Miscellaneous Topics on Indian History

[acharya]

Looking at us
by Raj Chatterjee

I have in my possession a little book entitled “In India” written by one G.W. Steevens and published in 1899. The first sight of India, says the author, is “amazing, entrancing, stupefying”. Bombay, where he landed, presented itself to him as a city of “monstrous contrasts”. He compares the elegance of the public buildings along the sea front with the lowly huts of matting, thatched with leaves.

He then plunges into a description of the various types of humanity that he sees in the city. He picks out the Arab horse-dealer of whom he says: “Compared with the Indians, his mein is high, his movements free and dignified, his features strongly cut and resolute”. Then there are the Baghdad Jews, the Afghan money-lenders, the Maharashtrians and the Gujaratis.

He is greatly impressed by the Parsis and says: “To the nervelessness of the Bombay natives one race furnishes an exception — the Parsi. He walks out with his wife — a refined looking creature in a pale, pink or lemon-yellow gown, with a pea-green, crimson-edged shawl passed over her head — to hear the band at sunset, and talks to her as a man might talk to a friend.”

Next to the Parsis, the author admires the Rajputs whom he encounters while visiting Jodhpur as a state guest. After expatiating on the excellent stable kept by the maharajah and his prowess at polo and pig-sticking, he says: “Conceiving the British to be the only true sportsmen in the world besides themselves, the men of Marwar are loyal beyond suspicion to the suzerain”.

Delhi, the author calls “the most historic city in all historic India”. He gives a brief account of its beginnings and its fate under different rulers.

There are three Calcuttas, says Steevens. “The winter capital of India, the metropolis of the largest white population in the country, and the tightest-packed human sardine tin known outside China”.

The book contains an interesting description of the administrative machinery of the time with the district officer as its pivot. There are chapters devoted to “native self-government” meaning municipalities, education, justice and the frontier question.

In conclusion, the author calls India a “land of ironies”. Other countries, he says, “have a measure of consistency. They are either wholly civilised or wholly barbarous, affect splendour or accept squalor. India sees stateliness in the filthiest faded silk, shot with pearls”.

The last paragraph reads: “It is far too early to despair of India yet. It is not only the land of ironies; it is also the land of patience”. I couldn’t agree more!

[Guest]

damn good exerpt !

[Guest]

I must say he had the bloody gall. First you do everything in your power to make a country poor (including innumerable famines) and then remark the poverty is stupefying.

Why in heavens name a britisher should ever be surprised at the poverty of india is stupefying to me. The rise in the number of castles and estates and manors in Victorian england is directly proportional to the rise in poverty in india

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Harihara, the hero from Vijayanagara

Madhu Neglur tells us that Harihara was the one who saved and shaped the culture of Karnataka, when it was under tremendous pressure.

Idea behind the empire
In the history of Karnataka, Vijayanagara empire occupies a unique place. When the circumstances were adverse owing to the onslaught of Muslims from the north, when the social structure was very weak, when the Hindu culture was under constant attack, there came a hero who saved the culture of Karnataka. Harihara (Hakka), inspired by his teacher, Sri Vidyaranya founded the empire of Vijayanagara. It is this empire which later proved to be the main instrument of defence and preservation of Hindu religion, Hindu customs and traditions that is the bed rock of the rich heritage of Karnataka. The empire was established with a selfless objective and high deals.

Vijayanagara - the ideal
The analysis of circumstances that led to the foundation of Vijayanagara have been summarised by later historians as the following: to protect, preserve and promote the rich traditions of Indian cultural life; to nurture the institutions that stood for the propagation of Hindu religion; to promote the educational values inherited from our glorious past as well as to promote literature and fine arts. An assessment of the accomplishments of Vijayanagara empire vis-à-vis the objectives reveals that the founders of the empire, indeed did justice to the objectives and the empire did serve the above causes to a large extent.
The ideals which the Vijayanagara emperors pursued were symbolised in the Varaha the symbol which they adopted as their Rajamudra. The Varaha according to Hindu mythology stands for the destruction of Hiranyaksha – the demon king. According to the puranas Lord Vishnu in the incarnation of Varaha rescues Bhudevi who was being chased by the demon king and restores peace in the universe.
Similarly, the Vijayanagara emperors established a unified rule after integrating scattered pieces of kingdom. Befittingly the emperors of Vijaynagara were entitled “Hinduraya Suratrana” which speaks of the great contribution of the emperors in protecting and promoting Hindu religion and culture. The founding of Vijayanagara thus in the 14th century is not only an important milestone in the history of Karnataka but also has a great significance in the history of India in terms of its contribution in preserving Indian traditions and rich cultural heritage.

Religion and philosophy
Vijayanagara Empire remained gloriously golden for more than two centuries. During this golden period all religions were given the respect they were entitled. The empire, besides giving political stability and strength, provided a lot of opportunities for the growth of Hindu religion, fine arts and architecture. Mere military strength or peaceful life could not have helped the development of these finer values of life.

It was the conscious effort on the part of the kings that was mainly responsible for renaissance of Hindu culture. This could be justifiably considered as the main contribution of Vijayanagara empire to the Indian cultural, political and religious thoughts.

Greatest gift
The greatest gift of this time to the Indian religious thought and Hindu philosophy was the revival of Advaita philosophy which was originally propounded by Sri Sankaracharya. Sri Vidyaranya occupies a very significant position among all the Advaita philosophers of 14th and 15th centuries.

He popularised Vivarana Sampradaya, which is a special form of Advaita philosophy. On account of this contribution he is considered next only to Sri Sankaracharya.

Authoritative commentaries like Bhamati and Vedanta Kalpatharu were the creations of this time. The Advaita philosophy stands for the unison of Atma and Paramatma and states that nothing really exists but the supreme spirit (Brahma). The Advaita emphasised the path of knowledge i.e. jnanamarga and asceticism for attaining salvation. Advaita philosophy prescribes a way of life for achieving salvation which was upheld during the times of Vijayanagara.

Around the same time another school of thought Visistadvaita was propagated by Sri Ramanuja. It is called so because it inculcates the adwaita or oneness of God, with visesha or attributes. The philosophy of Visishtadwaita gives importance to Vaishnavism and proclaims Vishnu as the highest God.

During the Vijayanagara period another important religion took birth and that was “Veerasaiva” religion. The founder of this religion was Sri Basaveswara. Through this school of thought the Kannada literature developed for the common man. The Dwaita and Adwaita philosophies were propagated through Sanskrit whereas the Veerasaiva adopted Kannada as its own.

Architecture, fine arts
In the book Shukranthithisara, - how a capital city should be constructed has been very scientifically dealt with. The building of Hampi, the scriptures say, meets fully all the requirements of a good, well laid-out city. The temples constructed in the beginning of the empire during 13th and 14th century, depict a plain architecture devoid of decoration. Later an attempt was made to integrate various architectural traditions.

The Kadamba architecture covering Jain bastis and the Hindu temples are ample evidence for this theory. As Vijayanagara emperors became stronger, their ties with Hoysala kings were also strengthened. As a result, during the time of Sri Krishnadeva Raya, the Vijayanagara architecture had imbibed delicate carving styles of Hoysala and Chalukya traditions.

As writer Parsibrown puts it, “the architecture of the times represents a highly imaginative and communicative feature in various carvings of the Vittalaswamy temple.”

The oldest temple here is the “Pampapati” temple. Lathe carved pillars, beautifully cut doors, temple roof decorate the monumental work. A part of this temple was constructed by Harihara for his scholarly guru Sri Vidyaranya. Later additions like “Phalapooja and Kalyanmantaps” were made by Krishnadeva Raya as a memorial for his own coronation. The compound pillars with carvings of creepers and animals are one-stone pillars.

Phalapooja and Kalyanamantaps stand out as an unique contribution of the Vijayanagara architecture. Most important among the innumerable temples built by the Vijayanagara emperors are the Hazaar Rama, Vittalswamy and Veerashwari temple of Lepakshi. The etching work and Jali-work are eye catching. In these temples block stone is extensively used for carving. The Hazaar Rama temple near the palace was a monument of victory. Though this is a small temple the outer walls have been delicately carved to show stories from Ramayana.

Soap stone too has been used on a large scale. At the same time the architecture of Vijayanagara empire depicts Hindu-Muslim style, particularly in the construction of Queen’s bath and 8-cornered mantaps. The influence is said to be by the Bahamani Kingdoms.

The major speciality of Vijayanagara architecture particularly temple architecture is that the idols are installed on well-lighted platforms with clear visibility unlike many temples in the interior south. Since reality was the main objective in this architecture most of the figures are very natural and simple.

Kannada and culture
Even before Kannada came to be influenced by Vijayanagara, it had already faced the impact of Jainism, since it used Kannada literature as an instrument for its propagation. The two styles Margi and Desi were popular at that time.

Basaveshwara, to spread Veerashaiva religion developed his own style in simple language. Tripadi, Sangatya and Ragale were also revived.

The historians have grouped the growth of Kannada literature into three major types Jain literature, Veerashaiva literature, Brahminical works.

