Media In India/elsewhere -2

[Guest]

I hope you are kidding. Number of rats in New York City

BTW, Are you Narayan_L from BR?

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-vishwas+Jul 20 2007, 04:44 PM-->QUOTE(vishwas @ Jul 20 2007, 04:44 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->I hope you are kidding. Number of rats in New York City

BTW, Are you Narayan_L from BR?
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Another Indian propensity - see - there are worse things happening elsewhere. So we are superior.

I have never seen a rat in NYC I have been there in residential areas for weeks at a time - at least a week a year since 1974.

However, I have seen rats as big as dogs in both Bombay and Delhi airports.

I am permanently banned from BR for being an upstart who asks difficult questions. I have had 2 handles there - Naradar and NaraAiyar. But the guys there still attribute any contrarian as an avatar of me. They currently insist I am the guise for a Chinese guy called C.Panda!! Hindu xenophobia!!

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->I presume nationalistic desis would consider this as offensive and demeaning to India. Psy-ops against India as the aggrieved and affronted would froth.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Unable to read NYT article, I don't have handle.
Don't know whether they are refering to American Indian or South American Indian. Same confusion when they refer Indian Summer or Monsoon.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Jul 21 2007, 11:15 AM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Jul 21 2007, 11:15 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->I presume nationalistic desis would consider this as offensive and demeaning to India. Psy-ops against India as the aggrieved and affronted would froth.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Unable to read NYT article, I don't have handle.
Don't know whether they are refering to American Indian or South American Indian. Same confusion when they refer Indian Summer or Monsoon.
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My apologies for not realizing one has to be a registered in NYT to read some articles. My bad.

Mr. Mudy - you should register with NYT. It is free and it is a wonderful paper. I consider the NYT, the Hindu and Christain Science Monitor the best newspapers in the globe.

The article was about rats in Bombay. I did not want to take up bandwidth by quoting the entire article here.

Here is an extract

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->To accompany Mr. Harda on his rounds of rat-infested areas is to navigate a parallel city, a world apart from the malls and luxury apartments sprouting in Mumbai. On these streets old ladies sweep human waste into drains, men soap and bathe themselves in the gutter and women pluck lice from the heads of their husbands and brothers.

Mr. Harda and three deputies strode through these lanes like Ghostbusters, cages in hand, nodding at passers-by for whom their arrival is a daily reassurance. They stopped at food warehouses full of sacks of rice, sugar and lentils. Many had installed cages the day before and found a specimen or two. Mr. Harda gathered the catches into a single, swarming cage.

By 10:05 a.m., they had two full cages in custody. Now the rats had to die.

The cages were dipped one by one into a bucket, but the bucket was too short and many of the rats managed to keep their noses above the water level. When the cage was restored to dry ground, the rats patiently rearranged their fur as if nothing had happened.

But Mr. Harda had an alternative plan, which was not subtle or hygienic but was terrifyingly effective. One of his deputies plucked the rats from the cage one by one and, with the vigor of a Whack-a-Mole player, slammed each one onto the ground. The rat would convulse with shock, then suddenly go still. In some cases, its limbs would gyrate, Elvis-like, for a final few seconds. A few especially resilient souls briefly resurrected themselves to make a last, death-defying jump. And then they, too, died.

The men killed 26 rats in five minutes. Afterward, a small fraction would be sent to a laboratory to be tested for bubonic plague.

All this may seem like strange toil for a man who once danced in hit Bollywood movies like “Brahmachari,” and who still looks, in a certain light, like a man of film, his graying hair slicked back with shiny cream.

But when he was a young dancer, Bollywood was not much of an industry, and a municipal job in a socialist country seemed more secure. His father made him trade cha-cha for civil service. “I killed all my ambitions,” he said.

How was his father to know that India, 17 years later, would swivel to capitalism, that Bollywood would grow into a cash machine, that government jobs would surrender their appeal?

Mr. Harda is by no means bitter. He is happy with his $210-a-month salary. The high point of his career, he said, came in 1986 when the Mumbai municipal commissioner, having heard of Mr. Harda’s prowess, came to see his work.

He brings to that work an exactitude that is ordinarily asked only of those who execute humans. Back in his office, he pulled out logbooks that he has kept since 1989. They list every rat catcher employed by B Ward and the tally of rats killed each month and year. Mr. Harda has often commissioned an artist friend to decorate the annual summary page with colored markers.

He is not alone in his devotion. Rat catching is one of those jobs that swallow you whole, said the top pest-control officer in Mumbai, Deepak R. Adsul, who is Mr. Harda’s boss. Even his antimosquito squad can never leave the office at the office, Mr. Adsul said. “When they’re having a stroll with their fiancées, they will look on the side of the road to see if larvae are there,” he said.

Mr. Adsul reached for the right analogy to explain the battle.

First he compared it to a chess game, then to the rivalry between India and Pakistan. The art is to know the enemy.

“You can be successful in this work only if you can imagine yourself in the shoes of a rat,” he said. “This is a war.”

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[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Naradar+Jul 21 2007, 09:17 PM-->QUOTE(Naradar @ Jul 21 2007, 09:17 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->I have never seen a rat in NYC I have been there in residential areas for weeks at a time - at least a week a year since 1974.

However, I have seen rats as big as dogs in both Bombay and Delhi airports.
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Google New York City, Rats and Kentucky Fried Chicken or Taco Bell.

sample:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdVLJhWhnyQ

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->the Hindu and Christain Science Monitor the best newspapers in the globe.
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Your favorite newspapers are commie mouthpiece and hindu bashers.
Facism, Nazism and Maxism is your choice good going.

[Guest]

<b>Don't prejudge Haneef</b> KPS Gill
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Indian media has repeatedly paraded Haneef's family members, including his mother and his wife, and treated their testimonies as incontrovertible proof of his 'innocence'. While this crude theatre of the 'pornography of other people's suffering' may be good for TRP ratings, and may even inspire India's Prime Minister to comment, it has absolutely no evidentiary value.

In a long career in policing, including extended tenures dealing with insurgencies and terrorism, I have only rarely come across a family of a criminal or terrorist who is willing to admit the culpability of their son, brother, husband or other close relative, even in the face of overwhelming evidence. Haneef's parents and wife in India cannot have any conclusive knowledge of his activities in the UK or in Australia - and his innocence or guilt would need to be demonstrated on altogether different grounds.
.......
All generalisations are subject to exception, but it is increasingly the case that <span style='font-size:14pt;line-height:100%'>most media organisations in India have become propagandists, resorting to outright falsehoods, 'sloganising' every issue, routinely abusing and demonising particular parties, while others are shielded or exempted from even the most cursory examination or censure. </span>

<b>Thomas Jefferson once remarked that the man who reads nothing at all is better educated than the man who reads nothing but newspapers. The deep ignorance of history, fact, process and law that characterises news organisations today - and most prominently the electronic media - has trivialised and distorted the gravest and most momentous concerns of our age, and there appears to be an inverse relationship between the power and reach of the media in India and its adherence to any acceptable standards of reportage and conduct. </b>

A deep arrogance is compounding profound ignorance to produce some of the most unfortunate commentaries on the Haneef case. We must not prejudge Haneef. This means, essentially, that, till investigation is complete and all the evidence is in, we must not conclude either that he is guilty or innocent
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[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Jul 21 2007, 04:58 PM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Jul 21 2007, 04:58 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->the Hindu and Christain Science Monitor the best newspapers in the globe.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Your favorite newspapers are commie mouthpiece and hindu bashers.
Facism, Nazism and Maxism is your choice good going.
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Wow - the Hindu is a Fascist advocate?

The Christian Science Monitor a Nazi mouthpiece?

Listen to yourself Sir.

You make the Taliban and the Christian right wingers sound like Gandhi - err perhaps like George Bush.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Naradar+Jul 22 2007, 08:57 AM-->QUOTE(Naradar @ Jul 22 2007, 08:57 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->the Hindu and Christain Science Monitor the best newspapers in the globe.
[right][snapback]71444[/snapback][/right]<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->Oh the hysterics! <!--emo&:roll--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/ROTFL.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='ROTFL.gif' /><!--endemo--> Is he paid to be so funny?

The christo science monitor? Set up by the christo cult that thinks people ought to be healed only by prayers to jehovallah and which bans doctors? You know, the one that's famous for getting their sick kids killed by religiously-mandated inaction? That's what makes it an especially good newspaper; one knows immediately that it's very reliable, 'scientific' and factual. You do know that the CSM was set up by their cult-leader specifically to 'refute' the valid accusations hurled against her and her cult? Any reporting of actual news was only incidental and meant to give the paper some status. Yeah, really reliable.

Some more about the cult - even with a bit on its non-science paper - at
http://www.atheists.org/christianity/xtianScience.html
"MARY "FAKER" EDDY AND THE CULT OF CHRISTIAN SCIENCE"


And the CHindu? Even funnier! That Indian cheerleader for Red China, whose head-dude is in their pay? Yeah, *very* good newspaper.

Of course the guy infected by the communist meme and in love with all things Red would think it's the best Indian newspaper. Of course he would, just like he would claim that communism was for 'equality, compassion' and all those other good-sounding things that get people-easily-influenced-by-slogans to rally behind it.
By extension the guy's all for the communazis in Red China who are so ably supported in India by their mouthpiece the CHindu.
The communazis of China:
<!--QuoteBegin-Naresh+Mar 1 2007, 03:35 PM-->QUOTE(Naresh @ Mar 1 2007, 03:35 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->[center]<b><span style='font-size:14pt;line-height:100%'>China's Execution Buses</span></b>[/center]

<b>Sky News has obtained chilling new evidence of mobile execution buses being used by the Chinese government. It comes less than two years before China hosts the next Olympic Games.</b>
[right][snapback]65133[/snapback][/right]<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->Perhaps Communist Poster has an excuse for the latest Red tactic of execution buses. You know, the well-known 'it's all western dawaganda against my beloved communism' excuse. But communist apologetics got boring long ago. It's kinda worn out and everyone knows the hollowness of the response. Let it go.

