismologists to be among one of the most earthquake-prone regions in the world. An earthquake measuring 8.5 on the Richter scale left 1,500 people dead in Assam state on August 15, 1950.

The tectonic plates of Asia and the Indian subcontinent collide at the Himalayan mountain belt and its foothill region causing seismic activity in the region.

The area stretches from northeastern India into Pakistan and Afghanistan in the west. More than 75,000 people were killed in a major earthquake in the Kashmir region in India and Pakistan in October 2005.

02-21-2006, 04:33 AM

QUOTEhttp://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=119&pa\
ge=11

North-east Newsletter
Greater Nagaland: Great danger to India's sovereignty
By K. Kath

NSCN(IM) leader Th. Muivah had given Delhi "only a few more months to decide on
his proposals for reaching a final political settlement". "No one should take
Nagas for granted", he warned during an interview with BBC in the middle of
November last year. In a recently held talk at Bangkok in December 2005, he
alleged that some elements in India were trying to drive the NSCN(IM) back to
war. He threatened that GoI should know the truth that neither the NSCN nor the
Nagas will ever bow down under threats. To create additional psychological
pressure on GoI and to show his capacity of again returning to war he has
shortened the ceasefire period from one year to six months which expired.

The soil beneath the feet of Muivah and NSCN(IM) is dithering away. His cadres
have turned extortionist. NSCN(IM)'s higher cadres are living a luxurious and
lustful life. For them, insurgency has become a flourishing business. They do
not want any solution so that insurgency continues and they can live a royal
life without doing any work. The inaction on the part of state and central
government encourages them to continue on the path of terrorism. This is the
reason that Muivah and his cohorts are putting such demands which GoI cannot
fulfill and they can continue tread the path of terror. Most of the NSCN(IM)
cadres are married and are enjoying happy life with family-parents, wife,
children etc.

But innocent Naga people are paying the price. They are subjected to extortion
and humiliation. On refusing to pay extortion money, the innocent Naga people
are gunned down. Since people are afraid of reporting their torture to police,
things look normal from above but beneath the surface, there is a powerful storm
against NSCN(IM). People say Nagaland cannot produce even a match-stick, how
shall we survive if India leaves us. All the extortionists working under the
garb of NSCN(IM) cadres will have a hey day if there is no control of the
Centre. There will be murders and counter-murders only.

Muivah and Issac can serve American interest better than any other Naga. That is
why, America and UK are extending all possible help to

Muivah is neither interested in the welfare of Nagas, nor of Tangkhuls of
Manipur. He is more interested in his own welfare. He gets VIP treatment in
America, UK and other European countries because latters interests are served
through Muivah. These countries don't want India to be a competent country in
the world and this could be possible if there is no peace. That is what Muivah
is doing not only in Nagaland but also in Manipur, Arunachal and other N-E
states through various sister terrorist organisations.

Muivah and Issac can serve American interest better than any other Naga. That is
why, America and UK are extending all possible help to NSCN(IM). They are not
only providing money and material help but they are properly looking after their
well-being. With their help, Muivah has opened several offices in USA, UK,
Netherland, Bangkok and many other countries. Organisations like Naga
International Support Centre (NISC) and Naga Vigil are functioning from foreign
soil to destabilize India and Muivah and Issac along with their cohorts are
dancing to the tune of Americans and Britishers. A person by the name of Grace
Collins, a registered foreign agent for Nagaland and believed to be working for
NSCN(IM) in US, drafted the following speech for Senator Barbara Boxer,
Chairperson of US Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "After studying the
location of Nagaland, I realise, it has military importance. Nagaland is
sandwiched in between some very different and large nations in terms of
political philosophy, culture and religion. It may be small with a population of
3.5, million and 42 distinctive tribes of Sino-Mongoloid descent but the
significance of their location is great. To north Nagaland borders China
(Communist), to the east Burma (Buddhist), to the West India (Hindu) and to
South Bangladesh (Muslim). I believe the potential military importance of
Nagaland to the US is akin to that of South Korea's 38th parallel. Like South
Korea, Nagaland falls in the middle of powerful countries. America's Army holds
the dividing line between democracy and communism is South Korea."