In the early times of Vijaynagara, the Jain poets confined themselves to writing poetry about Teerthankaras life. Bharatesh Vaibhav of Ratnakarvarni was also written about the same time. This is a long epic containing ten thousand verses.
It is said that poet completed the book in 9 months. The epic states that After the nirvana of his father, Bharata desires to be a conqueror of the world and be a single monarch. He defeats everyone but his brother Bahubali and challenges him to a fight. When the war starts between the two brothers, Bahubali disgusted with himself for fighting his dear brother for material gains renounces the world to take Sanyasa. The work is full of poetic imagination, musical notes, simple and lucid in style. At around the same time Teerthankar Charita was also written and this book preaches about the tenets followed by the Jains: dharma, non-violence among others. The other stories popular during these times were Nagakumaran and Sanatkumaran Kathe (of Bommarasa).

Social and economic life
In order to analyse and understand the significance of social and economic life during the Vijayanagara time it is necessary to study the city of Vijayanagara with all its strength and hopes. The city itself was established in 1936. Many travellers from Russia, Persia, Italy, Portugal and other parts of the world visited the empire and described it in great detail. Peas, the Portuguese traveller commented that “the city of Vijayanagara appears ever bigger than Rome. Any street of the city is thickly populated and the major reason for this is the diamond trade.”
It says, “the suburbs were highly developed and superbly planned. The city was full of beautiful temples that revealed architectural excellence. Women were confined to family life after marriage. In the Vijayanagara empire women had a special status. What the men could do they could too but generally only inside the palace. On the other hand practices like the devadasi system, sathi and prostitution were also in vogue,” Peas adds. In Madura Vijaya Vijayanagara is compared to Amaravathi of Lord Indra.

Education and Science
The Vijayanagara emperors themselves were very highly educated and learned. The founders of the empire Harihara (Hakka) and Bukka were ardent devotees of Sri Vidyaranya, a profound scholar and learned man. He was also the ‘Rajguru’ – the royal teacher.

King Harihara in the scriptures is described as “Karnataka Vidya Vilas” as he had mastered great knowledge and skills. Similarly, the other emperors too were highly proficient in music and literature.

The educational values which had royal blessings were extended to other communities as well. The education system was highly specialised and there were special teachers for scripts (lipigrahana), for pronunciation, commerce, history, geography, etc.

The members of royal family were well educated. Besides these areas, physical training also occupied an important place in the education system.

The primary education was known as “Balabodhi.” In ‘Mohana Tarangini’ of Kalidas, the description of primary teacher has been vividly done. In the beginning children were taught writing on the sand or mud. Simple multiplication and measurements were also taught as part of the syllabus.

This system was known as Dhulakshara. In those days learning was passed by recitation and not through writing. Education covered the study of Amarakosa, Panchatantra and Someswarasathaka.

Moral and ethical values were also taught. Knowledge of astronomy too was highly developed and its rules were followed upon various occasions. In those times mutts, agraharas and temples were considered as centres for higher education.

They were also resting places for the travellers. Later on mutts were used for religious activities rather than seeking principal educational values. After the fall of empire, all these centres degenerated and converted into choultries (travellers bunglows). In the court of Vijayanagara emperors - poets, singers, comedians, historians, astrologers, debators, warriors and all those with talent were appreciated.

The subjects that were studied covered vedas, vedic criticisms, jurisprudence, grammar, mythology, religion, music and medicine among others.

Unlike today, there were no examinations nor were any degrees were awarded. The recognition was granted by the emperor in the form of land or gold.The relation between the “teacher” and the “student” was a sanctified one.

The “Someswarasathaka” highlights this selfless relation of teacher and the student. An adage during those times was “there is no friend other than Vidya and there is no respectable person other than Guru.”

Persons who spread education were termed as scholars (Vidwans) and people who did not teach in spite of their own learning were termed as untouchables (Asprishyas).

Science and medicine
The earliest book on medicine available from Vijayanagara times was Ayurvedsudhanidhi which was written by Ekambaranath. After that Prashnotthara Ratnamaala is worthy of mention.

This early evidence of literature on medicine proves that medicine as a science was highly developed and various diseases/remedies were codified. During 1570 another volume “Vaidyasara Sangraha” was compiled, which proves that they were aware of human body and anatomy.

With regard to veterinary science, books were written on diseases for elephants and horses, since in those days these two animals were highly useful for war and transportation. Books like Aswashastra and Hayasar Samuschyaya were written during this period. These books extensively deal with various features of the horses, methods of training and taming them etc.

It is true that Karnataka during the time of Vijayanagara empire was truly golden and the contributions of the empire to the growth of religious thoughts, art and architecture, music and language are highly commendable. Even today, some of them provide the basic structure for different descriptions.

Karnataka is indeed proud of its rich cultural heritage that has been preserved, enriched and handed onto the subsequent generation thanks to Vijayanagara. The kings of the empire succeeded in proving worthy of the title “Hinduraya Suratrana” conferred on them by the people of Karnataka with a deep sense of love, respect and affection.

References
Karnataka’s tradition – A publication of Kannada Sahitya Parishat; Birth of Vijayanagara – P B Desai, Society, Religion and Culture – (i) Adwaita- P N Rao, (ii) Visistadwaita – M Yamunacharya, (iii) Dwaita - Dr R S

Panchamukhi, Social and Economic Life – Dr G S Deekshit, Education and Science –Dr G S Deekshit, Kannada - Dr D L Narasimhachar, Architecture & other arts – P Shama Rao, Karnataka Music- L Raja Rao.

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[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Re-Imposition of the Jizya.

With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguish­ing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindús throughout all the provinces.* Upon the publication of this order, the Hindús all round Dehlí assembled in vast numbers under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict. But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindús thronged the road from the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdú bázár, mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd in­creased, and the Emperor's equipage was brought to a stand-still. At length an order was given to bring out the elephants and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindús continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length they submitted to pay the jizya.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Death of Rája Jasnant Singh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] * Intelligence now arrived of the death of Rája Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kábul with reinforce­ments. After the death of the Rája, his foolish servants took away the Rája's two sons, named Ajít Singh and Dalathaman,* who were of tender years, and the Ránís also. Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and without even obtaining a pass from the Súbadár of the province, they set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over the river and went onwards towards Dehlí.

There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor's heart re­specting Rája Jaswant's tribute, which was aggravated by these presumptuous proceedings of the Rájpúts. He ordered the kotwál to take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the mansabdárs, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of the Rájpúts, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of Rájpúts sought permission to go home. Their request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was granted.

Meanwhile the Rájpúts had obtained two boys of the same age as the Rája's children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the garments of the ránís, and taking every pre­caution that their stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the boys under guard in their camp. The (real) ránís, disguised as men, went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rájpúts, and made their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended children of the Rája were. After two or three watches, when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ránís and the children were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Rája's followers into the fortress. The Rájpúts and the disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Rája, made a determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.

The flight of the ránís was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazír had sent out a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos from Dehlí, but they could not overtake the Rájpúts, and returned unsuccessful. The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two boys which the Rájpúts carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurang-zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Ráná of Chitor, who married Ajít Singh to a girl of his family.

The Ráná and other Rájpúts. Defection of Prince Akbar.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the twenty-second year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmír, with the intention of bringing the refractory Rájpúts to punish­ment. * * A strict farmán was sent to the Ráná of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpúr the two alleged sons of Rája Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at Ajmír, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpúr, and other Rájpút districts. The Ráná, feeling himself incapable of resistance, sent his vakíls with tribute and a letter declaring his obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared that he was not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khán-Jahán Bahádur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and re­turned to Dehlí. His journey to Ajmír and back occupied seven months and twenty days.

When the Ráná heard of these preparations, he laid Údípúr, his capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another force was sent to ravage the country of the Ráná, and destroy the crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived at Ujjain, he was directed to march against the lake of Aná-ságar, which belonged to the Ráná, and was about eighty kos from Ajmír. His orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.

It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'zam had shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, that he had compressed four months' march into less than one, and came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the mountains and central fastnesses of the Ráná, into the territories of the Ráhtors, and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among the Rájpúts. He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing the transport of supplies to the Ráná, and in stopping cultiva­tion. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Ráhtors, belonging to the territories of Jaswant, and other Rájpúts, assembled to support the Ráná, and had the boldness to attack the royal forces, and to fall upon their supplies. They allured several thousand of the royal forces into the heart of the Ráná's fastnesses. There they attacked them, and killed many, both horse and foot; but the royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstand­ing that the Rájpúts held all the roads through the hills, and came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince's forces by surprise, the Prince's army fought bravely, and Tahawwur Khán and others rendered distinguished service in chastising the enemy. They employed themselves in laying waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places.

Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amín Khán, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, directing him to take up a position with his forces between Ahmadábád and the territories of the Rájpúts, and to march against them wherever he heard of them. Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh was re-appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, and sent to lay siege to the fort of Sálír,* which had fallen into the possession of the enemy.

When the Ráná was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled, when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was to be found, the Ráná and the Ráhtor Rájpúts had recourse again to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them. The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawáb Báí, the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from yielding an assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or inter­cession on behalf of the Rájpúts. She even persuaded him not to allow the vakils of the Ráná to approach him. When they despaired of success in this quarter, the Rájpúts betook them­selves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his youth, and the favour of some of his friends. Durgá Dás was their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility, and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that they would supply him with forty thousand Rájpút horse, and with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he fell into the snares of the Rájpúts.