Or maybe the communist will argue that this is not nazism because the Chinese Buddhists/Taoists/Confucianists thus murdered 'deserved it' - you know, as per the communist reasoning that these poor people were 'equal, but sadly not as equal as others'? Just like the Siberians were massacred by the Russian communists, or the Katyn massacre in Poland by communists or the communist Khmer Rouge genocide of Cambodians - the intellectual class wiped out (and as usual, the lying communists deny this, just like the Nepalese Marxists pretend that the Cambodian genocide was all 'exaggerated' - so what else is new, communists are the same as nazi holocaust deniers). Similarly, Mao's massacre of the intellectuals in China. Obviously, going by the high communistic standards, none of these people were 'equal' enough to be allowed to live.

Praise be! Praise to Communism - that pink unicorn in the sky that promises collective salvation for the proletariat, will give the bourgeoisie a stern talking to/beating, will do-in all the intellectuals who are too 'unintellectual' to agree with communism, will wipe out all the aristocrats (even if only to maintain consistency), remove everything that is 'feudal' (even if there is no feudalism, they'll still identify something as such; never underestimate communism's propensity for self-delusion/mass-delusion).
At the end of it all, they'd have certainly ensured equality - between all the remaining people, in a country so devastated by communist terror tactics that indeed everyone who survived is equal: equally poor, equally miserable, equally deluded (eg. N Korea), equally stunted and carefully kept equally ignorant. In a country incapable of rising out of the quagmire brought about by communism until many decades hence.

Nazism and communism are just words, terminology. In practise, they're no different. It appears communism had beaten nazism in the genocide-numbers game that they've been playing.
Yet, while communazis are so adept and accomplished at mass-genocide, they don't seem to be into mass-suicide... Suspect it's because communism 'always thinks of others rather than itself' - as communists claim.

(No comments on NYT. Can't distinctly recall reading it myself.)

[shamu]

<!--QuoteBegin-Naradar+Jul 21 2007, 10:43 PM-->QUOTE(Naradar @ Jul 21 2007, 10:43 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--> I consider the NYT, <b>the Hindu</b> and Christain Science Monitor the best newspapers in the globe. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Have you ever critically analyzed articles published by these papers, especially those related to India, China and Pak? I bet you did not. Because, if you had done that with honesty you would not have made the above statement.

Regarding Hindu, you need to use past tense in your statement. It used to be a very good newspaper, especially under Kasturirangan Iyengar, till Naxal Ram took control.

[Guest]

Ashyam,

On this very forum there are posts from mainstream media quoting N Ram's participation in communist party election related activities! An independent editor promoting partisan politics?? And he's called Dalai Lama a "separatist", something difficult for one to fathom until it becomes clear that The Hindu is the only newspaper in country syndicating\reproducing stories from Xinhua, Chinese mouthpiece. Also, in true "secular" tradition N Ram gets his thongs twisted into knots anytime M F Hussain is critisized while he foams from his mouth at the question of the Danish cartoonsit's freedom of expression!! And this is the same N Ram who chants the marxists bhajans extolling the virtues of freedom and justice for all while secretly pushing govt officials to NOT issue publication certificates to his competitior - Deccan Herald.
He's come a long way since the days of Bofors and it's not difficult to see why Chitra's gone her separate way.

And then there's "Christian Science"???? Isn't that a oxymoron in itself. CSM did a hatchet job on the Hindu kids in California about a year ago putting out deliberately some false and misleading statments.

Every point I've listed above are covered here on IF by members. Wish people spent some time going through threads before preaching to choir.

[acharya]

Why Mass Media;Has been against Hindus?
8/7/2007 2:55:52 AM

By VEDAPRAKASH

Hindus always discuss issues when they have already gone out of their control. When others go in for Cyber activities, they do bajans with cymbals. So the request for the above topic now has also come under the category.



What is "mass media" – the media that reaches mass immediately affecting their minds, thought processes and ultimately life-style converting such thought processes into action.



How it is presented? Mediagenitically – not only acceptable to the viewers but also getting a favorable response from them. Thus professionals, media experts and trained persons are used for the purpose.



Who can present media events? Any body. But trained-fellows get the results.



How it works? The mass communication works through print and electronic media – radio, TV, and newspapers.



How it works (technically)? With imported mass communication equipments. Of course, even for transmission and broadcast, Indians have to depend upon foreigners.



Who pays for it? Those who want to sell their goods and services pay through advertisements, sponsored programmes and other popular events.



The TV viewership and the corresponding ad-revenue are shown below for study (all figures are approximate):



TV viewer ship in India




Total advertisement revenue


Rs. 6000 (figures in crores)

Hindi


40%


Entertainment channels


3100

Others


60% (regional languages – Telugu, Tamil etc ranging from 5 to 10%)


National broadcast


720







Others


2180



¿ Regional channels (Sun, ETV, Alpha, Asianet) accounts for 40% per cent viewer ship with revenue fetching 20% proving the advertisement revenue of mass entertainment channels is 2.5 times to that of regional ones even though viewer ship is similar.



¿ The news channels (Aaj Tak, NDTV, Zee, CNBC, Star News) have 5% viewer ship but with 10% revenue of the total market proving the Corporate blessings in ads.



¿ Not only has their viewer ship been increasing reportedly from 1% to 7% in 2006, the ad revenue continued to remain constant at 11%.



¿ Though Hindi film channels (Zee Cinema, Setmax, Star Gold) get 8% viewer ship, the ad income has been less than half of the news channels as mentioned above, evidencing the corporate bias in ad-planting and money-pumping.



¿ Again the English entertainment channels - HBO, Star Movies, AXN, Zee English) has only 2% with viewer ship and 4% ad revenue.



¿ Music channels (MTV, Zee Music, Channel V, B4U) have just 1% viewer and lessr ad revenue.



¿ Regional channels like Makkal, Win, Vijay, Imayam, Asianet, e-nadu get revenue from sponsored programs from Christians and Muslims. Here, the political influence has been more than the ad-revenue and hence they could get morning slots dominating.

Thus, the Indian mass media is controlled directly and indirectly by foreign corporates content and control, as they want to market their goods and services with brands.

"Brand" culture is related to symbols, signs, code, letters, language and so on. So if one wants to promote one brand or his / her brand, he / she has to oppose, attack, destroy and even kill the other brand by any means. So be it morning breakfast, soap, washing powder, wife, cream or scriptures of God.

The advertising and market research works through psychology to determine the nature, scope and application of media for the purpose and required results. Thus, this specific fields are in the hands of corporates controlled by foreign multinationals. With new jargons - market driven advertising, market research, media planning, ownership pattern, journalistic trends etc., the foreigners have totally taken hold of the field. As they get pattern for Indian traditional and commonly used things, they appropriated the "mass communication" methods only changing into electronic.

The present media tries to manipulate power, governing and judiciary? These "foreign corporates" not only maneuver with goods and services, but also influence politicians, Court judgments, social issues etc. Planted discussions would revolve around "capital punishment" when it is given one terrorist who killed many or rapped our honour, prestige and pride. When the welfare of poor is considered pressure would be on the removal of subsidiaries. When there is demand for the raise of income tax limit for middle-class and salaried people, the exemptions for corporate income, corporate tax etc., would be discussed on main agenda. When the decrease of bovine is concerned, the profits of beef export would be deliberated in a five-star hotel. All would get publicity in the mass-media and not the mass in question. The problems of agriculturalists, farm workers and the suffering women would not be given any money bur free-cell phones or free-talk time. Karunanidhi cursed one media-person, when he asked, "Sir would you give free Sat-connection to TV also", at the time of taking decision on the Free-TV distribution mela, he retorted, "Saniyan, adhaiyum goduttu vital pochu" –"………….(a word used similar to any abusive slang) all right that might be also provided". The Indian Acts and Rules, hitherto, too some extent "judicial and judious" have been amended suitable to foreogn companies, particularly, the foreign national, in spite their being here as Directors of the Indian companies. Their media strategy has been ready in their agenda to fly away from India, if everything fails at any time. Before that, they are prepared to do much harm and go.

What has been the Indian mass-media? Indian mass-media has been humane and direct. No "Speaking box", ""singing box", "Idiot box", "electronic signals", "virtual world", "Cyber-mission" and so on. Indians use stories, songs, kuttu (simple dance), theru-kuttu (performed in the streets), dance, drama and other forms for mass-communication. Mind, it is mass-communication i.e, such communication has been going on through masses to masses no by machines to masses. It is not inhumane to humane, but humane to humane. But, under guise of modernization, westernization, liberalization, globalization etc., (I note when I type "S", it is changed automatically to "Z") all Indian mass-communication channels are clogged, corrupted and controlled. When stories are told during evening after meals sitting and tens-hundreds around the story-tellers, the message reach immediately and effectively. When Itihasas and Puranas are told at specific occasions or continuously for the purpose hundreds-thousands get the message with understanding. As it is done by mass to mass, no such present sophisticated machinery is required. No current, no problem! Indians worked without current, but with nature replenishing resources for lightening.

One more liberation struggle is required: How to re-introduce our mass-communication channels against the present channels again? Not that we have been against it but really, we want mass-communication – not that these manipulated percentages cooked up by media-experts and strategies. As already such activities are taking place without any influence or direction from the Hindu leaders, as they do not have such strategies, the foreigners are targeting Hindu temples, mutts and organizations. They go on give negative picture about them or divide them based on unnecessary and unwanted issues. Of course, they use politicians to interfere. The media-people rush to certain places, as if something happens. Yes, it happens. Or they stage-manage such press-meet. So to counter, the above mentioned traditional mass-communication channels camn be revived at houses, temples, schools (wherever our children participate to present our clasaical programs etc), colleges (our boys and girls defending our culture, tradition, etc), TV programs (participating in singing, QUIZ programs and presenting our view), making these-media-guys to understand our culture, tradition, heritafe and civilization properly and present, if deviates make protests or call them or meet them in person to find out his / her act of omission or commission (many times, the personal contacts would clear off the doubts. But, after if they behave, it proves that they show their colurs for identification).