Barbara Boxer says further, "While Nagaland has evolved its own type of social
system, it is founded on American principles and its political structure has
been influenced by American missionaries who went there in 1839. I would like to
take this opportunity to welcome Nagaland's presence in Washington and recommend
our committee to provide technical training to Nagaland to create a voice (for
Nagaland) in US, support their right to self-determination and freedom from
their oppressors." Boxer attended the opening of NSCN(IM)'s office in
Washington. She backed the group's demand for a Greater Nagalim including
Naga-inhabited areas in other states of Northeast. The Senator's daughter Nicole
is married to Hilary Clinton's brother Tony Rodham. She is known to wield clout
in Washington in favour of NSCN(IM) being a member of the important Committee
(Time of India, October 4, 2003). It is alarming that NSCN(IM) is given free
hand to open its office in US. They already have their offices in Bangkok,
Amsterdam and London. In similar tune, former President of US, Jimmy Carter has
asked Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to push the peace dialogue with NSCN(IM) in
order to bring about an acceptable solution, which would assure the rights of
Naga people. In a letter addressed to Manmohan Singh(June 18, 2005) Carter has
tried to influence Manmohan Singh to concede to the demands of Muivah for
"Greater Nagalim".

NSCN(IM). They are not only providing money and material help but they are
properly looking after their well-being.

There is no Christian country in third world. Right from Israel upto Japan
including the countries like Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, China,
Bangladesh and other smaller countries, there is no Christian country and nearly
375 crore population live here. This is the pain of nexus of USA, UK and
Vatican. They want to create a Christian country and Greater Nagaland. If carved
out, it will be the proposed Christian country in the subcontinent. This
strategy of America is an echo of Pope's declaration that Europe was won over in
first millennium, Africa and America in the second millennium. Now, in third
millennium, Asia must be won over. And the means are Bible (forced conversion),
booze (destruction of youths by preaching the philosophy of hedonic consumerism)
and bullet (the way NSCN-IM works).

America has one more reason to help NSCN(IM) and forcible conversion of Indians
particularly in North-east region. The zone is rich in natural and mineral
resources. When America remembers this richness, the water comes in her mouth.
Bush is a fanatic Christian. Condoleeza Rice is the daughter of a Christian
priest and most of the top-ranking and policy-making politicians and bureaucrats
in Bush government of USA are fanatic Christians. They are helping N-E Churches
through multinational companies, NGOs, particularly, working in the fields of
HIV/AIDS and other visible and invisible means. Jirsong Asong in Diphu is
helping the Karbi outfits to foment clashes between Karbis and Dimasas.

Recently, Asia's biggest Ao Church was inaugurated in Dimapur in December 2005.
In a very strange manner, Vatican has appointed two bishops in Arunachal
Pradesh-one at Itanagar and the other at one place in East Arunachal Pradesh.
How the divisive forces are allowed to work in sensitive bordering areas? In
August 2005, NSCN(IM)'s Chairman Issac Chisi Swu was in USA. He revealed in an
interview at Beverly Hills(USA) that Nagaland had 10,000 missionaries poised to
take the Gospel to nearby lands. Issac said, "We want to penetrate China,
Cambodia, Burma Vietnam, Laos and Nepal with the Gospel and we have 10,000
missionaries who are ready to go. What is holding up the outreach is the
finalisation of peace talks between the Indian government and the four million
people of Nagaland which borders China, Burma and Bangladesh who have been in
military dispute for many years." NSCN(IM)'s chairman says further, "we want to
request the whole world to pray for us so that the peace process with India will
be successful so that God will then release us and we can send us to preach the
Gospel around the world particularly in the neighboring countries." Muivah has
threatened to adopt the path of jungle if their demands for Greater Nagaland and
then sovereignty(limited) are not granted by January 31, 2006-the day present
ceasefire expires. Meanwhile, several eyebrows were raised on the visit of
Vatican Ambassador-Pedro Lopez quantana, the apostolic Nuncio and Vatican
Ambassador, to India into Nagaland. The 11-member team from Southwick Christian
Community Church, England, arrived Nagaland on November 16, 2005 and visited
Mokokchung, Akumen, Molungkimong, Kohima, and Dimapur to provide resources so as to help the Christian community grow. They told to media that they contributed
and supplied the resources in the field of medicine, education and also helped
to built church at Akumen. Now, Muivah has proposed the name of a Dutchman to
salvage the Naga talks. Known to be a longtime friend of Muivah, Dutchman
Michael C.Van Walt van Praag of the International NGO Kreddha set to attend the
next round of talk between NSCN(IM) and Delhi as the third party mediator and
perhaps GoI has agreed to it. If the Dutchman is allowed to mediate, it will
prove to be a disastrous game. Dr Michael C. Van Walt van Praag is an
international lawyer and former General Secretary of the Unrepresented Nations
and People's Organisation (UNPO).

The soil beneath the feet of Muivah and NSCN(IM) is dithering away. His cadres
have turned extortionist. NSCN(IM)'s higher cadres are living a luxurious and
lustful life.