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, when he heard of these doings, wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of Muhammad Akbar; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the name of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at the time when Aurangzeb was at Hasan Abdál. The infidels had addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam in the first instance, and Aurang-zeb had received information about it, so he now thought that Mu'azzam's letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny. Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil sugges­tions of designing people.

Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand Rájpúts under Durgá Dás joined the Prince. The news spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old. It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that coins had been struck in his name; that Tahawwur Khán had been made a haft-hazárí, and had received the title of Amíru-l umará; that Mujáhid Khán, and other great servants of the State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished honours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.

On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Khán and a limited number of officers and men were left in attendance upon the Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers, did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed. A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, urging him to come with all his army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the Prince received it, he marched without a moment's delay to join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten days' journey into the space of two or three, he joined his father, bringing with him Prince Mu'izzu-d dín and Muhammad 'Azím.

When Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived with his nine or ten thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had any hope of escape. The expressions of some of Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam's thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb's caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed against the Prince's army, and he sent a message desiring the Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in all speed with his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to wait upon his father.

The precautions taken by the Rájpúts prevented intelli­gence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad Akbar. Shahábu-d dín, son of Kalich Khán, a brave and intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On coming in sight of the Prince's army, Shahábu-d dín's brother, Mujáhid Khán, who was with the Prince, and had found it necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape, went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince's side. Permission being given, Mujáhid Khán took all the money and valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two brothers then went together to the Emperor.

Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that Shahábu-d dín should be addressed with the title of Khán, and he also conferred great favours on Mujáhid Khán. From the latter he learnt the state of the Prince's army, and about those who were acting with him from choice or from necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it was ascertained that after the departure of Mujáhid Khán, dissensions had arisen in the Prince's army.

Khwája Makárim, a confidential adherent of Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam, led an advanced force towards the army of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The Khwája was wounded, and so were two or three men on the other side; but he ascertained that Tahawwur Khán had advanced from the Prince's army with a small escort, intend­ing to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On this being reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khán should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. The Khán demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Khán had come, under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb's anger blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered that the Khán should be allowed to enter with his arms. But one of the attendants, in an insulting way, placed his hand upon the Khán's breast to stop him. The Khán struck him a blow on the face and retreated, but his foot caught in a rope, and he fell down. Cries of “Strike! slay!” arose on all sides. Numbers fell upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off. After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real intentions were.

The author of this work heard from Khwája Makárim, afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and from several of his contem­poraries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Khán returned in good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from 'Ináyat Khán, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his arms was an insult to his position, his services, and his character. However it may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince's army, and among his Rájpúts, and they were much dispirited.

It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should fall into the hands of the Rájpúts. In it he praised the Prince for having won over the Rájpúts as he had been instructed, and that now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position where they would be under the fire of both armies. This letter was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the mighty force which Prince Akbar brought against his father, the sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but his army was completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the Rájpúts had abandoned him. There remained with him only Durgá Dás, two or three confidential officers of the Ráná, and a small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took to flight. * * Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was ordered to pursue him.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Ráná had again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that Khán-Jahán could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the flames of the Emperor's wrath, and towards the end of the same year, he set off again to Ajmír, with the intention of punishing the Ráná and the other evil-disposed Rájpúts. He wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered to march with all speed from Bengal. When the King's tents were pitched near Ajmír, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise the Ráná. Sháh Kulí Khán, who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Khán, was placed in command of his advanced guard.

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[Bharatvarsh]

[quote]Turbulence of the Játs.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Ágra that when Ághar Khán came there under orders from Kábul, a party of Játs attacked the caravan near Ágra. They seized the cattle and plundered the carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as prisoners. Ághar Khán pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women. He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh had formerly failed in executing a commission to re­strain the Játs, and for this and some displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedár Bakht was appointed on the duty.

An order was issued that no Hindú should ride in a pálkí or on an Arab horse without permission.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1017&ct=92

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Ajít Singh and other Rájpúts.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 605.] Towards the end of the year 1119 the Emperor marched from Ágra, with the intention of chastising the Rájpúts in the vicinity of Údípúr and Jodpúr. From the reports of the news-writers of the province of Ajmír, and the parganas around Jodpúr, the following matters became known to His Majesty. Rája Ajít Singh, who was called the son of Rája Jaswant, had been brought up by the wiles of Durgá Dás, and other evil-disposed infidels, as the son of the deceased Rája.* He had cast off his allegiance to the late Emperor, and done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb he again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing Musulmáns, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the summons to prayer, razing the mosques which had been built after the destruction of the idol-temples in the late reign, and repairing and building anew idol-temples. He warmly supported and assisted the army of the Ráná of Údípúr, and was closely allied with Rája Jai Singh, whose son-in-law he was. He had carried his disaffection so far that he had not attended at Court since the accession. On the 8th Sha'bán the Emperor marched to punish this rebel and his tribe, by way of Ámber, the native land of Jai Singh, between Ajmír and Chitor. * *

Ajít Singh and his allied Rájas knew that submission and obedience alone could save them and their families and pro­perty; so he addressed himself to Khán-khánán and his son Khán-zamán, expressing his sorrow, humility, and obedience; and he sent a message humbly asking that Khán-zamán and the Kázíu-l Kuzát might come into Jodpúr, to rebuild the mosques, destroy the idol-temples, enforce the provisions of the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of cows, to appoint magistrates and to commission officers to collect the jizya. His submission was graciously accepted, and his requests granted.* Officers of justice, kázís, muftís, imáms, and muazzins (criers to prayer) were appointed in Jodpúr and other towns in the country. Ajít Singh and Jai Singh, with the concurrence of Durgá Dás, who was the very soul of the opposition, came to Court in hope of receiving pardon for their offences, and each was honoured with the gift of a robe, elephant, etc.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN (1125 A.H., 1713 A.D.).
Religious Disturbances.

[vol. ii. p. 755.] After Dáúd Paní became Súbadár of Ahmad-ábád in Gujarát, in the second year of the reign, on the night when the holí of the Hindús is burnt, a certain Hindú, between whose house and the house of some Musulmáns there was a court-yard common to both houses, prepared to burn the holí in front of his house; but the Musulmáns prevented him. The Hindú went to Dáúd Khán, who frequently favoured the infidels, and argued that he had a right to do as he liked in his own house. After a good deal of talk and importunity, the right to burn the holí was allowed. Next day a Musulmán, who dwelt opposite the house, desiring to give an entertainment in honour of the Prophet, brought a cow and slaughtered it there, on the ground that it was his own house. All the Hindús of the quarter assembled in a mob round the Musulmáns, and the Musulmáns, being unable to resist, went into their houses and hid them­selves.

The Hindús grew so bold and violent that they seized a lad of fourteen or fifteen years old, the son of a cow-butcher, and, according to the statement of one of the citizens who fell into their hands, they dragged the boy off and slaughtered him. The report and sight of this outrage drew the Musul-máns together from all quarters; the cry for a general dis­turbance was raised, and they were ready to do battle with the Hindús. A great concourse assembled, and among them several thousand Afgháns, in the service of Dáúd Khán, eager to defend the honour of Islám, without caring to please their master. The Afgháns of the suburbs and the inhabitants of the city assembled together in a great crowd, and went off with one accord to the house of the kází. The kází seeing the mob, hearing the disturbance, and thinking of the partiality of the Súbadár, shut his door upon the people.

Report says that upon a hint of the kází as to the conduct and partiality of Dáúd Khán towards the Hindús, the Musulmáns set fire to the door of the kází's house, and began to burn the shops in the chauk and the houses of the Hindús. In the riot many shops were destroyed. They then went off with the intention of burning the house of Kapúr Chand, a jeweller, and an active infidel, who took a leading part in this business, and was an acquaintance of Dáúd Khán. He got notice of their intention, and, with a number of matchlockmen whom he collected, he shut the gate of his ward of the town and showed fight. Numbers of Musulmáns and Hindús were killed. The riot reached such a pitch that for three or four days all business and work in Ahmadábád was suspended. A large number of the leaders on both sides resolved to appeal to the Emperor. Dáúd Khán placed his own seal on the petition of Kapúr Chand, and the kází and other officials having certified to the violence of the Musulmáns, it was sent to Dehlí. Shaikh 'Abdu-l azíz [and other Musulmáns] went in person to Court. [Further religious contention and violence at Dehlí.]
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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Religious Troubles in Kashmír.

[vol. ii. p. 867.] Mahbúb Khán, otherwise called 'Abdu-n Nabí Kashmírí, had a long-standing enmity against the Hindús in Kashmír. He had gathered round him many restless Mu-hammadans, with whom he went to the deputy of the súbadár and to the kází, and, presenting certain legal opinions, he de­manded that the Hindús should be interdicted from riding on horses, from wearing coats (jáma), from putting on turbans and armour (chíra o yarák), from going out for excursions in the fields and gardens, and from bathing on certain days. Upon this matter he was very virulent. The officials, in answer, said that they would act upon the rules laid down by the Emperor, and by the chief lawyers, in respect of the treatment of zimmís (protected unbelievers) throughout the provinces of the Empire. Mahbúb Khán was greatly offended, and, being supported by a party of Musulmáns, he annoyed and insulted Hindús wherever he met them. A Hindú could not pass through any market or street without being subjected to indignity.