There have been "Hindu corporates", who have been funding to the foreigners and foreign brands, They spend millions in promoting their branded goods and services. In their used parts, components and sub-assemblies 90% foreign and only 10% indigenous. Even if some Indian companies succeed for more than 10% indigenization, they threaten with violation of pattern, franchise and other Acts and laws with agreements. So they too have to get liberated from imposed clutches. Goods and services meant for "foreigners" and "export" could be according to their requirements, but, meant for "Indians" should be according Indian requirements. Here, the pint starts. They can be urged to be "Hindu" or "Hindu-friendly" if not "anti-Hindu". All "The Hindu" reading elders of age 60 to 90 and above, perhaps, can send a written petition to "the Hindu" to change its attitude or at least not be "anti-Hindu"

[acharya]

Pseudo-secular men in the mafia of mass media
have nearly succeeded in destroying
the soul of our nation today

* During the last 20 years we have got into the suffocating grip of a new cast iron Vicious Circle of the Pseudo Secular Mafia of Mass Media.

* The pseudo-secular mafia of self-seeking, soul-destroying and nation-decimating mass media have taken over the country as a whole for their crassly commercial purposes.

* More than 800 millions of Hindus in India in absolute majority in terms of numbers have provided a convenient landscape and opportunity to the pseudo-secular mafia of mass media to create a bestial world of national self-hypnosis.

* The newsmen in the world of mass media in India today have come close to fulfilling Napoleon's idle boast by acting as creators of pseudo events, knowing what news value is and to make news happen.

* The media doesn't aim at reporting the news; it tries to create the news, imposing its view of the news upon everyone as the final truth.

* “The Indian English media dictates against the government as if it should be the real political decision-making body in the country. (Because it is urged and influenced by other foreign agencies and academic institutions such as U Berkeley/U Columbia). It deems itself capable of taking the place of legal institutions as well, printing its allegations as truth even if these have never been entered into, much less proved in any court of law. It has vested itself with an almost religious authority to determine what is right and wrong, good and evil, and who in the country should be honoured or punished... This is called brainwashing under freedom.”

-- V.Sundaram

* * *

Excerpts:
=========================================
The very process of political and socio economic distorted development in India during the last 50 years has let loose certain inexorable and immutable forces which have made the continuous manufacture or creation of Pseudo Events not only possible but commercially viable, increasing the Supply of them and the Demand for them.

All the time we expect our newspapers to be full of exciting and heart-throbbing news. If there is no news visible to the naked eye, or to the average citizen, we still expect it to be there for the enterprising and intrepid newsman. An energetic and successful newsman is one who can scoop out an explosive story, even if there is no earthquake or a Prime Minister's assassination or a National Civil War. Even if he cannot find a story, he must be able to make or invent one through contrived journalistic dialectics, by his subtle ability to ask tricky questions of public figures, by his uncanny ability to unearth something of surprising human interest from some mundane or common place event or what is known in the world of Mass Media by the cliché of 'the news behind the news'.

“If all this fails, then an enterprising journalist must give us a think piece, an embroidering of well- known facts, or a speculation about startling things to come”. The power to make a reportable event is thus the power to create or make experience.

When we try to take a look at our favourite newspaper at breakfast everyday, we are under the delusion that we have an inalienable right to expect and even demand that it should bring us momentous events that have taken place since the night before. Later when we get into a car and switch on the car radio as we drive to work, we expect ‘exciting news’, ‘thrilling news’, ‘sexually titillating news’, about events that have occurred ever since we saw the morning newspaper at breakfast time.

The ever shifting public moods and modes are being manipulated by the combined conglomeration of self-seeking and wicked men, firms, companies, corporations and institutions, constituting the Menacing Mafia of Mass Media in India, for untold commercial gain at the cost of public interest or national good.

The story of the making of our unfounded and unnecessary illusions, 'the news behind the news', has become the most appealing and exciting news of the world.

A 'Pseudo Event' is artificially manufactured or created every second every day by the Mafia of Mass Media in India today.
=========================================

India has always been in the grip of Vicious Circle of Poverty for more than 200 years. Soon after our independence, we got into the grip of Vicious Circle of Poisonous Politicians drawn from a few selected families, with firmly established and inherited familial rights, from different parts of India.

During the last 20 years we have got into the suffocating grip of a new cast iron Vicious Circle of the Pseudo Secular Mafia of Mass Media.

I am interested in giving a graphic description of an unnatural and artificial world of our own making in India, a celluloid world in which we have abused our wealth, our literacy, our technology, our unlimited opportunity in a land of natural plenty, to create a vicious pseudo-secular thicket of unreality which stands between us and the facts of life.

More than 800 millions of Hindus in India in absolute majority in terms of numbers have provided a convenient landscape and opportunity to the pseudo-secular mafia of mass media to create a bestial world of national self-hypnosis. The tragedy is that each of us individually provides the market and the demand for the illusions which flood our experience. The pseudo-secular mafia of self-seeking, soul-destroying and nation-decimating mass media have taken over the country as a whole for their crassly commercial purposes. Criminal invaders and conquerors like Lord Clive and Warren Hastings only molested the physical body of India in the 18th century. Pseudo-secular men in the mafia of mass media have nearly succeeded in destroying the soul of our nation today.

Most of us want and believe these illusions because we suffer from the malady of unabashed and extravagant expectations. The great American psychologist Maslow, the founding father of humanist psychology, coined a term called ‘The hierarchy of needs’. In India the mafia of mass media have let loose a catastrophe of what I call ‘The anarchy of greeds’. We expect too much of the world. Our expectations are unnaturally extravagant in the exact dictionary sense of the world 'going beyond the limits of human reason, decency, dignity, decorum and moderation'. They are disgustingly, devastatingly and explosively excessive.

When we try to take a look at our favourite newspaper at breakfast everyday, we are under the delusion that we have an inalienable right to expect and even demand that it should bring us momentous events that have taken place since the night before. Later when we get into a car and switch on the car radio as we drive to work, we expect ‘exciting news’, ‘thrilling news’, ‘sexually titillating news’, about events that have occurred ever since we saw the morning newspaper at breakfast time. We expect new heroes every season, a literary masterpiece or a world shaking novel every month, a dramatically spectacular event or a hair-raising episode every week, a rare extraordinary sensation every night. We expect anything and everything. We expect the contrary, the inconsistent, the incompatible and the impossible at the same time and place. We expect small and compact cars which are spacious. We want luxurious cars which are cheap and economical. We hope to be rich and charitable, powerful and merciful, active and reflective, kind and competitive. We expect to be made literate by crassly illiterate appeals for mass literacy.

We as a people range from animals to Gods. We pray for you and we prey on you. We are bears for punishment and brutes for revenge. We want to be Everyone, Everywhere, Everything. We are creatures of moods and modes. These ever shifting public moods and modes are being manipulated by the combined conglomeration of self-seeking and wicked men, firms, companies, corporations and institutions, constituting the Menacing Mafia of Mass Media in India, for untold commercial gain at the cost of public interest or national good.

On the cosmetic surface, it may appear that MAN in India, never before in our history, has been a master of his own fate and a captain of his soul as now. Yet never has he felt more deceived, duped, disappointed, dejected, depressed and devastated than at present.

The root of the tragedy is that we are ruled by the following two categories of revolution of ever-rising expectations:

a) Expectations of what the world holds: This cannot be described better than in the words of Daniel J Boorstin: “Of how much news there is, how many heroes there are, how often masterpieces are made, how exotic the nearby can be, how familiar the exotic has become. Of the closeness of places and the farness of places”.

b) Expectations of our power to shape the world: Daniel J Boorstin describes this dimension in these words: “Of our ability to create events when there are none, to make heroes when they don't exist, to be somewhere else when we haven't left home. Of our ability to make art forms suit our convenience, to transform a novel into a movie and vice-versa, to turn a symphony into mood conditioning. To fabricate national purposes when we lack them, to pursue these purposes after we have fabricated them. To invent our standards and then to respect them as if they had been revealed or discovered”.

We keep on enlarging the landscape of our extravagant expectations by constantly seeking, harbouring and nourishing them. Consequently we create the recurring demand for the ENDLESS ILLUSIONS with which we deceive ourselves with gusto and enthusiasm. And the grim sadness of it all is that with this never-ending procession of illusions, we handsomely pay others to make the images to deceive us.

The making of the illusions which flood our experience has become the most important business of India, indeed some of its most honest and most necessary and most respectable business. This aspect or quality pervades not only the business of advertising and public relations and political rhetoric, but also the entire gamut of the business environment as a whole. It is also equally applicable to all the activities which purport to inform and comfort and improve and educate and elevate us. We find that every move or effort to satisfy our extravagant expectations simply makes them more exotic and makes our illusions more attractive. The story of the making of our unfounded and unnecessary illusions, 'the news behind the news', has become the most appealing and exciting news of the world. In short we tyrannize and frustrate ourselves by constantly expecting more than what the world can give us or than what we can make of the world.

What is a 'Pseudo Event' artificially manufactured or created every second every day by the Mafia of Mass Media in India today? The common prefix ‘Pseudo’ comes from the Greek word meaning false or intended to deceive. The very process of political and socio economic distorted development in India during the last 50 years has let loose certain inexorable and immutable forces which have made the continuous manufacture or creation of Pseudo Events not only possible but commercially viable, increasing the Supply of them and the Demand for them. All the time we expect our newspapers to be full of exciting and heart-throbbing news. If there is no news visible to the naked eye, or to the average citizen, we still expect it to be there for the enterprising and intrepid newsman. An energetic and successful newsman is one who can scoop out an explosive story, even if there is no earthquake or a Prime Minister's assassination or a National Civil War. Even if he cannot find a story, he must be able to make or invent one through contrived journalistic dialectics, by his subtle ability to ask tricky questions of public figures, by his uncanny ability to unearth something of surprising human interest from some mundane or common place event or what is known in the world of Mass Media by the cliché of 'the news behind the news'. Daniel J Boorstin has rightly observed “If all this fails, then an enterprising journalist must give us a think piece, an embroidering of well- known facts, or a speculation about startling things to come”. The power to make a reportable event is thus the power to create or make experience. I am reminded of Napoleon's apocryphal reply to his General, who had complained that field circumstances were unfavourable to a campaign proposed by Napoleon: “If ground level circumstances are unfavourable, then all I can tell you is that: 'Bah! I make my own circumstances”. The newsmen in the world of mass media in India today have come close to fulfilling Napoleon's idle boast by acting as creators of pseudo events, knowing what news value is and to make news happen.