This side, NSCN(IM) with the help of its frontal organisations like Naga
Students Federation (NSF), Naga People's Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), Naga Hoho, Naga Mother Association (NMA) and Nagaland Baptist Council of Churches (NBCC), Council of Baptist Churches of Nagalim (CNBC), All Naga Students
Association of Manipur(ANSAM) and United Naga Council (UNC) of Manipur have
taken up a vigorous mass awakening program to mobilize the opinion in his
favour. NSCN(IM) cadres are on spree of encroachment of Assam lands. They have
encroached reserve forest areas-Diphu Reserve Forest-18, 053 hectares,
Nanbor(Golaghat)-25,000 hctrs, Rengma-11,800 hetrs, Doyang-1,500 hetrs. Dessoi
Valley-21,000 hctrs. Geleki(Sibsagar) 2,950 hectares (The Sentinel, December 28,
2005). Similarly, they had occupied 2500 hectares of reserve forest in
Misibailam village near Dhansiri. Earlier, Dimasa-Hmar clashes and now
Dimasa-Karbi clashes are NSCN(IM)'s creation.

But Government of India should know that people's response to NSCN(IM)'s call is
very poor. Whosoever attend their meetings, most of them are their cadres,
Church functionaries, forced invitees or hired people. People have no interest
in smaller or Greater Nagaland. Now, Naga society has understood the tricks
played by NSCN(IM). So they want development. They want university, medical
college, engineering college, industry, road, railway line and airport. They are
not interested in autonomy or sovereignty. They don't want Greater Nagaland
also.

http://www.nagalim.nl/news/00000112.htm

Bharatvarsh · 05-20-2006, 06:51 PM

QUOTEBangladeshi infiltration
Borduwa, Shankar Devâs seat of Vaishnavism in Assam, under siege
By Jyoti Lal Chowdhury

Silchar: Debate and oratory over the infiltration of Bangladeshis in Assam and their ever swelling number bares out the stark reality of how even Borduwa, the seat of Shankar Devâs Vaishnavism, is under siege. During the recent polls, no political party except BJP brought into sharp focus the threat to the famous holy shrine and its near extinction due to systematic and designed encroachment by Bangladeshis.

Borduwa, has come to be synonymous with Assamese religious and cultural philosophy, an epitome of Hinduism. There is no authentic record about the date of birth of the great saint and sage. All that can be said about this Great Soul is that he died in 1568 and lived a longer life. Contemporary historical events suggest 1486 as his probable date of birth. He was born in a village called Ali Pukhuri in the district of Nagaon.

After the death of his parents, Shankar Dev was brought up by his grand parents and well-educated in Sanskrit school and in the process developed Vedic mind and deep aesthetic sensibility. At the age of 19, he shifted with his family to Borduwa which became the seat of his holy teachings and preachings.

In order to propound and propagate his religious movement, Shankar Dev moved to Darrang district, then in North Lakhimpur, Barpeta and lastly to Majuli. Rupak Bordoloi, a resident of Borduwa, like many others of the area, is a witness to Bangladeshis encroaching upon a vast tract of the holy shrine. He said, âQuite pathetic, though Borduwa as heritage site is on tourist destination of Assam, it is plunged into darkness after evening.

Purnachandra Dev Goswami, chief of the Narua Satra (Vaishnavite monastery), said besides Narua Satra, Rampur and Kubaikota satras have also been occupied by the illegal migrants. These satras are located in close proximity to Borduwa. Octogenerian Nav Kanta Thakuria bemeans to look at these monasteries founded by Shankar Dev himself. He recalls how Kubaikota satra was occupied by the Bangladeshis in 1983 when anti-foreignersâ movement was at its peak. He asks âAgainst whom did AASU then launch the movement?â

The State of Assam instead of evicting these encroachers of holy shrine and monasteries have issued land pattas to them. Dev Goswami is entrusted with the responsibility of collecting revenues from them to make their settlements legal and permanent. Even 182 bighas of land given to Borduwaâthan (managing committee) by the state for afforestation are gradually slipping into the hands of Bangladeshis. A member of the managing committee admitted 80 bighas have gone under illegal occupation. Still tragic, all that remains of Narua monastery is a small room used as place of worship. And of once thriving Kubaikota monastery, only nam-ghar (prayer hall) now stands there.

If Borduwa is lost, it will mean a great blow to the rich cultural and religious heritage of Assam. It was Shankar Dev who ushered in neo-Vaishnava renaissance which freed the Assamese society in the middle ages. His religious movement swept some of the tribes too.

Shankar Devâs cherished idea basically was to build up a harmonious society without caste, creed and cultural barriers. Many non-Aryans in Brahmaputra Valley gradually came into Vaishnav circle of their own. Shankar Devâs message went deep inside tribals from the hills under threat from the Christian missionaries. This brought out Narottam Ata, a Naga, Govinda Ata, a Garo, and Bolai Ata, a Mikir, among others, who took up cudgels against proselytisation and to protect their own faith and culture.