One day Majlis Ráí, a respected Hindú of Kashmír, went out with a party to ramble in the fields and gardens, and they feasted Brahmans. Mahbúb Khán collected ten or twelve thousand Musulmáns, came upon them unawares, and began to beat, bind and kill them. Majlis Ráí escaped, and fled with some others to Ahmad Khán. Mahbúb Khán, with all his followers, went to the house of Majlis Ráí and the Hindú quarter, and began to plunder and to fire the houses. The Hindús and Musulmáns who interfered to prevent this were killed and wounded. After that they proceeded to the house of Mír Ahmad Khán, where they set to work beating, throwing stones and bricks, and shooting arrows and bullets. Every man they found they detained and subjected to various indignities. Some they killed, others they wounded and plundered. Mír Ahmad Khán for a day and night was unable to drive them from his house or to stop their violence, but had to employ many artifices to escape from them. Next day he got together a force, and, with Mír Sháhúr Khán Bakhshí and other officials, they took horse and went against Mahbúb Khán. The rioters collected, as on the preceding day, and resisted Ahmad Khán. A party got in his rear and burnt the bridge over which he had crossed. They set fire to both sides of the street through which he had passed, and from in front and from the roofs and walls of the houses they discharged arrows and muskets and cast stones and bricks. Women and children flung filth, dirt, and whatever they could lay hands on. A fierce fight continued, in which * * and several others were killed or wounded. Mír Ahmad Khán was in a great strait, for he could neither retire nor advance; so he was obliged to ask for mercy, and escaped from his dangerous position amid volleys of gibes and insults.

Mahbúb Khán proceeded to the Hindú quarter, and burnt and gutted the houses which remained. Again he proceeded to the house of Mír Ahmad Khán, and dragged out of it with insult Majlis Ráí and a number of other persons who had taken refuge there. He and his followers cut off their ears and noses, circumcised them, and in some instances cut off the organ of generation. Another day they went tumultuously to the great mosque, degraded Mír Ahmad Khán from his office of deputy of the súbadár, and, having given the prime cause of the dis­turbance the title of Díndár Khán, they appointed him to act as ruler of the Musulmáns, and to enforce the commands of the law and the decisions of the kázís until a new deputy súbadár should come from the Court. For five months Mír Ahmad Khán was deprived of power, and remained in retirement. Díndár Khán acted as ruler, and, taking his seat in the mosque, discharged the Government business.

Upon intelligence of this outbreak reaching Court, Múmin Khán was sent to act as deputy of 'Ináyatu-llah Khán, the Súbadár. * * At the end of Shawwál he halted three kos from Kashmír. Mahbúb Khán was ashamed of his unrighteous deeds, so he went to Khwája 'Abdu-llah, who was highly respected in Kashmír, and begged him to go out with a number of the principal and most respectable Muhammadans to meet the new deputy, and bring him into the city with honour. * * Khwája 'Abdu-llah advised him in a friendly way to go to Mír Sháhúr Khán Bakhshí, and apologize for what had passed. If he did so, they would go out with him to meet the deputy. In accordance with this advice, Mahbúb Khán went to the house of Sháhúr Khán, and having made a statement to him, rose to depart, alleging he had some necessary business to attend to. The bakhshí, acting on the Khwája's advice, had called a number of the people from the Charbelí and Kahkarán quarters of the city, and concealed them about his house. They watched for Mahbúb Khán, and fell upon him unawares. First, before his eyes, they ripped up the bellies of his two young boys, who always accompanied him, and they killed him with great cruelty.

Next day the Musulmáns went to the Charbelí quarter, to exact retaliation for blood. This quarter was inhabited by Shí'as. There they began to beat, to bind, to kill, and to burn the houses. For two days the fight was kept up, but the assailants then prevailed. Two or three thousand people who were in that quarter, including a large number of Mughal travellers, were killed with their wives and families. Property to the value of lacs was plundered, and the war raged for two or three days. It is impossible to commit to writing all that I have heard about this outbreak. After this destruction, the rioters went to the houses of the kází and the bakhshí. Sháhúr Khán concealed himself and the kází escaped in disguise. They pulled down the kází's house to the foundations, and carried the bricks of it away in their hands. Múmin Khán, after entering the city, sent Mír Ahmad Khán under an escort to Ímanábád, and then had to take severe measures with the people of Kashmír.

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I guess this is how the supposedly peaceful conversion of Kashmir was achieved.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Rája Ajít Singh, Súbadár of Ahmadábád and Ajmír, had exceeded his authority by prohibiting the slaughter of cows in his jurisdiction; so Sa'ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, was summoned to Court, and sent to punish him; but he begged to be excused. Afterwards Samsámu-d daula, Kamru-d dín Khán Bahádur, and Haidar Kulí Khán, were ordered to discharge this duty. Each one accepted the duty reposed in him, and even sent on his travelling equipage; but they all retracted, and did not think it advisable to proceed; especially Samsámu-d daula, who was afraid that it would be a tedious undertaking, and that the royal funds would not suffice. It might even cause disturbances in other parts, where men were ill disposed. So not one of these amírs was willing to go. At this time intelligence arrived that Nizámu-l Mulk had given Rája Ajít Singh a sharp warning. So the Rája sent a message professing obedience, announcing his withdrawal from Ahmad-ábád, and praying for his retention in the súba of Ajmír. * * Haidar Kulí Khán was appointed to succeed him at Ahmadábád.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Játs.

[vol. ii. p. 944.] The tribe of Játs, under the leading of the sons of Chúráman, who was lately deceased, had strengthened and armed some forts in the neighbourhood of Ágra. The turbulence, disaffection and robberies of this vile class of men in the reigns of Aurangzeb and Farrukh Siyar have been related.* Sa'ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, a man renowned for his bravery and determina­tion, although he did his best and showed great resolution, was unable to inflict any real satisfactory chastisement on them, be­cause of the density of the woods and the inaccessibility of the places to which they retired. In consequence of this, Rája Jai Singh Dhíráj was ordered on the service, with many warlike amírs of the Mughals of Írán and Túrán, and Afgháns of well-known courage. Fourteen or fifteen thousand horse were assembled under him, he had a strong force of artillery and siege materials, and he received a present of two lacs of rupees, a robe and a horse. The Rája began by clearing away the jungle, and then by fighting vigorously and pushing forward his artillery, he pressed the insurgents hard. The rebels came out of some of the forts, and taking refuge in the jungle, they made sudden attacks upon the royal forces, and large numbers were killed on both sides. In the course of a month and a half, two forts were closely invested; but by good fortune one of the nephews of the rebel— for they had a quarrel among themselves about their country— left him, and joining the rája, acted as guide. After the two forts were reduced, the rebels abandoned their chief strong­hold in the night, having set fire to the houses, blown up the powder magazine, and carried off with them all the money and valuables that were portable. They left their guns and grain, which, with the fort, were taken possession of by the royal forces. There was a strong report of there being treasure in the fort; but although great search was made, and several places were dug up, not a trace of it was found.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Játs.
[The following are the passages referred to suprà, p. 521.]

[vol. ii. p. 316.] Aurangzeb (in the year 1095 A.H., 1684 A.D.) sent Khán-Jahán to punish and put down the Játs, and to destroy the fort of Sansí, which those infidels had built, under the protection of which fort they every month attacked and plundered several caravans, and ravaged the neighbourhood of Ágra.

[vol. ii. p. 394.] It was reported from Ágra (in 1102 A.H., 1691 A.D.), that under the royal command Ághar Khán was coming from Kábul to the presence. On approaching Ágra, the Játs fell upon his train, and carried off some bullocks and carts, and made prisoners of some women. Ághar Khán, on being in­formed of this, pursued them and followed them to their fortress. After a display of great resolution, he rescued the women and sent them on their way. He then boldly determined to invest and besiege the fort of the Játs; but he was struck by a musket bullet, and he and his son-in-law were both killed. Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh, who had been sent to punish the Játs and reduce their fort, went upon the service confided to him; but although he exerted himself strenuously, he did not succeed in reducing their fort of Sansí, or their other strongholds. His failure and some unseemly acts of his gave offence to the Em­peror (Aurangzeb), who recalled him and appointed Prince Bedár Bakhsh to act against the Játs.

[vol. ii. p. 776.] Chúráman the Ját was a notorious free­booter. His father, his grandfather, and his brothers had ravaged the neighbourhood of Ágra and Fathpúr since the days of Aurangzeb. Armies had frequently been sent against him under Prince Bedár Bakht, Khán-Jahán, and other amírs, with the object of chastising him, and reducing the fort of Sansí, which the Játs had built. In the days of the struggle between A'zam Sháh and Bahádur Sháh, also when Farrukh Siyar approached Ágra, Chúráman was very bold and daring. He plundered the royal train, and carried off much treasure and jewels. Rája Jai Singh was sent against him, and Saiyid Khán Jahán Bahádur, uncle of Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, was sent after him in command of a separate supporting force. Through sundry obstacles and want of supplies, Saiyid Khán remained inactive several months near the city; but Rája Jai Singh marched against the enemy, opened trenches, and invested Chúráman's fort. The struggle went on for more than a year. There were frequent fights, and many men fell on both sides. When Saiyid Khán arrived, the siege was pressed more vigorously, and the trenches were carried closer to the fort. Chúráman, being hard pressed, sent his vakíl direct to Kutbu-l Mulk Saiyid 'Abdu-llah, promising to pay tribute, and to wait in person on the Emperor, if his offences were forgiven and a mansab granted to him. Rája Jai Singh knew nothing whatever of this; but the Emperor re­luctantly agreed to Saiyid 'Abdu-llah's proposals. This was done against the Emperor's will, and greatly to the annoyance of Rája Jai Singh. The Rája, greatly vexed, came to Court, and when Chúráman arrived, he was reluctantly allowed to wait upon the Emperor once; but the latter was so displeased with the peace that had been made, that he would not consent to see him again.