The media doesn't aim at reporting the news; it tries to create the news, imposing its view of the news upon everyone as the final truth. To sum up in the rapier-like words of David Frawley: “The Indian English media dictates against the government as if it should be the real political decision-making body in the country. (Because it is urged and influenced by other foreign agencies and academic institutions such as U Berkeley/U Columbia) It deems itself capable of taking the place of legal institutions as well, printing its allegations as truth even if these have never been entered into, much less proved in any court of law. It has vested itself with an almost religious authority to determine what is right and wrong, good and evil, and who in the country should be honoured or punished... This is called brainwashing under freedom.” (To be contd...)

Pseudo-secular mafia of Indian mass media - I
By V Sundaram
http://www.newstodaynet.com/2007sud/jun07/040607ss1.htm
(The writer is a retired IAS officer)
e-mail the writer at: vsundaram@newstodaynet.com

[Guest]

<b>A case study of commercial television in India: assessing the organizational mechanisms of cultural imperialism</b>.
<i>by Robbin D. Crabtree , Sheena Malhotra </i>

Some might call it a satellite invasion. Others might conceptualize it as a groundswell. Either way, the commercialization of television in India is reality. The process through which entrepreneurs---on the ground and in the air--have created and capitalized on this trend is a remarkable story. The events associated illustrate a global trend in the commercialization of mass media and of cultures. While debated from many perspectives, the majority of scholarship about international communication and the effects of media across cultures operates at either the macro-structural level or at the individual/audience level. We present this case study as an opportunity to examine the processes of media and cultural imperialism (CI) at the organizational level.

It has become increasingly clear that world media relations have changed since the 1970s when the topic came to international prominence. Straubhaar (1991) asserted that while "the United States still dominates world media sales and flows, national and regional cultural industries are consolidating a relatively more interdependent position in the world television market" (p. 56). We position this article adjacent to Straubhaar's work on Brazilian television, as it may evidence his notions of asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity, though we continue to agree with Schiller (1991) that this is "not yet the post-imperialist era" (p.13). As this case study illustrates, "local media forms may be implicated in cultural imperialism through their roots in the Western cultural industries" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 69).

In this essay we seek to (1) relay the experiences of Indian broadcasters who are developing a new commercial television industry in India; (2) point out some of the antecedent influences--social, political, economic, and technological forces--which have precipitated this moment; (3) provide some initial insights into the possible cultural implications of commercial television in India; and (4) position this case study within the theoretical and empirical traditions of media/cultural imperialism, ascertaining the adequacy of this paradigm to the case of India.

<b>Media and Cultural Imperialism </b>

Media and cultural imperialism have been used to describe a modern manifestation of colonial and imperial relationships, whereby peripheral countries are turned into markets for the cultural products of dominant nations (Schiller, 1976, 1991). This, in turn, produces a market for the manufactured goods and cultural products of those exporting nations, as well as the accompanying beliefs, values, and ideologies. Cultural imperialism has been conceptualized variously as a strategy on the part of dominant countries, a local policy on the part of receiving countries, and an effect on the people and practices in the latter (Lee, 1979). Dominant nations have clear strategies concerning the export of cultural products. The profit margin of most Hollywood films (and increasingly television programming, as well), depends on the foreign market (Jowett & Linton, 1989; Wasko, 1982). Affected nations have policies whereby they adopt foreign technology, and with it the corresponding software or programming. These policies primarily benefit the elite (Roach, 1997; Schiller, 1991). Although not easy to measure, cultural imperialism is also an effect. While the degree of demonstrated effect on audiences may be small or indirect (Morgan & Shanahan, 1997; Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), it has been hypothesized that affected countries absorb values, working styles, consumption patterns, and so on, from the exporting nations (e.g., Beltran, 1978). What is most insidious about this process is that it tends to be unilateral. Dominant countries disseminate news, information, and entertainment, while affected nations receive and absorb it without a balancing two-way flow (e.g., Nordenstreng & Varis, 1974).

Globally, there are a small number of "source" countries with the ownership of local media organizations in the hands of, or operating in the interest of, multinational corporations. Even when media organizations are locally or nationally owned, the formal managerial control can be foreign or, with similar outcomes, controlled by national elites with strong foreign interests (Schiller, 1991). While some nations, like India, have a substantial media production infrastructure, a portion of programming may still be imported from extra-national sources. Also imported are the conceptual models of media scheduling (24-hour), formatting (news-entertainment-information), genre (sit-com, drama, etc.), and production techniques (slick and high-budget production values). Not surprisingly, professional ideologies (objectivism, commercialism) accompany the programming and technology (e.g., Beltran, 1978; Varis, 1984). More recently, the conceptualization of cultural imperialism has been expanded to include a milieu of other cultural enterprises such as theme parks, shopping malls, fast food dining, and professional sports (e.g., Schiller, 1991).

The actual effects of (primarily) Western media content on (primarily) "Third World" audiences has been of interest to scholars and policy-makers for almost half a century. It was the centerpiece of discussions in UNESCO in the 1970s (Masmoudi, 1979; McBride, 1984). While media and cultural imperialism have been conceptualized in great detail, and dozens of critical articles have been written on the topic, few studies have examined the degree to which the hypothesized effects are actually occurring, or detailing the specific individual and social processes through which such effects occur. The existing body of research on transcultural media effects on audiences has been inconclusive and often contradictory (e.g., Granzberg, 1982; Kang & Morgan, 1988; Liebes & Katz, 1990; Pingree & Hawkins, 1981; Salwen, 1991). Much of it has focused narrowly on educational and development project outcomes, especially in India (e.g., Agrawal & Rai, 1988; Rao, 1969; Shingi & Mody, 1976). Nevertheless, while much of this research suggests that "reductive theories which conflate economics and meaning, ownership and ideology, are outdated and invalid" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 78), they do not fundamentally undermine the cultural imperialism thesis that there is gross imbalance which has cultural, economic, and political consequences.

Media and cultural imperialism are problematic concepts for social scientific research, because they have been difficult to prove or disprove. Critical scholars generally describe media or cultural imperialism using a simple cause-effect model, focusing on the relationships between the United States' global media presence and its perceived influence on less powerful nations and cultures (Elliot, 1993; Salwen, 1991). This is ironic because research on media effects within the U.S. has long since abandoned the "magic bullet" or "hypodermic needle" mechanistic effects model.

Salwen (1991) argues that much of the critical scholarship has been ideological rather than empirical, though he cites several persuasive studies which have worked at the macro-societal level (e.g., Varis, 1974, on international news flows), and concedes that dependency theory was particularly well-suited to early explanations of the Latin American media landscape (e.g., Cardoso & Faleto, 1979). Like Salwen, Burrowes (1992) faults cultural imperialism theorists for failing to adequately examine the "Third World" audiences they vociferously defend, who instead present them as "passive, uncritical recipients of culture" (p. 7).

There is a growing body of research which suggests audiences make active choices in their viewing behavior (e.g., Brown, 1994; Fiske, 1986), and that, when given the choice, audiences prefer national or regional programming over international programming (e.g., Straubhaar, 1991; also see Roach, 1997; Tomlinson, 1991). This argument is particularly relevant to India, a nation that has one of the most prolific media production infrastructures in the world. Indian audiences have greater selection of regional and national programming than do audiences in most developing countries. Our research suggests that, while Indian audiences are presumed (by researchers, marketers, and programming executives alike) to prefer Indian or Asian programs, those programs are increasingly reminiscent of Western ones. The process whereby national television organizations can be "pressured" (Schiller, 1976) into correspondence with Western values, lifestyles, and production norms is illuminated in our analysis. While our critique of cultural imperialism is less passionate than those by the active/resistant audience theorists, this study works in the gap they identify by examining the organizational and programming decisions of a new Indian commercial television network, analyzing these processes and outcomes in relationship to the cultural imperialism debate. Whereas a meta-analysis of quantitative studies reveals negligible to small transborder media effects (Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), and critical studies posit tremendous effects (though no similar meta-analysis is available for comparison), our study works in the methodological gap of previous research. Case study research like this reveals some insidious and subtle intra-organizational mechanisms of cultural imperialism, which may not be measurable in audiences per se. It is important to reiterate that cultural imperialism does not concern effects on individuals or audience collectives alone; rather, it posits a multi-level socio-cultural impact.

Even though there is an ongoing national debate on its merits, Westernization is almost taken for granted in India these days. Nevertheless, the processes whereby foreign values emerge in a nation's culture are complex. Specifically, through the transfer of technology and professionalism, the presence of multinational advertising and the development of consumer culture, imbalances in news and information flows, and the import and influence of foreign programming, the observable effects of media and cultural imperialism are in evidence in India. Gigantic billboards for Nike loom above Bombay streets, middle-class youth clamor for Kentucky Fried Chicken in Bangalore, "Donahue" appears on television in New Delhi, and there is a rise in eating disorders among Indian women (also see Frith, 1988). Our research program has attempted to understand several of these processes (e.g., Crabtree, 1995; Malhotra, 1993; Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; Malhotra, Lowry, & Shatzer, 1994). This essay foregrounds organizational processes rather than macro-societal relationships or individual audience effects. This study also presents signs that the Indian broadcasting systems, audiences, and larger culture attempt to resist some of the so-called negative effects of media and cultural imperialism.

<b>Method </b>

Case study research examines phenomena within a real-life context, recognizes that the boundaries between the phenomenon and its context are not always clear, and encourages the use of multiple sources of evidence (Yin, 1984). The use of a variety of sources allows the research to maximize the strengths and minimize the weaknesses of each (Lindlof, 1995). The specific research techniques employed during this investigation include: (1) interviews with business India Television (BiTV) personnel, (2) observations of several departments and practices within BiTV (the organization) and TVI (the network name, a-la ABC, CBS, etc.), (3) monitoring of proposed and actual programming for TVI and, (4) analysis of organizational documents.