Shankar Dev was an ardent devotee of Lord Krishna whom he named as Madan Gopala and installed him in his prayer hall called nam-ghar. His keen interest in Bhagavat Gita, Markandeya Purana and Garuda Purana enriched his philosophy. His religion is known as Eka Sarania Dharma (religion of refuge in one God), quite akin to Buddhism. He went on pilgrimage to Gaya, Kashi, Puri, Vrindaban, Mathura, Kurukhetra, Pushkar, Dwarka, Rameshwar and other holy shrines to spread Vaishnavism. Through religious discourses and kirtans. Nothing can be more painful than to remain mute spectator to the sinking of Borduwa and the monasteries around into oblivion. Will the indigenous people of Assam rising above all means and petty considerations give little thought to save the holy shrine of Shankar Dev?

http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.p...pid=131&page=15

05-20-2006, 10:23 PM

Are missionaries losing flock in NE? Perhaps need the muscle?

QUOTEUS can help India tackle militancy in northeast
http://www.newkerala.com/news2.php?actio...s&id=59792

Agartala: The US is ready to assist India to tackle militancy in the country's northeast, Henry V. Jardine, the American consul general in Kolkata, said here Tuesday.

"We shall be happy if we could cooperate with India in dealing with terrorism.

Already, the army and other security agencies of the two countries have undertaken several joint exercises in recent years," Jardine told journalists in the Tripura capital Agartala.

The US envoy, who is on a two-day visit to Tripura, however, said India was able to tackle the menace of terrorism quite well and lauded New Delhi's efforts at opening peace talks with the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA).

Before being posted in Kolkata, Jardine was the US consul general in Bangladesh.

Talking about terrorism in Bangladesh, he said: "Washington has asked Dhaka to take all possible measures to contain terrorism, including Islamic and political terrorism."

Jardine said Bangladesh had arrested some leading fundamentalist leaders.

"Though fundamentalism is very much active in that country, but it is on the wane because of certain actions by the present government there," the US envoy said.

He urged India and Bangladesh to take more efforts to stop human trafficking in the region.

Jardine said the US was keen to work in the socio-economic and environmental sectors as well, including education, energy, agriculture and the fight against AIDS.

"Tripura is a state having immense potential in agriculture and natural gas and there is a good possibility of collaboration in the retail sector and the energy sector."

10-20-2006, 03:55 PM

QUOTETrouble in North-East 
By S. Viswam

President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam has become an extremely popular head of State and is being hailed as the âPeopleâs Presidentâ because of his ability to establish easy rapport with any type of audience he addresses and any group of people he meets. He is constantly âeducatingâ the people by playing a teacherâs role and trying to explain in lucid language the intricacies of many complicated subjects.

His visits outside the national capital are looked forward to by the people, especially by students who enjoy the opportunity of interacting with him.

However, earlier this week, the President had a different kind of experience. When he arrived on Monday in Manipurâs capital, Imphal, instead of cheering crowds and welcome banners he was greeted with deserted streets, closed markets, offices and schools, and an eerie silence. Imphal looked like a ghost town. Only men in uniforms were visible on the roads. His visit, though brief, was boycotted by the people.

Not only Imphal but the entire State of Manipur had fully responded to a strike call by Apunba Lup, a conglomeration of 32 political and social organisations, to protest against the Centreâs failure to repeal the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Attendance was thin at the convocation ceremony of the Manipur University, the only function the President attended.

The Centre could not have received a stronger message from the people of any State in support of a demand for intervention and speedy action. Implicit in the success of the protest strike was the depth of popular resentment over the Centreâs insensitivity in comprehending the nature of a popular grievance, the non-response to which has evolved into a powerful source of discontent.

The protest strike was also in the nature of a reminder to the Centre that the entire North-East is a vast zone of discontent. Each one of the âseven sistersâ has a grievance against the Centre, and the region itself is in the grip of some form of insurgency or the other. Assam has had the Ulfa problem in its hands for more than a decade. Unrest in Manipur is endemic. Nagaland has been simmering ever since Independence.Â Mizoram shows signs of settling down in peace after many decades of unrest but this could be a surface calm.

Indeed, you will hardly find parallels for the kind of alienation that marks Centre-State relations in a federal set-up as obtains today between the Centre and the North-East. The Centre may have its own excuses, but each one of the seven sisters has found only insensitivity on the Centreâs part in understanding its problems, problems that are qualitatively different and more complicated than those besetting other States.

Manipur is a classic example of the emotional gulf that separates it from the Centre. There has been a long history of discontent in the State over many issues. Often in the past this discontent has also exploded in violence and bloodshed.

Manipurâs experience, like that of many States in the North-East and rest of the country, is that the Centre wakes up when there is violence and returns to slumber when peace is restored.

The charge of insensitivity and lack of understanding against the Centre has spawned agitations which have been secessionist in approach. These agitations and the Centreâs indifferent response to them have created demands for sovereignty in almost all the seven North-Eastern States.