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[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Outbreak of the Satnámís—also called Mondíhs.*

[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody, miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions, should become so puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mewát, collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that these people considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Nárnaul, and were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered. Táhir Khán Faujdár, considering himself not strong enough to oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zí-l ka'da, an order was issued that Ra'd-andáz Khán should proceed with his artillery, Hámid Khán with the guards and 500 of the horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtazá Khán, his father, and Yahyá Khán Rúmí, Najíb Khán, Rúmí Khán, Kamálu-d dín, son of Diler Khán, Purdil, son of Fíroz Khán Mewátí, and Isfandyár, bakhshí to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal forces marched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Mahá-bhárat , on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that trying day. The heroes of Islám charged with impetuosity, and crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men. The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ra'd-andáz Khán, Hámid Khán, and Yahyá Khán. Many of the Moslims were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal commanders—and those regions were cleansed of the presence of the foul unbelievers. The triumphant gházís, permitted to kiss the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King. The title of Shujá'at Khán was conferred on Ra'd-andáz, with the rank of 3000 and 2000 horse.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Riot of Hindú Devotees.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 252.] One of the remarkable occurrences of this year* was the outburst of the Hindú devotees called Sat-námís , who are also known by the name of Mundíhs. There were four or five thousand of these, who were householders in the parganas of Nárnaul and Mewát. These men dress like devotees, but they nevertheless carry on agriculture and trade, though their trade is on a small scale. In the way of their religion they have dignified themselves with the title of “Good name,” this being the meaning of Sat-nám. They are not allowed to acquire wealth in any but a lawful calling. If any one attempts to wrong or oppress them by force, or by exercise of authority, they will not endure it. Many of them have weapons and arms.

At the time Aurangzeb was returning from Hasan Abdál, a strong altercation arose one day near Nárnaul, between a man of this sect, who was engaged in agricultural work, and a man who was keeping watch over the harvest. The latter broke the Sat-námí's head with his staff. A number of Sat-námís then collected and beat the watchman, so that they left him for dead. When intelligence reached the shikkdár, he assembled his men and sent them to arrest those Sat-námís. Meantime numbers of the Sat-námís assembled. They attacked the shikkdár's men, overpowered them, wounded several, and took away their arms. Their numbers went on increasing, and information was carried to Kár-talab Khán, faujdár of Nárnaul. He sent a large force of horse and foot to the assistance of the shikkdár, and to punish and seize the rioters. The Sát-námís fought this force also, wounded and killed a great many of them, and put the rest to flight. Matters grew worse, and the faujdár set about collecting more men, both horse and foot, and called to his assistance the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood. With his old and new men, and with the levies from the zamíndárs, he marched against the rioters, and gave them battle. He killed a good many of them, but was repulsed and compelled to fly.

To shorten a long story, suffice it to say that after several fights the faujdár was killed, and the town of Nárnaul fell into the hands of the Sat-námís. They proceeded to collect the taxes from the villages, and established posts of their own. When the Em­peror reached Dehlí, he was informed of this outbreak, and he sent force after force to quell it, but they were all defeated and dispersed. It was said that swords, arrows, and musket-balls had no effect upon these men, and that every arrow and ball which they discharged against the royal army brought down two or three men. Thus they were credited with magic and witch­craft, and stories were currently reported about them which were utterly incredible. They were said to have magic wooden horses like live ones, on which their women rode as an advanced guard.

Great rájas and veteran amírs were sent against them with powerful armies. But the revolters were eager for the fight, and advanced to about sixteen or seventeen kos from Dehlí. The royal army went forth boldly to attack them; but the zamíndárs of the neighbourhood, and some cowardly Rájpúts, seized the opportunity to throw off their obedience, and to withhold the government dues. They even broke out into open violence, and the flames daily increased. The King ordered his tents to be brought out. He then wrote some prayers and devices with his own hands, which he ordered to be sewn on the banners and standards, and carried against the rebels. At length, by the exertions of Rája Bishan Singh, Hámid Khán, and others, several thousands of them were killed, and the rest were put to flight, so that the outbreak was quelled. * *

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[Guest]

Can any one in India look for this book? Thanks

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->"The Age Of Sankara" : By T.S.Narayana Sastry : He was a B.A., B.L., High Court Vakil, Madras. He had collected, and had with him editions of Puranas and an ancient manuscript edition of Matsya Purana in Tamil Grandha
Script, and the Kaliyuga Raja Vrittanta, a rare ancient historical treatise still unpublished , (Till 1956)

The material discovered and unearthed, and presented to us, is really invaluable for the reconstruction of true history of Bharat. The enormous cost of his researches may be estimated from the regrettable fact that after his
demise in 1917, his residence at Madras was sold for Rs. 1,25,000 to repay for the debts he had contracted, with the interest thereon, for acquiring the library and other equipment he needed for his researches..

<i>(Quoted in his preface to his book "Ancient Indian History" by Pandit Venkatachalapathi Pakayaji, in 15-11-1956.)</i><!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Will it be possible to trace and obtain this book. It must be difficult. But the effort will not be a waste.

[Guest]

Hai,

This is Ronnie and recentaly it came to understand that,a ship named Nerbudda was wrecked on the shores of Taiwan 1841 and all of the prisoners who are Indian were excuted in Taiwan.

I am looking forward to collect information about those Indian people.

Hope to hear from all of you.

Ronnie

[Guest]

<b>Hai,

Please try to look out for the Indian prisoners details who were excuted in Taiwan in 1842.

I am looking forward to hear from all other members to collect those people data's


Ronnie</b>

[Guest]

Don't create new thread for quesition.
Use existing thread on question.

-Moderator.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Destruction of Hímú's family.—Alwar and Ajmír.
(See Vol. V. p. 253.)

[Text, vol. ii. p. 56.] Akbar was now informed that Hájí Khán, a ghulám of Sher Khán Afghán [Sher Sháh], a brave and able general, was setting up pretensions to rule in Alwar, and that Hímú's father and wife, and all his property and wealth, were in that country. So the Emperor sent Násiru-l Mulk [Pír Muhammad Sarwání] with a select force to attack him. Hájí Khán, in dread of the Imperial army, fled before it arrived. Alwar and all the territory of Mewát thus came into the Imperial power. The fugitives proceeded to Dewatí-májárí, a strong place, which was Hímú's family home. Much resistance and fighting followed. Hímú's father was taken alive, and brought before Násiru-l Mulk, who tried to convert him to the faith; but the old man said, “For eighty years I have worshipped God in the way of my own religion; how can I now forsake my faith? Shall I, through fear of death, embrace your religion without understanding it?” Mauláná Pír Muhammad treated his question as unheard, but gave him an answer with the tongue of the sword. He then returned with much spoil and fifty elephants to the Emperor.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1016&ct=16<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.
Remission of the Jizya.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 257.] One of the munificent acts of the Emperor at the beginning of this the ninth year of his reign was the remission of the jizya (poll-tax upon infidels), which, in a country so extensive as Hindústán, amounted to an immense sum.

Conquest of Garha-katanka.
(See Vol. V. p. 288.)

[Text, vol. ii. p. 263.] Khwája 'Abdu-l Majíd Ásaf Khán, although he was a Tájik and a civilian, yet by the help of the good fortune of the Emperor, he had performed such deeds as would have humbled even Turks in his presence. He now resolved upon attempting the conquest of Garha-katanka. In the vast territories of Hindústán there is a country called Gondwána, that is, the land inhabited by the tribe of Gonds, —a numerous race of people, who dwell in the wilds, and pass most of their time in eating and drinking and the pro­creation of children. They are a very low race, and are held in contempt by the people of Hindústán, who look upon them as outcasts from their religion and laws. To the east of this country lies Ratanpúr, a dependency of the country of Jhárkand; and on the west it borders on Ráísín, belonging to the province of Málwa. The length of this district is 150 kos. On the north lies Panna,* and on the south the Dakhin, and the breadth is eighty kos. This country is called Garha-katanka, and it contains many strongholds and lofty forts. It has numerous towns and villages, and veracious writers have recorded that it contains seventy thou­sand villages. Garha is the name of the chief city, and Katanka is the name of a place* (near it), and these two places have given their names to the whole country. The seat of government was the fort of Chaurágarh.

In former times there was no one supreme ruler, but the country was ruled by several rájás and ráís, and at the present time, when, by the will of fortune, it no longer belongs to this race, there are several rájás, such as Rájá Garha, Rájá * * *. The fighting men of this country are chiefly infantry, the horsemen being few. From the earliest establishment of the Muhammadan power in India no monarch had been able to reduce the fortresses of this country or to annex the territory.