A prominent concern about case study research is that it provides little basis for generalization. Using only one case study is a limitation we acknowledge. As Straubhaar's (1991) work demonstrates, two or more cases used comparatively can build more persuasive evidence for stronger arguments. However, the time needed to conduct a case study makes comparative work relatively rare (for a noteworthy exception, see Browne, 1989). Case study research is, however, generalizable to theoretical propositions.

A brief discussion of the 11 interviewees is warranted (in alphabetical order). Ashok Advani (m/49), whose family has been in publishing for generations, is the Chairman of the Board of the Business India Publishing Group and Vice Chairman of BiTV. Pheroza Bilimoria (f/44) is the Marketing Director of the Business India Group (where she has been for 17 years) which includes BiTV. Ritu Godika (f/24) is the Deputy Advertising Manager of BiTV. Monica Kapila (f/late 30s), who has a masters degree in Industrial Relations and Management from the London School of Economics, is a consultant in Marketing Research and International Sales for BiTV. Shekar Kapur (m/50), a world-famous director and filmmaker (Bandit Queen, Elizabeth), is a member of BiTV's board of directors, as well as being in charge of the entertainment channel. Ilham Khan (f/25) is a Programme Executive for BiTV's entertainment division. Angana Nanavaty (f/24), who received her B.A. in Communication at the Annenberg School at The University of Pennsylvania, is BiTV Communications Manager. Anjum Rajabali (m/37) has a background in Freudian psychology and economics and serves as an executive producer for BiTV, which means he develops, selects, and oversees programs. Reagan Ramsey (m/early 40s) is a consultant with Frank Magid Associates, the U.S.-based consulting firm that has been working in India since 1994. Anike Ranat "Badshah" Sen (m/46) is the Head of BiTV's News/Current Affairs Channel. He has a B.A. in history, a master's degree in economics, and has worked in newspaper and broadcast journalism since 1973, including 2 years as the Resident Editor of the New Delhi edition of The Times of India. Malavika Singh (f/early 50s), who has a background in theater and whose father had a case in the Supreme Court regarding the government monopoly of broadcasting, is the Chair and co-Founder (along with Advani and Bilimoria) of BiTV. These individuals are typical of the gender, age, and educational background of BiTV personnel generally (not including clerical and technical staff), and represent both the business and creative sides of the organization, as well as several administrative levels of the organization. Sheena Malhotra, the second author of this essay, was a Program Executive at BiTV from 1994 until mid-1996.

Relying primarily on interview transcripts, we use the perspectives and experiences of BiTV personnel to describe how and why satellite television emerged in India (also see Crabtree & Malhotra, 1996). These accounts impart the genesis and evolution of one commercial television network, BiTV/TVI, and the rationale behind the programming choices it has made. The additional sources of data corroborate and/or challenge the account of those interviewed. We also utilize relevant literature to explicate our findings. In our analysis, we consider the theoretical implications of one emergent Indian commercial television network in order to generalize from the case study to the conceptual and empirical concerns of cultural imperialism. Conclusions are drawn regarding both the adequacies and inadequacies of the CI paradigm for the case of commercial television in India.

<b>The Genesis of Commercial Television: A Satellite Invasion? </b>

It was the introduction and increased use of color television by Indira Ghandi in the mid-1980s that Pheroza Bilimoria, Marketing Director of Business Indian Television, credits with whetting the appetites of Indians for better television software. At that point, as much as 80% of the Indian population had access to television, but the state-controlled Doordarshan (DD) network was the only viewing option. Then, during the Gulf War when the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay put a satellite dish on its roof to catch CNN's signal, the satellite invasion of India began (also see Contractor, Singhal, & Rogers, 1988). According to BiTV Chairwoman Malavika Singh, this was also the first time would-be Indian broadcasters had hope, saying, "Regulation has been defeated by technology."

Then, in 1991, Satellite Television for the Asian Region (hereafter STAR-TV) was established in Hong Kong. It started as a five-channel network carrying the BBC and MTV (later renamed Channel V) in addition to a Chinese channel, entertainment channel, and a sports channel. This represented a sudden influx of Western programming into India, particularly to the urban areas where it is most easily available (Malhotra, 1993). In response, Indians challenged the government's monopoly of broadcasting without waiting for the courts to rule. BiTV co-founder, Ashok Advani, was one of the pioneers of commercial television in India:

We told the Information Broadcasting Ministry, "for God's sake, don't you understand that the Chinese government is determining what your people watch?" It was ironic that everyone could shower down their signals and the government has no control, which is a good thing. But on the other hand, they prohibit Indians from sending up signals.

Until 1995, Indian law prohibited non-governmental uplinking to Indian satellites. While the Indian government had moved quickly to put up satellites, they monopolized their use for governmental entities. A ruling by the Supreme Court has overturned the monopoly (Agarwal, 1995), although Indian broadcasters did not begin uplinking from India until months later (most channels now buy uplink time from the government facility). The use of satellite technology in Indian broadcasting has facilitated an increasing battle for advertising revenue in India and, with this competition, an increasing reliance on aggressive American-style marketing methods, thus exacerbating a situation which began earlier (Kumar, 1989). Even casual observation of Indian mass media (particularly television and billboards), makes obvious the growing presence and influence of Western products and marketing. Many of our interviewees take a technological-determinist perspective, that technology itself was the determining influence on why and how commercial television is evolving in India. However, BiTV Executive Producer Anjum Rajabali cites additional factors that influenced the emergence of commercial television in India at this time. Articulating the links between technological and market forces, Rajabali refers to a drastic change in Indian economic policy over the past several years:

What is ordinarily called "globalization" has become one of the driving keywords of the Indian middle class. Therefore, the slickly-presented Hollywood fare, or foreign films and television programs, are craved by the middle classes.

A liberalizing of the economy has put fewer restrictions on multinational corporations. Concurrently, a growing middle class seems to be striving to break out of traditional frameworks, while also manifesting an increasing consumerist mentality (see Roy & Shekar, 1995). This resonates with recent focus group research we conducted with middle-class Indian youth, who claimed that preference for Indian folk forms, such as Hindi films or Karnatic music, was "uncool" when compared to the latest American movies and pop music (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994). The Groundswell in Ground Distribution

While external satellite services seemed to be proliferating over Asian skies, small-time cable operators were developing an extensive ground distribution network. In many ways, satellite television simply expanded an already prolific video market facilitated by local video/cable networks. The influence of videocassette recorders in India has been well-documented (Boyd, 1988; Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Video channels played rented movies and various series from private video libraries in basement control rooms and with "cable" running to the apartments of "subscribers." While forming cable networks was not illegal, many of the programs shown were pirated copies of foreign programming. Then, before commercial television operations were initiated in India, local entrepreneurs found they could purchase a small satellite dish and charge their neighbors for additional hook-ups. They would catch the signals of CNN and STAR-TV and charge a small fee, 100-150 rupees (about $3-5 U.S.) per month, for providing access. These cable networks grew naturally out of the already-established video networks. Over time, these cable networks multiplied until most major cities and many villages were wired to receive satellite television. While there is no formal government regulation of these cable operations, each operator must now register with the state and pay a 40% entertainment tax on receipts. Several interviewees speculated that most of them under-report the number of their subscribers by as much as half in order to mitigate the effect of the tax.

While satellite technology may have been the overriding impetus for commercial television to emerge at this time in India, we cannot ignore the significance of local video/cable operators in facilitating its viability and growth. And while we may become more aware of the presence of Western programming in India as a result of satellite/commercial broadcasting, we cannot forget that it was the diffusion of the videocassette recorder, years earlier, which inaugurated this presence in earnest (Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Additionally, it seems clear that evolving economic and social trends converged with the technological factors.

At present, there are between 30 and 45 channels in India (depending on the location and individual cable distribution network). The selection includes the different regional channels launched by the government network Doordarshan, or DD, in addition to Western channels, such as CNN, the STAR network, Discovery, ABN, MTV, NBC, and ESPN all of which began broadcasting in India since 1991. However, it is the private, Indian commercial television networks that represent the phenomenal boom this industry has experienced. For example, ZEE was the first private Indian network and was started in 1992 with an original entertainment channel and a pay-per-view movie channel. SONY, a general entertainment channel, was launched in October, 1995, and has proven to be ZEE's closest competitor. There are also several city-specific and regional language channels. This remains a constantly shifting constellation, as new channels are announced and other channels go off the air on almost a monthly basis.

Business India Television, launched on July 2, 1995, with a combined news and entertainment channel ("BiTV launched after," 1995; "GE American, BiTV," 1995). The original intention was to split into 2 channels, TVI News and TVI Prime (entertainment) in 1996, though this never happened. The idea behind the network was to provide quality Indian entertainment programming (compared to the cheaper, film-based programs which were the mainstay of the other commercial channels at the time), and independent news from an Indian perspective (in contrast to state-run DD or foreign BBC and CNN). The entire South Asian region is the target audience for this programming. STAR, ZEE, and SONY are BiTV's primary competition in the entertainment niche (E Times, 1995). The story of BiTV illustrates the pressures on new Indian broadcasters, which can be understood, in part, by the cultural imperialism framework.

<b>Business India: The First Commercial Television "Network" and Independent News</b>

Early in 1993, a small group of people associated with the Business India Group, one of the most reputable publishing houses in India, decided to enter television (King, 1994). Rather than being just a software house, BiTV Chairperson Malavika Singh explains why they wanted to set up the first independent television network in India:

The idea was to pattern a channel very much like the channels are patternedin the West. So we decided we'd start with a news and current affairs channel, pretty much like BBC was, as well as an entertainment channel.

The lure of commercial broadcasting was more than just economic, according to several of those we interviewed. For the founders of BiTV, having an independent television news operation was a natural and necessary eventuality of a "free press" system. Ashok Advani explains:

The number of newspapers we have rivals the number anywhere else in the world. In every remote part of the country we have a weekly, a monthly, or a daily, with all shades of public opinion reflected ... Against that background, you look at the electronic media and you suddenly find there is no free electronic media in India.