In Manipur, the enforcement of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, both anti-insurgency legislations, has led to popular protest from time to time, with the people complaining of continued Army oppression and atrocities.

The demand for the repeal of the AFSPA, described as one of the most draconian pieces of anti-people legislations by the Manipuris, and for its sister legislation, the UAPA, is as old as the day of their enactments. The implementation of both seem to have been extremely unflattering to the conduct of the armed forces. Both the Acts have helped to keep insurgency under control but at a very heavy price in terms of popular response.

Two years ago, Manipur witnessed unprecedented civil turmoil in the wake of the abduction and killing of a woman, Manorama, allegedly by some Army men. An incident during the protest strike in which a group of women bared themselves in front of some soldiers daring them to shoot them down shocked the conscience of entire India. During a subsequent visit to Imphal, the Prime Minister met some of those brave women and promised them that the Centre would replace the AFSPA with a more humane Act.

He appointed a committee under Justice Jeevan Reddy to review the AFSPA provisions and recommend modifications to make the legislation more humane. The committee completed its task speedily and submitted its report nearly a year ago. The Centre is sitting on it and the recommendations are gathering dust in the Union home ministryâs shelves.

The Committee has recommended the total scrapping of the AFPA and some modifications in the UAPA to protect the people against Army atrocities and at the same time protect the armed forces against popular anger. Last week, asked by the media during his foreign tour about the fate of the report, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh replied that it was under process and no decision had been taken. The message has got home to Manipur: the Centre has no intention of repealing the Act nor of disciplining the Army.

It was not only Dr Singhâs casual response that sent messages to Manipur which provoked the shut down of the State during the Presidentâs visit on Monday. A fortnight ago, New Delhi had a surprise visit from an unusual visitor. Irom Sharmila, a Manipuri social activist who has been on a fast for the last six years in protest against the two anti-insurgency legislations, flew into the capital and after a visit to Rajghat, staged a dharna at Jantar Mantar demanding the release of the Jeevan Reddy Committee report and the repeal of the AFSPA.

Ms Sharmila has not consumed any food voluntarily for the last six years. She is force-fed through a nasal drip under the orders of a court. Manipurâs Chief Minister Ibobi Singh came to New Delhi specially to give her moral support and spent some time with her at Jantar Mantar. But, not so surprisingly, no Central minister or politician or any social activist was seen anywhere near Jantar Mantar. Unlike the strong med-ia interest that usually marks agitations led by Medha Patkar, Ms Sharmilaâs hunger-strike evoked only marginal interest.

Inaction, true, is also a form of action. Evasion and shirking of responsibility can also be a matter of policy. But in evading official follow-up action on the Jeevan Reddy Committee findings, Dr Singh and home minister Shivraj Patil areÂ provoking the proverbially gentle Manipuris to battle. The gentle Manipuris have sent a warning to the Centre in the form of message: the bandh against President Kalam is only a curtain-raiser to another struggle like the one two years ago which shook the country. The Centre needs to wake up.

10-24-2006, 12:29 AM

QUOTEAmsterdam talks fail, Isaac-Muivah faction insists on self-governance 
Pioneer.com
Syed Zarir Hussain | DimapurÂ
Peace dialogue between Indian peace negotiators and a dominant tribal separatist group in the Northeast held at Amsterdam failed with New Delhi rejecting the demands for self-governance, a rebel leader said on Sunday.

A Group of Ministers led by Oscar Fernandes and New Delhi's peace interlocutor K Padmanabhaiah ended three days of marathon talks on Thursday with top leaders of the Isaac-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM), the main rebel group in State of Nagaland .

"The Government has failed to make their point explicitly clear on our demand for a special federal arrangement that allows us self-governance. Such insensitivity by New Delhi will jeopardise future peace initiatives," NSCN-IM spokesman Kraibo Chawang said after the meeting.

The NSCN-IM, led by guerrilla leaders Isaac Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, have a proposed "a special federal arrangement" which enables the Nagas to govern themselves.

There has been no official statement made by New Delhi after the collapse of the talks in Amsterdam.

"We want a special federal relationship with India where we have a separate Naga Constitution. It should be a federation of India and Nagalim (Greater Nagaland) although we would allow the international borders to be jointly guarded by Indian security forces and our soldiers so as not to jeopardise the security interests of India," Chawang said.

"Nothing concrete has materialised in the Amsterdam talks and we are disappointed."

Nagaland shares a long unfenced border with Myanmar. The NSCN-IM have been struggling for nearly six decades to create a 'Greater Nagaland' by slicing off parts of three neighbouring States to unite 1.2 million Nagas. The demand is strongly opposed by the States of Assam, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh.