At the time when Ásaf Khán received the jágír of Karra, and accomplished the conquest of Panna, the government of this country was in the hands of Rání Durgávatí, commonly known as “the Rání.” She was highly renowned for her courage, ability, and liberality, and by the exercise of these qualities she had brought the whole country under her rule. The author has heard from intelligent men who have been there that she had twenty-three thousand inhabited villages under her sway. Twelve thousand of these were managed by her own shikkdárs, and the remainder were in the possession of tributary chiefs. The heads of the various clans paid their homage to her. She was the daughter of a Rájá of the tribe of Chandel, who was named Sálibáhan, who was Rájá of Ratah and Mahoba.* He married her to Dalpat, a son of Aman Dás. He did not belong to a high tribe, but he was wealthy, and as evil times had fallen upon Rájá Sálibáhan, he had consented to this alliance.

This Aman Dás rendered valuable assistance to Sultán Bahádur Gujarátí in the reduction of Ráísín; he had consequently been promoted, and had received the title of Sangrám Sháh. He was the son of Arjun Dás, son of Sukhan Dás, son of Gorak Dás, son of Kharjí. From old times there had been an ancestor in the house of the ruler of Garha holding a respectable position; but Kharjí, by his superior intelligence and tact, managed to acquire something in the way of tribute from the other chiefs of that country, and raised a force amounting to a hundred horse and ten thousand foot. His son, Sukhan Dás, carrying out the plans of his father, raised his army to five hundred horse and sixty thousand foot, enlisting many Rájpúts both in his cavalry and infantry. He found two clever and able assistants, one be­longing to the Kharchali tribe dwelling at Hamírpúr, and the other belonging to the tribe of Parihár.* Under him the govern­ment was carried on with great intelligence and vigour. His son Arjun succeeded him in the fortieth year (of his age). After him came Aman Dás, above mentioned.

This Aman Dás was an ill-disposed crafty fellow. He con­stantly opposed the will of his father, and engaged in evil pursuits. His father several times put him in confinement, and then endeavoured to bind him with covenants and promises. But the graceless fellow again relapsed into his evil courses, and having been guilty of some disgraceful actions, he fled to Rájá Nar Sing Deo, grandfather of Rájá Ram Chandar of Panna. Rájá Nar Sing treated him as a son, and when the Rájá went to attend upon Sultán Sikandar Lodí, he left him behind with his son Parbihan, who was then a minor. There he acted with great intelligence. His father, Arjun Dás, being dissatisfied with his ill-conducted son, appointed his son Jogí Dás to be his heir; but he, having regard to his elder brother's rights, did not accept this position.

Aman Dás, having heard of his father's intentions, made a rapid journey, and concealed himself in his mother's house. There, with the assistance of one of the Rájá's attendants, with whom he had long had relations, he one night killed his father. The men of the place then assembled and made him prisoner, and sent a person to communicate the facts to his brother. But the younger brother would not fall in with their views; he refused to do anything against his elder brother, who stood to him in the position of a father, and said that as his brother had chosen to risk eternal perdition, how could he look him in the face? All persuasion was useless, and he went off into the wilds.

The two confidential friends of the father were true to duty, and would not recognize his succession. They sent an account of the occurrence to Rájá Nar Singh Deo, and urged him to take possession of the territory. The Rájá took leave of Sultán Sikandar, and returned with a strong force. Aman Dás secured himself in the mountains; but as he could not hold out against the power of the Rájá, he opened communica­tions, and said that as he had in his folly and wickedness killed one father, how could he then make war upon another? When the Rájá had overrun the territory, and left his officers in charge of it, Aman Dás came to meet him on his road, attended by only a few followers. After great display of weeping, the Rájá forgave him and restored his country. He kept up continual lamentation for his crime, and it is difficult to say whether this was mere hypocrisy, or whether the contrition he exhibited to his people was really sincere. When Aman Dás died, the suc­cession devolved upon his son Dalpat, who ruled seven years and then died.

According to report Aman Dás, who received the name of Sangrám, had really no son. It is said that he induced Gobind Dás Kachhwáha, one of his attendants, to allow his wife, who was pregnant, to be delivered in his (Aman's) female apartments. If a daughter was born, it was to belong to the father; but if a boy, Aman Dás was to acknowledge it as his own, and no one should know anything about it. Gobind Dás acquiesced, and a boy was born, who was represented to be the Rájá's son. He received the name of Dalpat, and was married to Rání Durgávatí. When he died, he left a son, named Bír Náráyan, only five years of age. With the assistance of Adhár Káyath, the Rání assumed the government, showing no want of courage and ability, and managing her foreign relations with judgment and prudence. She carried on some great wars against Báz Bahádur and his officers, and was everywhere victorious. She had as many as twenty thousand excellent horse soldiers, and a thousand fine elephants. The treasures of the Rájás of that country came into her possession. She was a good shot, both with the bow and musket, and frequently went out hunting, when she used to bring down the animals with her own gun. When she heard of a tiger, she never rested till she had shot it. Many stories of her courage and daring are current in Hindústán. But she had one great fault. She listened to the voice of flatterers, and being puffed up with ideas of her power, she did not pay her allegiance to the Emperor.

When Ásaf Khán conquered the country of Panna, the Rání Durgávatí, infatuated with the ideas of her army, her courage, and her ability, took no heed of her new neighbour. Ásaf Khán at first kept up friendly and conciliatory relations with her; but he sent sharp spies and shrewd merchants into her country to get information of the communications and ways of ingress and egress. When he had obtained information of the wealth and treasures of this woman, he conceived the idea of making himself master of the country. He began first with ravaging the frontier villages, and went on until in the present year he received the Imperial command to effect the conquest of Garha.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1016&ct=18<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->One day, during the time when accounts of Hímún's vigorous measures were daily arriving, Bairam Khán took the Prince into the presence of the Kutbu-l Aktáb Saiyid Jalál Thánesarí, and procured him the honour of kissing the feet of that most holy individual. When they were about to depart, they begged him to give them the assist­ance of his prayers. They said, “This accursed infidel is coming with an army numerous as ants and locusts; it is proper that your holiness should protect the cause of Islám.” The Saiyid reflected for a short time, and then said to them, “Have you not heard what little boys at play say?” He then dismissed them. On the morrow they marched to a distance of seven kos from Karnál, where they encamped. Hímún, who had taken posses­sion of the Dehlí throne, being informed of the coming of the Mughal forces, went out with regal pomp from Dehlí, with the intention of fighting them. It is related, that when Hímún was proceeding to Dehlí against the nobles of King Humáyún, he encamped near Old Dehlí. The evening preceding the day on which he expected a battle, he went to the sanctified mausoleum of the Kutbu-l Aktáb, His Highness Kutbu-l Hakk, the pole­star of religion and piety, and placing the head of entreaty on the august threshold, vowed that if he were destined to conquer Dehlí,—if the throne of Dehlí were granted him, and the Mughal troops put to flight,—he would become a Musulmán on his return to Dehlí, and diffuse the religion of Muhammad. The Almighty gave him victory. But he perjured himself, and did not become a Musulmán, or forsake his heathen prejudices; nay, he even persecuted the Musulmáns. But at last he saw what he did see.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1015&ct=18<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Capture of Chitor (Year 965 Rihlat; 975 Hijra=1567 A.D.).

[When the Emperor marched from Gágrún against the Ráná, he had only 3000 or 4000 horsemen with him, for he hoped that the smallness of the force might induce the infidel to try the event of a battle. But the Ráná knew his own strength, and while the Emperor was at 100 kos distance from his country, he fled with his family to the distant hills. He felt at ease about Chitor, because the Emperor's force had but little siege appa­ratus, and it did not seem likely that he would attempt to reduce the place. But the fort was set in order, great quantities of provisions were stored, and the garrison consisted of 8000 veterans, including the Ráná's own men, with their wives and families. When the Emperor entered the Ráná's territory, and was informed of his flight, he wished to pursue him; but he ascertained that the Ráná had gone to a place far in the hills and jungles which it was impossible to reach. So the Emperor determined to attack Chitor, which is an exceedingly strong fortress. When he came near the fort, the rains were so heavy, that for a time the fort was invisible; but as the weather cleared, he got a view of the place. The fortress is situated in the midst of a level plain, which has no other eminences. The circuit of this mountain at its base is six kos, and the ground upon which the walls of the fort stand is nearly three kos. Upon the top of the hill there is a fountain, but not content with that the con­structors of the fort formed large reservoirs of stone and mortar, which get filled in the rainy season. So with these supplies the garrison are never short of water. The eastern side of the fort, and towards the north, is faced with hard stone, and the garrison felt quite secure as to that portion. On the other sides if guns (top), swivels (zarb-zan), catapults (sang-r'ad), and manjaníks are able to reach the fortress, they cannot do so much harm. Travellers do not speak of any fortress like this in the whole habitable world. At this time, all the space of three kos at the top of the mountain was full, and the houses of the people rose several storeys over each other. Great numbers of men guarded the battlements at the top of the walls, and great quantities of ammunition were stored in the fortress. His Majesty carefully reconnoitred the place on every side, and saw that it would not fall without a long siege. When the garrison perceived the small number of men with the Emperor, and thought of their fortress being six kos in circumference, they uttered cries of derision. The batteries were apportioned out among the amírs, and bakh-shís were appointed and sent to those amírs who had not yet come up. Every day some one arrived and went to his battery, so that in a short time the whole fort was invested.