At the top of the BiTV organizational structure is the board of directors. The network is divided into news (located in New Delhi) and entertainment (located in Bombay) divisions. In the news division, a series of producers manage a variety of current affairs programs. Several interns from Indian universities also work in news. Renowned Indian film director, Shekar Kapur, was the ostensible head of entertainment, sharing his small Bombay offices with the BiTV programming staff. A head of programming was hired (away from one of the other commercial channels) after BiTV began production. Most of the programming executives work in a cooperative environment, sharing ideas and troubleshooting programming problems at weekly meetings and daily bull sessions. This non-bureaucratic decision making structure sets BiTV apart from the other channels, but it also tends to be chaotic, lacking the quality control of a monolithic commissioning authority. The business offices of BiTV are also in Bombay, adjacent to the Business India Publishing Group offices. The marketing division generates weekly marketing reports, including research on the viewing habits and patterns in India, and focus groups on program pilots. Business India Television expects to earn its prominence based on its programming. Adjectives used by BiTV programmers to describe the new programming are: intelligent, innovative, imaginative, ground breaking, touching, classy, energetic, young, wacky, bright, and independent. However, some of those working at BiTV see little difference between their own new programming and that available on ZEE or DD Metro. The critics and industry insiders were initially impressed; several BiTV programs were nominated for the Indian equivalent of the Emmy during their first year.

Unlike commercial television services in many developing countries, BiTV expected to have only a small percentage of imported programming. Local production is approximately five times more expensive than importing other programs, and it was the original position of the network to emphasize Indian programming. Like many of the interviewees, Malavika Singh believes that Indian programs will be preferred by Indian audiences:

Do they want to see Indian programming, or do they want to see "The Bold and the Beautiful" [available on STAR]? I'm willing to wager a bet that people aren't going to watch that if they can see a show about what happens inside a joint family [in-laws sharing a residence, a common practice in India]. All this alien influence is not something that people necessarily identify with.

The means by which Western stories (and production norms) nevertheless work their way into new Indian programs will be discussed further in the analysis. As the first independent television news channel in India, TVI expected to give news a primacy that is unprecedented even on Doordarshan. However, BiTV/TVI has faced substantial challenges in constructing a news organization. There is no reservoir of television news personnel in India. Mostly coming from print, personnel have had to learn a new set of news values, as well as managing resources in a much more expensive endeavor than print. Now that BiTV is able to uplink its news programs from Delhi, the expense has multiplied.

Head of News and Current Affairs, "Badshah" Sen believes that television news can have a significant impact in a country where most people do not read the newspaper (due to high illiteracy rates). Catering to this audience will be challenging, because the staff has experience communicating to an educated audience (the literate, urban readership of major metropolitan dailies), and because the impact of independent (from government) news is unknown. The news pilots we viewed had the look and feel of CNN's international news, but with a distinctly local, regional, and subcontinental focus.

Particularly as related to the transfer of professionalism, the role of foreign consultants is a key aspect of cultural imperialism that must be addressed. Frank Magid and Associates, one of the most ubiquitous consultant groups in world broadcasting, worked with BiTV for over two years. The personnel of BiTV have diverse views on the value and contributions of Magid consultants. The board members tend to praise them, whereas entertainment programming staff tend to criticize them. The BiTV personnel report that this is the first time foreign consultants have worked in Indian broadcasting.

At the time of this writing, BiTV faces a significant financial crisis that has been intensifying for close to four years. The "combined channel" that was launched in 1995 carried both entertainment and news. Detailed negotiations with foreign networks to buy into BiTV attempted to secure the cash flow needed to "re-launch" as a two-channel network, as originally intended. At this time, however, it is barely managing to survive in

the midst of all the competing channels and has even considered selling off its interest in the cable/distribution networks. While BiTV is the "first homegrown, independent satellite television network--dedicated exclusively to the people of the Indian sub-continent" (Business Indian Television International Ltd., n.d.), BiTV remains a work in progress. The genesis and evolution of BiTV--its innovations, shortcomings, and crises--are illustrative of a dynamic and evolving new industry in India.

<b>Cultural Imperialism and Commercial Television in India </b>

In order to analyze the genesis and evolution of commercial television in India within the discursive framework of cultural imperialism, we have chosen five mechanisms of cultural imperialism: the transfer of technology, the transfer of professionalism, imbalances in news and information flows, the import and influence of foreign programming, and the presence of multinational advertising (for alternative frameworks, see Boyd-Barrett, 1977). Our analysis suggests there is a complex array of factors operating within these categories and an interplay among national, regional, and international forces.

<b>Transfer of Technology</b>

Indian broadcasters attribute the birth of commercial television in India to a technologically-driven process. The presence of a new satellite dish on the Taj Mahal Hotel was seen as the precipitating moment. This was concurrent to the launch of STAR-TV. Of course, the ground distribution system, which preceded this moment by at least 10 years (perhaps longer for Indian elites), is the result of the interplay between technology and grass roots entrepreneurship. Thus, we can see a tripartite relationship between external forces (the novel presence of CNN, for example), regional forces (Asian regional satellite broadcasting out of Hong Kong, but now owned primarily by Rupert Murdoch), and local initiative (cable networks and Indian broadcast hopefuls). While the presence of VCR technology has been of concern to development communication scholars for over a decade, the move to commercial television is likely to have a more devastating impact on the development communication efforts of the Indian government and international NGOs. It would be reductionist to consider the transfer of technology as the primary vehicle of cultural imperialism in India, but it is clear that specific technologies have had measurable impact, both in positive and negative ways (also see Goodwin & Gore, 1990).

The Diffusion of Innovations approach to international communication study is an alternative explanation for the "satellite invasion" and development of distribution systems in India that must be considered, as well. While we did not study the patterns of technological adoption in India, it is understandable that, as a developing nation, India would be in the late majority (urban, middle-class) or laggard (rural, poor) positions in the S-curve of adoption described by Rogers (1995). Further, Rogers reminds us that diffusion takes place within a social system, and the story of commercial television in India reveals many of the social factors which precipitated the diffusion of satellite and Western-style, commercial television at this particular moment. We can see that factors such as the liberalization of the Indian economy, the novel presence of multinational corporations, and the growing middle class, as well as external forces such as the Gulf War, are all factors that have facilitated the diffusion process. Those interviewed identified and stressed the importance of these. Future research should address the relevance of Rogers' diffusion model to the case of India, with particular attention to the "communications effects gap" that will certainly be visible (and exacerbated) in rural areas and among the poor.

<b>Transfer of Professionalism </b>

The transfer of Western modes of professionalism is much in evidence in Indian commercial television, but there are dialectics in the professional values of Indian broadcasters. For instance, those interviewed avowed a distinctively Indian identity. Their goals were to construct a television network that both reinforced and perpetuated the same. Nevertheless, many of them were Western educated, either in the United States or Great Britain (or both). This identity dialectic pervades the decision-making processes of Indian broadcasters, who constantly evoke Western ideas, organizations, and programs in their talk, while also resolving to create "innovative" and distinctly Indian programming.

The second professional dialectic concerns the migration of Indian film and press personnel into broadcasting versus the use of foreign (American) consultants. On the one hand, many of the personnel at BiTV/TVI have years of experience in Indian print media and/or the film industry. These individuals bring their own modes of work, professional values, and programming ideas to the new commercial television industry (the degree to which the press model in India has been shaped by British colonialism is another story). On the other hand, consultants from Frank Magid & Associates have had a powerful impact on the evolution of this new medium, particularly in news.

Not surprisingly, the consultants themselves seem naive, though not completely uncritical, of this influence. They seem to feel that only content can be imperialistic, but that production values, news values, and managerial practices are simply universal, as this excerpt from consultant Reagan Ramsey indicates:

My job is not to bring American television or British television to India. My job is to help [them] make TV for India be the best TV for [their] society, and what [they] want it to be. We know certain production techniques, we know certain presentation techniques that work. We'll show [them] how to do those, and we'll certainly help [them] avoid a lot of the learning curve.

Further, given the fact that local production is five times more expensive than importing, the impetus to rely on imported programming is not likely to wane. Locally-produced programs are forced to compete against imported ones, and the motivation to mimic Western production values will persist. Imbalances in News and Information Flows

As others have pointed out (e.g., Schiller, 1991; Straubhaar, 1991), there still exists a gross imbalance in information flows worldwide. In the case of present-day India, however, we can see evidence of what Straubhaar (1991) calls asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity. BiTV's TVI is potentially the first independent television network in India. It stands in contrast to CNN, which has an international, yet still distinctly American viewpoint, and to Doordarshan, which remains the official voice of the Indian government. The presence of these three news sources suggests a growing diversity in news and information in India. Of course, a comparative critique of the journalistic values of these three news sources would likely reveal little diversity. In terms of asymmetric interdependence, we can see that commercial television is providing another vehicle for news that is produced in and disseminated from India, and which has an Indian (and South Asian) perspective. The previously unmitigated dominance of Western news agencies is thus tempered. Further, given the prominence of India in South Asia, and its ability to produce and disseminate news in the region, the notion of cultural proximity can operate for other countries in the region, which may choose Indian news over CNN or BBC. When a developing nation is not merely an importer of news, information, and entertainment, but becomes an exporter as well, there is a shift in the balance of global media flows. As will be seen in the next section, however, the new Indian programming may be reminiscent of Western programming through the processes of recombination and mimicry.

<b>Import and Influence of Foreign Programming </b>

One way foreign programming influences a nation is through the imbalanced flow of imports into the country versus the amount of reciprocal exporting. In India, this occurs in two ways. First, foreign and international satellite services broadcast foreign programming. Then, new Indian commercial television services also offer foreign programming. BiTV imports roughly 30% of its programs from Britain (primarily), the United States (through an agreement with American Fremantle International), and Australia. Language is the most significant factor in these choices, but this does not seem to illustrate Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity since the old colonial relationships are re-inscribed through the "official" language of the former British colony. Cultural proximity would necessitate that nations such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal have similarly functional production infrastructures (political tensions in the region notwithstanding). India's position in the region and its production capacity do mean that those surrounding nations may have culturally proxemic program choices.