The NSCN-IM and New Delhi entered into a ceasefire in August 1997 which has been renewed regularly. The present ceasefire expires in June 2007.

"The Government of India is trying to tire out the Nagas by dragging the peace process. It is more than nine years and the Government does not have any clear agenda to solve the problem," the rebel leader of the Naga group said, adding, "The Nagas are getting restless by the day."

The Indian Government and the NSCN-IM have held more than 50 rounds of talks in the past nine years to end one of South Asia's longest-running insurgencies that has claimed around 25,000 lives since Independence in 19

10-30-2006, 02:54 AM

QUOTEThousands flee as Nagaland militants clash
www.hindu.com/2006/10/28/...161200.htm
Guwahati: Over 4,000 people have fled their houses in Nagaland's Zunheboto district after a gunbattle broke out between the rival militant factions â National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak Muivah) and the NSCN (Khaplang).

The Deputy Commissioner told The Hindu over phone that about 160 cadres of NSCN(I-M) and about 100 cadres of the Kahplang faction had been engaged in a fierce battle at Amiphoto Colony since Thursday morning. Two Khaplang faction cadres were killed.

The militants used rocket launchers, mortars, AK-47, AK-56 and snipers in the heavy exchange of fire which began around 9 a.m. and continued till 6.30 p.m. on Thursday. The battle resumed on Friday morning and continued till 6 p.m.
The official said if the ongoing efforts to end the battle "peacefully and amicably' failed, the district administration would use force on Saturday to flush out the militants.

"It is a systematic violation of the ground rules of ceasefire by both the factions," he said.

The Deputy Commissioner said three companies of the Assam Rifles and two of the India Reserve Battalion have been kept ready.

He said that although no civilian was injured, around 4,000 people vacated their houses and took shelter in relatives' places elsewhere in the district.

The district administration has kept Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio posted.

One Khaplang militant who died on Thursday was identified as Abel Zeliang of Tamelnglong district of Manipur.
The other militant is yet to be identified.

03-03-2007, 11:48 AM

http://au.news.yahoo.com/070225/15/12jeg.html
QUOTESunday February 25, 07:17 PM
Army launches hunt for killers of 16 Indian policemen
GUWAHATI, India (Reuters) - A massive manhunt is underway in the dense jungles of India's troubled northeastern state of Manipur after 16 policemen were killed in a militant ambush, a top military commander said on Sunday.

In the deadliest attack in the state for at least two years, more than 30 heavily armed militants threw grenades and fired from hilltops at a police patrol vehicle in Tamenglong district, about 85 km (50 miles) northwest of the state capital, Imphal.

The attack on Saturday came a day after provincial elections were held in Manipur, which borders Myanmar.

Twelve policemen died on the spot and four in hospital. Five others were critically wounded. No militant group has claimed responsibility for the attack.

"The militants meticulously planned their ambush in an isolated place from where they could easily escape," the senior officer supervising the search said, requesting anonymity.

He said soldiers on foot, backed by helicopters, were combing the jungles where the guerrillas are believed to hiding.

"They will not be allowed to go off so easily after killing so many of our boys," he added.

More than 20,000 people have been killed in decades of insurgency in Manipur, triggered in the 1960s after Manipuris complained their province was being neglected by the far-away federal government in New Delhi.

03-11-2007, 08:05 PM

QUOTEA NORTH-EAST DESPATCH

Nationalist moorings of Naga society

A decade ago, Naga insurgency was on the peak. Today, it is on the
decline. Factional killings, rampant corruption, carnal education and
lack of spirituality have destroyed the vigour of Naga society. Naga
people have realised that the fate of Naga society lies with
Bharatvarsh. Naga leaders like Haipou Jadonang, Rani Gaidinliu and Dr
T. Sakhrie have explained this to Nagas during their lifetime.

Before the advent of Christianity, Nagas referred themselves as Hindu
by religion and nationality. There are many common customs between
Naga Hindus and Hindus of other parts of the country. Nagas follow
solar calendar and full moon has special significance in religious
practices.

Nagas have realised that their forefather's religion, ancient
colourful culture, binding festivals, customary laws, traditional
village institutions, mother language, glorious history, virtuous
living, honesty and industrious Nagas have been replaced by one
phraseâ"unique Naga history." This is the reason that silent Naga
society has risen against these excesses. They are silently working
hard to restore the lost glory of Naga.

This is an extract from the speech by Sushri Aning Zeliang at the 3rd
World Hindu Conference, Kumbha Mela, Prayag

I am from Naga society of Nagaland. Our country Bharatvarsh is still
not fully aware of this Naga society. People have general impression
that all the Nagas have become Christian and by virtue of conversion
to Christianity they have become anti-Hindu and anti-India. It is a
fact that nearly 85 per cent Nagas have converted to Christianity.