Ásaf Khán went under orders to take Rámpúr. He took the place, and having plundered and ravaged the country, he returned victorious. Husain Kuli Khán went to attack Udipúr, the capital of the Ráná and of his ancestors. He ravaged the country with fire and sword, and returned bringing great spoil and numerous prisoners from the fastnesses of the mountains.

From day to day the brave assailants carried their attacks closer to the fort on every side, and a great number of them suffered martyrdom, for the fort was very strong, and made a most ex­cellent defence. Orders were given for digging ditches and for constructing sábáts,* and nearly 5000 builders, carpenters, stone­masons, smiths, and sappers were collected from all parts. Sábáts are contrivances peculiar to Hindústán; for the strong forts of that country are replete with guns, muskets, and warlike appa­ratus, and can only be taken by means of sábáts. A sábát is a broad (covered) way, under the shelter of which the assailants approach a fortress secure from the fire of guns and muskets. Two sábáts were accordingly begun. The one which was oppo­site the royal quarters was so broad that two elephants and two horses could easily pass along it, and so high that an elephant-rider could carry his spear. The sábáts were commenced from the middle of the hill, which is a fortress upon a fortress.* The people of the fort had never seen a sábát, and were puzzled, but they endeavoured to stop the work. Seven or eight thousand horsemen and numerous gunners exerted themselves to the utmost in attacking them. And although the sábáts had thick roofs of cow and buffalo hides to protect the workmen, no day passed without a hundred men more or less being killed. The bodies of the slain were used instead of stones and bricks. His Majesty's kindness and justice would not allow any man to be pressed for the work, but heaps of rupees and dáms were scattered as hire, and each man went to work for what he could get. In a short time one sábát reached the walls, and was so high that it overlooked them. On the top of it a seat was constructed for the Emperor, from which he could see at his ease the efforts of his warriors, and from which he could also take a part in the fight if so minded. While the men of the garrison were endeavouring to interrupt the progress of the sábáts, the sappers formed several mines under the walls, and wherever stones were met with, the stonemasons opened a way through with their iron tools. Two bastions in front of the royal battery were com­pletely undermined, and, according to order, both mines were filled with gunpowder. Three or four hundred brave men of the Imperial army were posted ready armed near these bastions, to rush in as soon as the explosion took place, before the defenders could rally to resist them. Both mines were fired, and one which took effect blew the bastion from its foundations into the air, and every stone fell at a distance. A great breach was visible, and the storming party instantly rushed forward shout­ing their war-cry. A strong party of the garrison came forward to oppose them, and while the contest was at the hottest, and a great number of the faithful and of the infidels were struggling upon the other bastion, the mine exploded, and blew friend and foe together into the air, scattering their limbs in all directions.* The quantity of gunpowder used was so enormous that stones of fifty and a hundred mans were hurled to the distance of two and three kos. Many corpses also were found within a radius of two kos. Saiyid Jamálu-d dín and * * * other braves of the Imperial army perished. Vast numbers of the garrison were killed. The vast quantities of dust and smoke prevented all movement in the Imperial army for a time; stones, corpses, and limbs fell from the air, and the eyes of the soldiers were injured. The enemy, concealing their loss, showed a brave front. When the Emperor perceived the state of affairs, he exerted himself more strenuously to take the place. He ordered the sábát in front of Shujá'at Khán's battery to be pushed forward. The garrison was sore distressed, and ready to succumb, but no one had the courage to propose surrender to the Emperor. For he had determined that he would capture by storm this the strongest fortress of Hindústán, so that in future no other fortress should dare to resist the Imperial army. He took his position on the top of the sábát, and his brave soldiers kept up such a discharge from their bows and muskets that no one could escape from the place. His Majesty also had his own musket, deadly as the darts of fate, with which he killed every moving thing that caught his eye. On the 5th Sha'bán, 955, the assault was made by the Emperor's command. The walls had been breached in several places, and the signs of victory were in favour of the assailants. Jaimal, the commandant of the fortress, an infidel yet valiant, all day long struggled bravely in every part, inciting his men to fight and resist. At the time of evening prayer he came in front of the royal battery, where His Majesty, holding his musket, discharged it as often as light blazed out in the bastion. It so often happened that Jaimal was standing in that tower when His Majesty discharged his piece into a lighted place. The ball struck Jaimal in the forehead and killed him on the spot. When the men of the garrison saw their leader fall, they felt that all further resistance was useless; they gave up fighting, and after first burning the body of Jaimal, they per­formed the jauhar at their own homes. Jauhar is the name of a rite among the Hindus. When they know for certain that there is no escape, they collect their wives and children, goods and chattels, heap fire-wood around the pile, and fire it with their own hands. After the burning is accomplished, they rush into the fight, and give themselves over to death. This they esteem a great act of devotion. The great flames of the jauhar and the lull of the conflict on the bastions and walls showed the assailants that the garrison was reduced to extremity, so they began to make their way into the place in parties. Some of the boldest of the infidels, who had no wives and families, stood to their posts resolved to sell their lives. The Emperor witnessed the prowess of his warriors from the top of the sábát. Under his orders three elephants were taken through the breach into the city, and one of them, named Madkar, on that day killed many infidels, and although he received many wounds, never turned tail. The second elephant, named Jagna, was surrounded by infidels, and died of the numerous wounds he received from spears and swords. In the last watch of the night the assailants forced their way into the fortress in several places, and fell to slaughtering and plundering. At early dawn the Emperor went in mounted on an elephant, attended by his nobles and chiefs on foot. The order was given for a general massacre of the infidels as a punishment. The number of fighting men in the fortress exceeded 8000.* Some of them repaired to the idol temple, and there fought to the last. In every street and lane and bázár there was desperate fighting. Every now and then a band of infidels, having thrown away all hope of life, would rush from the temple with swords and shields towards their own homes, and so were the more easily despatched by the warriors they encountered. By mid-day, nearly 2000 had been slain. Under the favour of heaven, Zarb 'Alí Tawáchí was the only person of note in the Imperial army who was killed, which was a very marvellous fact. Those of the fortress who escaped the sword, men and women, were made prisoners, and their property came into the hands of the Musulmáns. The place being cleared of infidels, His Majesty remained there three days, and then departed, leaving the government of the country in the hands of Ásaf Khán.]

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1015&ct=41<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

The "Rana Kika" in reference I think is Maharana Paratap Singh:

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Defeat of Ráná Kíká by Kunwar Mán Singh.

Ráná Kíká was chief among the Rájás of Hindústán. After the conquest of Chitor, he built a town called Kokanda,* with fine houses and gardens, in the mountains of Hinduwára. There he passed his days in rebellion. When Kunwar Mán Sing* drew near to Kokanda, Ráná Kíká called all the Rájás of Hindu-wára to his aid, and came out of Gháti Haldeo* with a strong force to oppose his assailant. Kunwar Mán Singh, in agreement with his amírs, put his troops in array and marched to the battle­field. Some desperate charges were made on both sides, and the battle raged for a watch with great slaughter. The Rájpúts in both armies fought fiercely in emulation of each other.* Nearly 150 horsemen of the royal army were killed, and more than 500 Rájpúts of the enemy's army were sent to perdition.* The enemy lost Rámeswar Gwaliárí and his son,* and the son of Jai Mal. On that day Ráná Kíká fought obstinately till he received wounds from an arrow and from a spear; he then turned to save his life, and left the field of battle. The Imperial forces pursued the Rájpúts, and killed numbers of them. Kunwar Mán Sing wrote an account of his victory to the Emperor. Next day he went through the pass of Haldeo, and entered Kokanda. He took up his abode in the house of Ráná Kíká, and again returned thanks to the Almighty (sic). Ráná Kíká fled into the high hills for refuge. The Emperor rewarded Kunwar Mán Sing and his amírs with robes and horses.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...015&ct=102<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->It has already been related how Rájá Mán Singh defeated Ráná Kíká, and occupied his country—how the Ráná fled into the high hills, and how the army penetrated to Kokanda, which was the Ráná's home. The roads to this place were so difficult that little grain reached it, and the army was nearly famished. The order was given for Mán Singh to fall back quickly, and he very soon arrived at the Emperor's throne. When the distress of the army was inquired into, it appeared that, although the men were in such great straits, Kunwar Mán Singh would not suffer any plundering of Ráná Kíká's country. This caused the Emperor to be displeased with him, and he was banished from Court for a time.* After a while he was forgiven, and was sent at the head of a force to ravage the Ráná's country. It must be understood that in the language of Hind “Kunwar” signifies “son of a Rájá.” On the 19th of the month the army marched from Ajmír towards the Ráná's country.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...015&ct=103<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Campaign against Ráná Kíká.

His Majesty's mind was always intent upon clearing the land of Hindústán from the troubles and disturbances created by infidels and evil men. He sent Shahbáz Khán Mír-bakhshí * * and several other amírs, against Ráná Kíká, to ravage and occupy his country. Shahbáz Khán accordingly laid the country waste, and pursued the Ráná into the mountains and jungles. Upon reaching the fort of Kombalmír, Shahbáz Khán laid siege to it, and captured it in a few days. The Ráná made his escape from the fort by night.

Sultán Khwája, whom His Majesty had appointed Mír-i háj, now returned from Mecca, and waited upon him with presents— fabrics and stuffs of Turkey and of Europe, Arab horses, Abyssinian slaves, holy relics, and curiosities. These His Majesty accepted with much satisfaction, and he raised Sultán Khwája to the mansab of Sadr (chief judge). As it had been determined to send a leader of the pilgrims every year, Khwája Muhammad Yahya * * was now appointed, and he received four lacs of rupees for expenses.