Despite BiTV's stated goals of having uniquely Indian programming for Indian audiences, this ideal has been difficult to achieve. By contrast, ZEE and SONY have very few Western programs, and most of those tend to appear outside of prime time. As Straubhaar (1991) and our interviewees have strongly asserted, imported programming has not been as successful as Indian programming. The television rating points (TRPs) confirm that Indian audiences do indeed prefer Indian-made programs. For example, the top 10 programs on DD 2 and ZEE routinely receive 20-45 TRPs, whereas STAR-TV programs receive 3-5 TRPs (Marketing research, 1994, 1995). These facts challenge the mechanistic model of cultural imperialism, supporting instead Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity. However, the process whereby Western programming seeps into Indian culture is not a mechanistic one, as the following discussion illustrates.

More insidious than imported or satellite-fed programming is the influence of foreign programming on the domestic television production industries, as comments made about BiTV programming meetings clearly indicate:

Every time you give an idea for a show, if he's undecided about it, [BiTV Vice-Chair] Ashok says, "is there a precedence in the West?" That's exactly how he asks--in plain terms, unabashedly. Because he feels that's what we should be doing. And he says, "can that just be dubbed into Hindi? Why do we need to go through the whole experience of creating something else?"(Rajabali)

The influences of Western programming need not be mechanistic and direct. Discussion in production and programming meetings reveal a tendency to mimic American series by merely substituting names and dialogue and making minor plot adjustments. The following example of one proposed program illustrates how difficult it is to create innovative and progressive programming that does not imitate Western programming, especially if all personnel do not share a similar vision. While BiTV never had any formal policy about avoiding Western copies or sexist programming, many among the programming personnel shared this vision informally. Most of the programming decisions were left to the discretion of individual programme executives. In February, 1995, BiTV head of programming felt the network did not have enough "skin" or "glamour" and therefore helped conceive a show based on ABC's 1970s hit "Charlie's Angles." The show was to have four "girls," wearing minimal clothing, and fighting crime while performing in a rock group as a cover. According to the executive, this program would help to glamorize the network as well as to create marketing and merchandising opportunities (such as a sound track recording).

Most of the programming staff were appalled at this suggestion and felt the executive had sidestepped the commissioning procedure (of group discussion and decision-making). When some colleagues brought their concerns to the Board, the show was temporarily stopped. When presented again, with the argument that all objections had been taken into consideration and all sexist connotations removed, the show was commissioned without seeing a pilot. Ultimately, BiTV's financial problems halted production, and the show was never made. Nevertheless, given the rush for programming in India at this time, and the commissioning system that had evolved, there were insufficient "checks and balances" and unclear policies in place to keep (even a watered-down) copy of "Charlie's Angels" from moving through the pipeline. In such an atmosphere, and particularly given the commercial pressures on the networks, it was difficult for the "innovative" and "India-centric" BiTV personnel to keep their original vision.

As we can see from the experiences of BiTV programming executives, the tendency toward "Western recombination" (see Gitlin, 1983) is strong. A recombinant discourse dominates many production and programming meetings, with the language of (particularly) American television genre, character, setting, and story line shaping program conceptualization. Further, the presence of slickly-produced Western programming serves as a standard-setting pressure for production values and program styles of locally-produced programs. This may be of less concern in India because of its production infrastructure, but it is evident that these pressures are coming to bear on the new commercial television services.

Already the impact of commercial television in India can be seen on Doordarshan. DD Metro bears marks of influence from STAR-TV and the commercial stations in its slick new programming and attempts to appeal to a young, urban, middle-class audience. Increasingly, DD is commercially financed and has juggled its schedule "so frequently [to make room for new sponsored programs] that often the producers themselves could barely keep track," ("A slew of new," 1995, p. 3).

In its drive to compete in the new market-driven television sector, Doordarshan signed a deal to carry CNN as a 24-hour DD channel on which DD has a 2-hour slot ("24-hour CNN," 1995). This deal also afforded DD access to other programming owned by Turner Incorporated. It will be interesting to follow Doordarshan's evolution in conjunction with the proliferation of its competition. Development communication scholars should be particularly interested in how the multiple commercial entertainment options impact the form, content, popularity, and impact of Doordarshan's educational and development programming.

Effects of the new commercial television industry may also be noted in India's film industry, the largest in the world. While its production infrastructure puts India in a unique position to produce a substantial portion of the programming for these new commercial broadcast outlets, box office attendance may wane as it has elsewhere (as in the U.S., Jowett & Linton, 1989) under similar circumstances. Middle class, urban youth already indicate they may be embarrassed to say they went to a traditional Hindi film (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994), a reminder that cultural imperialism often focuses on youth. Petras (1993) argues that the mass media are particularly manipulative of adolescent rebelliousness "by appropriating the language of the left and channeling discontent into consumer extravagances" (p. 139). While adolescent rebellion, per se, may not be a culturally generalizable phenomenon, marketing to youth has both economic and political consequences. Consumerism and individualism may undercut collective political responses to economic and cultural control.

The effects of commercial television in India will be difficult to measure, as has been the case around the world. Early indications suggest that the presence of Western programming via satellite has had some influence on the social agenda, with discussions centering around previously-taboo subjects such as spousal abuse, incest, and homosexuality (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; also see Chandra, 1995). We recognize that the cultural impact of foreign programming may have some interesting "positive" effects, as well. As Kang and Morgan (1988) noted in Korea, and not completely unlike some effects of domestic American programming (Meyrowitz, 1985), Western images of women may serve a simultaneously liberatory function--particularly for upper- and middle-class women (Crabtree, 1995). Of course, even the so-called positive effects of foreign programming may not be equally distributed across India's diverse population.

Here, again, the diffusion of innovations model has some relevance. The "communication effects gap," indifferent to the diffusion of positive or negative effects of television programming, may reveal an increasing cultural divide between those who identify with Western/consumerist values and lifestyles, and those who adhere to traditional beliefs and values. This chasm is likely to reflect--and exacerbate--divisions in class (perhaps more applicable now than caste), as well as the urban/rural dichotomy that is already striking in India (also see Schiller, 1991).

<b>Multinational Advertising</b>

The influence of the commercialization of broadcasting may be more far-reaching than the values and beliefs of the programming itself. On one level, there are anticipated effects on the configuration of the Indian economy. In Nicaragua, for example, the presence of multinational companies (and presence of commercial media) since the end of the Sandinista period causes local shoemakers to compete with Nike and Reebok (Shriver, 1997). In India, middle-class Indian youth are already enamored of Levi's, Ray-Ban's, and Kentucky Fried Chicken, all introduced about the same time as commercial television. And, as previously mentioned, many of the changes in Indian broadcasting seem to be as much driven by economic and market forces as by technological ones.

In a country where disparities between the "haves" and the "have nots" seems to be increasing, the cultivation of a consumerist ideology implies grave consequences:

The TV "table of plenty" contrasts with the experience of the empty kitchen; the amorous escapades of media personalities crash against a house full of crawling, crying hungry children.... The promise of affluence becomes an affront to those who are perpetually denied (Petras, 1993, p. 147).

Ironically, some of the BiTV staff are well aware of this problem:

The sinister thing is that advertising is really aimed at trying to change your psychology.... What is a kid in a village going to do, or even a kid that's watching television here [in Bombay]? Let's take a bar of chocolate. It costs 10 rupees. He's never going to be able to buy a bar of chocolate in his whole life. But the commercial is telling him that if his parents love him, they'll buy him that bar of chocolate. And he's going to feel seriously left out of this world. And he, or she, is probably going to resent the fact that his parents never bought that bar of chocolate. This is the kind of thing the ethics of television has to look at. (Kapur)

Thus, one of the dangers of commercial television in India seems to be the commodification of experience. Tomlinson (1991) argued that this phenomenon is one where consumerism colonizes "a moral-cultural space left by other developments in modernity" (p. 136). In this sense, the effects of globalization weaken dominated and dominating cultures alike. Signs of Resistance

Despite all the evidence of cultural imperialism (and problematic diffusion) evident in our research, we must consider the specific culture(s) being affected when hypothesizing the effects that commercial/satellite television may have on Indian society. Tomlinson (1991) problematizes the very notion of indigenous culture that implies something both natural and belonging to a geographical area, rather than a view of culture which is historical India's history is illustrative of his point. While India is a traditional society that dates back 5000 years, we recognize two interesting characteristics of India that may mitigate the hypothesized effects of cultural imperialism. First, there are very few traditions in existence in India today that have remained unchanged or that can be traced back directly to the Indus Valley or the Aryan Civilizations (see Burrow, 1975). Second, with a history of being invaded many times, India is an extremely diverse culture in languages, customs, and so on. This may allow for a unique flexibility in absorbing new ideas and adapting/adopting traditions that a more homogeneous culture might have trouble assimilating.

Already there are some signs of resistance to the cultural effects of Western and commercial television in India. Among BiTV personnel, for example, there is open criticism of the tendency to imitate Western television programs:

I think that we shouldn't hold the West as some kind of ideal. India's a crazy place, and it has its own personality, no matter what else can be said of us. We're a mad bunch. And we have our own sort of problems. We should just pick up our own flavor and stick to it instead of trying to see what the West is doing and then zeroing in on those programs. (Khan)

One Indian broadcaster is also quite aware of the concerns and processes of cultural imperialism itself:

I don't believe that cultural imperialism, whether from inside or from outside, can eventually destroy a race. I think that there are also deeperinstincts which are more innate. Self-preserving sorts of mechanisms which we have. [These] will seek out their own levels and own forms of expression. (Rajabali)

Thus, there are dialectical processes of cultural imperialism and resistance taking place in at least one new commercial television service. BiTV personnel are conscious and articulate about their struggle between acquiescence to formulaic Western-style programs and resistance to reproducing ideologically problematic genres and series. A detailed description and analysis of actual commercial television programming in India--the values and lifestyles depicted, the production techniques and their significations--are logical avenues for future research (see, for example, Malhotra, 1997, 1998, 1999a, 1999b). There is early evidence of resistance among Indian television viewers, as well. As early as 1994, over a thousand Bombay residents hurled their television sets out the windows of their homes to protest the growing prevalence of sex and violence on Indian TV ("Bombay turnoffs," 1994). Clearly, "third world" cultures and peoples are not merely passive receivers. As Tomlinson (1991) has argued, "extravagant claims [of] media power seem to arise where theorists come to see the media as determining rather than as mediating cultural experience" (p. 63). Nevertheless, providing a model of the global audience as active and resistant falls short of ascertaining what that means politically. As Goodwin and Gore so succinctly asserted, "Audiences will not be made counter-hegemonic by scholarly or devotional fiat" (p. 79).