This conversion has alienated Nagas from Hindu society. The Christian missionaries and British government did their best to keep Nagas away
from Hindu influence. They entrusted Church with a task to propagate
missionary education, primary health care and English language. They
distorted our history and condemned our forefathers as wild, savage,
heathen, naked, raw meat-eaters and head-hunters. They destroyed our
traditional village institutions and customary control of elders over
society particularly youths. They condemned our religion and culture.
They encouraged the youths to disobey Naga elders. They dishonoured
our customary laws and introduced foreign religion and strange culture.

Due to nexus between British government, bureaucrats and Church,
general Naga people were frightened. They were stunned to see the
cruel behaviour of "messengers of Messiah" and "preachers of peace" in
white gown. Anybody who opposed British rule and Christian coversion
was done away with. The Angami warriors of Khonoma, Mezoma and Kekrima
repulsed British army and British missionaries from their territory.

The people of Tuensang and Mon areas revolted against British
expansion and foreign religion. Forty-eight Chakhesang youths of
Thevopesumi village of Phek District were killed in one go for
opposing conversion and insurgency. Haipou Jadonang was hanged for
opposing British rule and Christian conversion. Rani Gaidinliu was
chased by British army to kill her and some of the Christian Nagas
were hired to spy against her. She was caught from Poilwa village and
awarded life imprisonment. Pou N.C. Zeliang met the same fate. He was
condemned for working for Naga religion, Naga culture and sovereignty
of Bharatvarsh. Many Naga elders are the witness of all these
tortures. I have been the President of Zeliangrong Heraka Pailei Baudi
(Heraka Women Society). My colleagues and I have similar experience.

A decade ago, Naga insurgency was on the peak. Today, it is on
decline. Factional killings, rampant corruption, carnal education and
lack of spirituality have destroyed the vigour of Naga society. Naga
people have realised that the fate of Naga society lies with
Bharatvarsh. Naga leaders like Haipou Jadonang, Rani Gaidinliu and Dr
T. Sakhrie have explained this to Nagas during their lifetime. Today,
present-day Naga celebrities like S.C. Jamir, Dr Hokishe Sema and Pou
N.C. Zeliang have been explaining this truth to Naga community. The
intolerant section of our society opposed this thesis vehemently and
reacted violently. But the reality cannot be suppressed. Today, Nagas
have diverted their attention on quality education, economic
development, virtuous living and to shun anti-Indian image.

Nagas have realised that their forefather's religion, ancient
colourful culture, binding festivals, customary laws, traditional
village institutions, mother language, glorious history, virtuous
living, honesty and industrious Nagas have been replaced by one
phraseâ"unique Naga history." This is the reason that silent Naga
society has risen against these excesses. They are silently working
hard to restore the lost glory of Naga. They admire excelling of any
developed society of our country. The hostility against Hindu society
and Bharatvarsh has become a thing of the past. Nagas wish to live in
complete harmony with Hindu society. Haipou Jadonang, Rani Gaidinliu,
Pou N.C. Zeliang, Dr. Hokishe Sema and S.C. Jamir have shown the parth
of harmonious living with Hindus society. They have built a bridge
over gulf between Nagas and Hindu society. All Indian citizensâNagas
and Hindusâcan cross the gulf of misunderstanding over the bridge
built by Naga geniuses refered above through their selfless
sacrifices. Zeliangrong Heraka Association has its on share of
contribution in bridging this gap and rejuvenating mutual trust
between Nagas and Hindu society.

Before the advent of Christianity, Nagas referred themselves as Hindu
by religion and nationality. There are many common customs between
Naga Hindus and Hindus of other part of the country. Nagas follow
solar calendar and full moon has special significance in religious
practices. Earth is regarded as "mother" and sustainer of all the
living beings. Our life is agriculture based, our festivals are
agriculture based, our food habits and way of the life are also
agriculture based, best suited in the given geography environment and
eco-system. Nagas worship formless GodâThe Almighty. Pooja articles
are agricultural produces and materials available in the surroundings.
These are all common with Hindu practices in other parts of the country.

Similar practices prevail also in other Vanvasi communities of the
north-east region. The way of worship in Lungpung festival of Khashis
and Jaintias of Meghalaya, pooja system practiced in Mizo society and
propagated by Nunnalal-chungkua in Mizoram and religious practices in
other Vanvasi communities of the north-east region have many
commonalities with larger Hindus society. These common bonds are
required to be highlighted. The process of social assimilation should
be accelerated and cultural exchange should be encouraged. But this is
not enough. The larger Hindu society must come forward to the rescue
of their brothers in the north-east region who are struggling for
their survival in volcanic situation in the areas adjacent to
international border.

(Sushri Aning Zeliang is former President Zeliangrong Heraka Pailei
Baudi, Nagaland.)