At the end of this year, 987, intelligence arrived of the death of Khán-jahán, the ruler of Bengal. His Majesty was much grieved, and sent a letter of condolence to Isma'íl Khán, the brother of the deceased. Muzaffar Khán, who had been ap­pointed díwán, was promoted to be governor of Bengal, Rizwí Khán to be bakhshí, and Hakím Abú-l Fath and Patar Dás to discharge jointly the office of díwán.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...015&ct=105<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Prohibition of Hindú Teaching and Worship.

[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zí-l ka'da, 1079 (18th April, 1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the faith, that in the provinces of Thatta, Multán, and Benares, but especially in the latter, foolish Bráhmans were in the habit of expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students and learners, Musulmáns as well as Hindús, went there, even from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with the wicked sciences they taught. The “Director of the Faith” consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On the 15th Rabí'u-l ákhir it was reported to his religious Majesty, leader of the unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Govern­ment officers had destroyed the temple of Bishnáth at Benares.

[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramazán, 1080 A.H. (December, 1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving monarch, the constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruc­tion of the Hindú temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by the name of Dehra Késú Ráí, and soon that stronghold of falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque. The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar Singh Deo Bundela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahángír, before he ascended the throne, was at one time, for various reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, and the above-mentioned Hindú, in order to compass the Shaikh's death, affected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for his services, he obtained from the Prince become King per­mission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us the faith of Islám, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods, an undertaking so difficult of accomplishment* has been brought to a successful termination! This vigorous support given to the true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rájas, and, like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were trans­ferred to Ágra, and there placed beneath the steps leading to the Nawáb Begam Sáhib's mosque, in order that they might ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra changed its name into Islámábád, and was thus called in all official documents, as well as by the people.
http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1017&ct=52<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Destruction of Hindu Temples.

[p. 449.] It had been brought to the notice of His Majesty that during the late reign many idol temples had been begun, but remained unfinished, at Benares, the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the defender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples that had been begun should be cast down. It was now reported from the province of Allahábád that seventy-six temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?fi...1017&ct=12<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
This was under the reign of the supposedly tolerant Shah Jahan.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Rebellion of Jajhár Singh Bundela and his son Bikramájít.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 94.] His Majesty in the second year of his reign pardoned the misdeeds of this turbulent man, and sent him on service to the Dakhin. After a while he took leave of Mahábat Khán Khán-khánán, the ruler of the Dakhin, and retired to his own country, leaving behind him his son Bikramájít, entitled Jag-ráj, and his contingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked Bím Naráín, Zamíndár of Garha, and induced him by a treaty and promise to surrender the fort of Chaurágarh.* Afterwards, in viola­tion of his engagement, he put Bím Naráín and a number of his followers to death, and took possession of the fort, with all the money and valuables it contained. Bím Naráín's son accompanied Khán-daurán to Court from Málwa, taking with him an offering, and he made known to the Emperor what had happened. A farmán was then sent to Jajhár Singh, charging him with having killed Bím Naráín, and taking possession of Garha, without the authority of the Emperor, and directing him to surrender the territory to the officers of the Crown, or else to give up the jágírs he held in his own country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash out of the money which had belonged to Bím Naráín. He got notice of this farmán from his wakíls before it arrived, and being resolved to resist, he directed his son Bikramájít to escape with his troops from the Bálághát, whither he had gone with Khán-daurán, and to make the best of his way home. The son acted accordingly, * * but he was attacked at Ashta* in Málwa by Khán-zamán, Názim of the Páyín-ghát, when many of his men were killed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped; * * but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads through the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the pargana of Dhámúní.* [20,000 men sent against the rebel under the nominal command of Prince Aurangzeb.]

The different divisions of the Imperial army united at Bhander, and prepared for the reduction of the fortress of Úndcha. On arriving within three kos of Úndcha, where the forest territory of Jajhár commences, the forces were constantly occupied in cutting down trees and forming roads. Every day they made a little advance. Jajhár had with him in Úndcha nearly 5000 horse and 10,000 foot, and was resolved to contest the passage through the woods. Every day he sent out cavalry and infantry to keep under the cover of the trees, and to annoy the royal forces with muskets and arrows. But the Imperial army killed some of them every day, and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmar-wálí, one kos from Úndcha, where the rebels were determined to fight.

Rájá Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khán-daurán, pressed forward and took the little hill of Kahmar-wálí from Jajhár's men. Notwithstanding the density and strength of his forests, Jajhár was alarmed at the advance of the Imperial forces, and removed his family, his cattle and money, from Úndcha to the fort of Dhámúní, which his father had built. On the east, north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which prevent the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. On the west side a deep ditch had been dug twenty imperial yards wide, stretching from ravine to ravine. Leaving a force to garrison Úndcha, he himself, with Bikramájít, and all their connexions, went off to Dhámúní. This flight encouraged the royal forces, and on the 2nd Jumáda-s sání [they took Úndcha by escalade], and the garrison fled.

After resting one day at Úndcha, the royal army crossed the river Satdhára, on which the town stands, and went in pursuit of the rebels. On the 14th it was three kos from Dhámúní, when intelligence came in that Jajhár had fled with his family and property to the fort of Chaurágarh, on the security of which he had great reliance. * * Before leaving he blew up the buildings round the fort of Dhámúní, and left one of his officers and a body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort. * * The Imperial army was engaged two days in felling trees and clearing a passage, and then reached the fortress. They pushed their trenches to the edge of the ditch, and pressed the garrison hard. The fort kept up a heavy fire till midnight, when, alarmed at the progress of the besiegers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way out, and hid in the jungles. * * The Imperial forces then entered the place, and began to sack it. * * A cry arose that a party of the enemy still held possession of a bastion. * * 'Alí Asghar and the men under him carried the tower; but while they were engaged in plundering, a spark from a torch fell upon a heap of gunpowder, which blew up the bastion with eighty yards of the wall on both sides, although it was ten yards thick. 'Alí Asghar and his followers all perished. * * Nearly 300 men and 200 horses who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. * *

Jajhár, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial forces, destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Chaurágarh), burnt all the property he had there, blew up the dwellings which Bím Naráín had built within the fort, and then went off with his family and such goods as he could carry to the Dakhin. * * The Imperial army then took possession of the fortress. A chaudharí brought in information that Jajhár had with him nearly 2000 horse and 4000 foot. He had also sixty elephants, some of which were loaded with gold and silver money and gold and silver vessels, others carried the members of his family. He travelled at the rate of four Gondi kos, that is, nearly eight ordinary kos per diem. Although he had got fifteen days' start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit, and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and wealth, the pursuers hurried on at the rate of ten Gondi kos a day. [Long and exciting chase.] When pressed hard by the pursuers, Jajhár and Bikramájít put to death several women whose horses were worn out, and then turned upon their pursuers. * * Although they fought desperately, they were beaten, and fled into the woods. * * Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhár had sent off his family and treasure towards Golkonda, intending to follow them himself. * * The royal forces consequently steadily pursued their course to Golkonda. * *

At length the pursuers came in sight of the rebels. Khán-daurán then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, and some other officers with 500 horse, to advance with all speed against them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels no time to perform the rite of Jauhar, which is one of the benighted practices of Hindústán. In their despair they inflicted two wounds with a dagger on Rání Párbatí, the chief wife of Rájá Nar Singh Deo, and having stabbed the other women and children with swords and daggers, they were about to make off, when the pursuers came up and put many of them to the sword. Khán-daurán then arrived, and slew many who were endeavouring to escape. Durgbahán, son of Jajhár, and Durjan Sál, son of Bikramájít, were made prisoners. Udbahán, and his brother Siyám Dawá, sons of Jajhár, who had fled towards Golkonda, were soon after­wards taken. Under the direction of Khán-daurán, Rání Párbatí and the other wounded women were raised from the ground and carried to Fíroz Jang. The royal army then encamped on the edge of a tank. * * While they rested there, information was brought that Jajhár and Bikramájít, * * after escaping from the bloody conflict, had fled to hide themselves in the wilds, where they were killed with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit that country. * * Khán-daurán rode forth to seek their bodies, and having found them, cut off their heads and sent them to Court. * * When they arrived, the Emperor ordered them to be hung up over the gate of Sehúr.

On arriving at Chándá, the Imperial commanders resolved to take tribute from Kípá, chief zamíndár of Gondwáná, * * and he consented to pay five lacs of rupees as tribute to the govern­ment, and one lac of rupees in cash and goods to the Imperial commanders. * *

On the 13th Jumáda-s sání the Emperor proceeded on his journey to Úndcha, and on the 21st intelligence arrived of the capture of the fort of Jhánsí, one of the strongest in the Bundela country.

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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Bundelas.

[Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 270.] The Bundelas are a turbulent troublesome race. Notwithstanding that Jajhár, their chief, had been slain, the rebellious spirits of the tribe had taken no warning, but had set up a child of his named Pirthí Ráj, who had been carried off alive from the field of battle, and they had again broken out in rebellion. * * Khán-daurán Bahádur Nusrat Jang was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to pro­ceed to his government in Málwá.

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