03-12-2007, 04:09 PM

Mizoram to become Kuwait of northeast with crude flow
http://in.news.yahoo.com/070312/43/6d6d8.html

and the article ends with needless, gratuitous

QUOTEThe predominantly Christian state does not have any industry worth the name with the economy revolving around agriculture.

Bharatvarsh · 06-11-2007, 01:49 AM

QUOTE11 killed in rebel violence in Manipur

Sunday, June 10, 2007
14:11 IST

http://content.msn.co.in/News/National/Nat...ANS_100607_1411

06-25-2007, 05:09 PM

Efforts on to make '08 Year of Thailand, N-E

QUOTEResponding to the suggestion made by Department of North Eastern Region (DONER) Minister Mani Shanker Aiyer to make "2008 the Year of Thailand and Northeast India", Thailand Commerce Minister Krirk Krai Jirapaet has said that the process has begun with 2008 as the deadline. He recalled the century-old India-Thailand ties-which according to Aiyer were destroyed during the colonial rule-and said efforts to reestablish these must be made in earnest so that trade between Thailand and Northeast India can flourish.

Jirapaet was addressing a delegation that included Mani Shanker Aiyer, Meghalaya Chief Minister D D Lapang, senior government officials and businessmen during a discussion on 'Investment Opportunities in NE India Focus: Tourism, Spices, Horti-culture and Food Processing' at the Northeastern Council (NEC) headquarters today. "Enough has not been done to maximise the century-old ties on the ground that we don't know each other well," he said.

He added that he and the Thai delegation had learnt a lot from the three-day-visit to Tripura, Assam and Meghalaya.

The Thai minister, however, felt that three days were not enough. Earlier, Aiyer had committed that he would lead an Indian delegation on a three-week visit to Thailand to forge new economic ties. Jirapaet assured that he would help create a "conducive business atmosphere" so that trade between Northeast India and Thailand gets a boost. Jirapaet also said that the two countries could have trade cooperation in various sectors including tourism. However, he wondered why India, with its rich cultural diversity, attracted only 3 million foreign tourists compared to Thailand's 11 million foreign tourists.

Jirapaet noted that Thailand ranks 18th in the world and 3rd in Asia as far as the flow of foreign tourists is concerned.

He revealed that the tourism industry accounts for 10 per cent of the total revenue of Thailand. He offered the Thai Government's help for India to increase the flow of foreign tourists.

Four Northeast states-Meghalaya, Nagaland, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh-made presentations on potential business areas like tourism, hydro-power, horticulture and food processing.

Bharatvarsh · 07-05-2007, 07:10 PM

QUOTEFour Indian villages burnt downÂ

More than 20 villagers were injured in the attack Pic: Bhaskarjyoti Bora
Armed residents of India's north-eastern state of Nagaland have burnt down villages in the neighbouring state of Assam, police say.

Two villagers were killed when hundreds of Nagaland residents crossed the border and torched four settlements in Geleki, in Sibsagar district.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6272136.stm

Husky · (This post was last modified: 07-06-2007, 01:10 PM by Husky.)

QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Jul 5 2007, 07:10 PM)<div class='quotetop'>QUOTEFour Indian villages burnt downÂ

More than 20 villagers were injured in the attack Pic: Bhaskarjyoti Bora
Armed residents of India's north-eastern state of Nagaland have burnt down villages in the neighbouring state of Assam, police say.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6272136.stm[right][snapback]70823[/snapback][/right]</div>At that same link:
QUOTENagaland claims part of Assam as its own territory, while Assam says some of its land has been occupied by Nagaland.

Assam police official DK Pathak told the BBC that nearly 100 houses were set on fire by armed villagers from Nagaland in Geleki early on Thursday.

Many villagers have fled the area of the attacks in panic

'Forcible occupation
Nagaland was created as a separate state by carving the former Naga Hills district out of Assam in 1963 after a rebellion broke out there in 1956.

The separatist National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has been demanding integration of all Naga inhabited territories of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh with the state of Nagaland to create a greater Naga state.BBC's not willing to spell out the basic fact that NSCN is the well-known christoterrorist outfit. (The christos made it easy to remember when they named their org after nazism.)

What, the ex-Nagas want to claim more land under their push for 'Nagaland-for-christ'? What about giving the real Nagas (unconverted) back their homes, instead of terrorising them to convert? Or how about leaving Assamese in peace?
Oh wait. This is christoism. As with islamism, there's no talking to it, no reasoning with it; and pleading for life or peace is a total waste of time too (unless you agree to undergo baptism).

Good grief. This will never end, their religion's bloodthirst will never be satisfied. I can see this stretching until they or their counterparts in islam win <!--emo& Sad

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/sad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='sad.gif' />

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