<b>Discussion </b>

Commercial broadcasting has proliferated in India, first via foreign satellite services, and now through Indian endeavors. The institution of several new private and commercial television services in India represents an end to the long-standing government monopoly on Indian broadcasting and marks a dramatic change in the structure of media communications with momentous implications for Indian culture. This moment presents an exceptional opportunity to observe the development of a new media industry and its effects on a developing nation, as well as to advance many of our theoretical traditions. The processes of cultural imperialism are indeed longitudinal, and a single case study cannot illuminate the compelling historical presence of Western culture in India. The story of BiTV/TVI does, however, illustrate some of the features of cultural imperialism as it is materializing in India today. In a developing country of 900 million people who speak many different languages and adhere to distinct cultural traditions, most of whom live in rural areas with few services and many deficiencies, it is difficult to speculate about the impact of this new industry. Few would argue, however, that it will be substantial.

If we refrain from distilling the theory down to its predictions of mechanistic audience effects alone, cultural imperialism remains a useful framework for the analysis of global media trends. Our research demonstrates that effects are often subtle and insidious; broadcasting personnel (and probably audiences, as well) are subject to complex processes of both absorption and resistance (also see Olson, 1999). Our research also illustrates ways that Roger's Diffusion of Innovations framework may be more relevant to understanding the technological dimensions of the Indian television landscape, with some application to the effects of programming, as well (communication effects gap). Straubhaar's model of Asymmetric Interdependence and Cultural Proximity may explain the news flow question more adequately, and is also important for a complete understanding of the emerging entertainment programming landscape of South Asia. Nevertheless, Cultural Imperialism is the most (de)constructive for understanding the emerging professionalism of Indian commercial broadcasting personnel and practices; the effects of foreign programming, especially on local media industries; as well as the presence of multinational advertising and the commercialization of culture (also see Schiller, 1991). In sum, these three theories together provide a serviceable constellation of analytical frameworks and explanatory principles for the case of India at this particular moment in their broadcasting history.

In order to chart the effects of satellite and commercial television on Indian (and other) cultures, broad-based and longitudinal audience analysis using Cultivation Theory, would seem appropriate at this time (cf. Morgan & Signorelli, 1990 on recommendations for future cultivation research). It will be critical to examine gender and class differences in the use and sense-making of the new (imported and locally-produced) television programming. Meanwhile, an examination of multinational advertising, marketing, programming imports, and international co-production would prove fruitful for related research, as well as a study of emerging Indian media education programs (i.e., are media criticism and global communication theory included?). As the world media order evolves, long-standing theories such as Cultural Imperialism and Diffusion of Innovations remain useful, while newer perspectives such as Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity are likely to become increasingly relevant.

Tomlinson (1991) insists that what is really at stake here is "the capacity of a collectivity to generate any satisfying narratives of cultural meaning in the conditions of modernity" (p. 24). While from quite a different ideological position, Petras (1993) argued that "cultural imperialism promotes the cult of 'modernity' as conformity with external symbols ... a false intimacy and an imaginary link is established between the successful subjects of the media and the impoverished spectators in the `barrios'" (pp. 141-142). The consequences of the growing commercialization and globalization of television will be significant for the largely rural poor of India, and of most countries.

Reductionist notions of cultural imperialism predicted a global monoculture would inevitably result from global media dominance. While ample evidence demonstrates such a prediction is preposterous, more thorough exploration of the multi-faceted processes of cultural imperialism allow for more interesting--though less conclusive--analyses. American cultural products are only becoming more popular and more globally dominant (Olson, 1999), even if our research methods and analytical frameworks continue to fall short of revealing the complexities of how and to what extent. Global media effects are neither universal nor predictable, as our research confirms, thus it is important that scholars of all ideological leanings and theoretical perspectives remain open to conflicting, contradictory, dialectical, and nuanced findings.

Preliminary reports of this research have been presented at annual meetings of the International Communication Association (1995, 1996), Western States Communication Association (1996), and (then) Speech Communication Association (1995). This research was partially funded by the College of Arts and Sciences of New Mexico State University and the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of New Mexico.

<b>References </b>

A slew of new fare. (1995, June 11). The Hindu, p. 3.

Agarwal, A. (1995, March 15). A judgement opens a door. India Today, 202-205.

Agrawal, B., & Rai, K. (1988). Women, television and rural development. New Delhi: National Publishing House.

Beltran, L. (1978). TV etchings in the minds of Latin Americans: Conservatism, materialism and conformism. Gazette, 24, 61-85.

BiTV launched after months of delay. (1995, July 7). The Times of India, p. 19.

Bombay turnoffs: Sex, violence go out window. (1994, December 26). Contra Costa Times, pp. 1 & 7.

Boyd, D. (1988). Third world pirating of U.S. films and television programs from satellites. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 32, 149-161.

Boyd, D., & Straubhaar, J. (1985). Development impact of the home video cassette recorder on third world countries. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 29, 5-21.

Boyd-Barrett, O. (1977). Media imperialism: Towards an international framework for the analysis of media systems. In J. Curran, M. Gurevitch, & J. Woollacott (Eds.), Beyond national sovereignty: International communications in the 1990s (pp. 116-135). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Brown, M. E. (1994). Soap opera and women's talk: The pleasures of resistance. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Browne, D. (1989). Comparing broadcast systems: The experiences of six industrialized nations. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press.

Burrow, T. (1975). The early Aryans. In A. Basham (Ed.), A cultural history of India. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Burrowes, C. (1992, May). Twenty years of cultural imperialism research: Some conceptual and methodological problems. Paper presented at the meeting of the International Communication Association, Miami, FL.

Business India television international Ltd. (n.d.). Bombay: BiTV.

Cardoso, F., & Faleto, E. (1979). Dependency and development in Latin America. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Chandra, A. (1995, March 15). Opening new channels of conversation. India Today, pp. 194-196.

Contractor, N., Singhal, A., & Rogers, E. (1988). Metatheoretical perspectives on satellite television and development in India. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 32, 129-148.

Crabtree, R. (1995, March). Cultural imperialism and feminism: Strange bedfellows or dangerous liaisons? Paper presented at the New Mexico Women's Studies Conference, Las Vegas, NM.

Crabtree, R., & Malhotra, S. (1996, Fall). On the ground and in the air: The commercialization of television in India. International Communication Bulletin, 31, 4-6.

Elasmar, M., & Hunter, J. (1997). The impact of foreign TV on a domestic audience: A meta-analysis. In B. Burelson (Ed.), Communication Yearbook, 20 (pp. 47-69). Thousand Oaks: Sage.

Elliott, L. (1993, August). Assessing U.S. television's media imperialism: An exercise in theory-building. Paper presented to the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Kansas City, MO.

E times: The entertainment guide. (1995, May 20, June 3, June 17).

Fiske, J. (1986). Television, polysemy and popularity. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 3, 391-408.

Frith, K. (1988, July). More than we bargained for: The impact of consumer culture in Southeast Asia. Paper presented at the meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Portland, OR.

G. E. American, BiTV to launch TV programming service in India. (1995, February). Economic Times, p. 16.

Gitlin, T. (1983). Inside prime time. New York: Pantheon.

Goodwin, A., & Gore, J. (1990). World beat and the cultural imperialism debate. Socialist Review, 20(3), 63-80.

Granzberg, G. (1982). Television as storyteller: The Algonkian Indians of central Canada. Journal of Communication, 32, 43-52.

Jowett, G., & Linton, J. (1989). Movies as mass communication (2nd ed

[Guest]

<!--emo&--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo--> For every action there is a reaction. Pinkos are smart enough to predict the reaction and plan their action around important dates.

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Press attacked on the eve of Independence Day

PTI | New Delhi

<b>Even after 60 years of Independence, the press in India is still being assaulted. </b> <i>(nice first line by some pinko reporter in PTI)</i> Describing today's attack on Outlook magazine's office in Mumbai by a group of Shiv Sena activists as a "crude" attempt to muzzle journalists, its editor-in-chief Vinod Mehta said the freedom of the press was still under threat 60 years after the country's independence.

<b>
"This is a blatant attack on the freedom of the press. The Shiv Sena activists attacked our editorial office in Mumbai and made no attempt to disguise their identity," Mehta said here.</b> <!--emo&--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo--> <i>(Now that is an interesting idea!! What if sena activist disguise themselves as communist activist and ransack outlook office??? )</i>
 
<b>The activists ransacked the Outlook office to protest an article in the magazine that featured Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray in a list of "villains".</b> <i>(When will Sena activists and their leaders ever learn that they need to deal with these issues more intelligently.  for a start why not go to to Mehta's house and protest? a lawsuit anyone?)</i>

Mehta said he spoke to Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilas Rao Deshmukh immediately after the attack.

<b>"He was quite disturbed after hearing of this attack. We have to consider and introspect that this kind of attack on the press is happening when India is celebrating its 60 years of independence. It is a crude attack on the freedom of the press," he said.</b>  <!--emo&:roll--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/ROTFL.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='ROTFL.gif' /><!--endemo-->

He hoped that the Srikrishna report would not be used by the Shiv Sena as an excuse for protests. "It is an alarmist view but I fear that they might come out on the streets to agitate," he said.

The Sena activists barged into the Outlook office in a tower in the business district of Nariman Point at around 3 pm and asked for the editor. <b>They started ransacking the office on being told that there was no senior person around.</b> <i>(why would any senior person be around? Sena activists are so predictable that all senior staff would have taken a couple of days off, you know, until the new furniture and fittings are installed!)</i>
 
<b>Thackeray was included in the magazine's list of "villains" along with Mahatma Gandhi's assassin Nathuram Godse. The magazine also featured a caricature of the Sena chief with a toothbrush moustache and a Hitler-like uniform. </b> <i>(Outlook had to absolutely make sure that sena activists would come around to "protest".  So, not only they included Bal saheb in the villian list, they had a caricature of bal saheb as hitler.  U know... the new fittings were pre-ordered. God forbid what would happen if sena does not react!!!  <!--emo&--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo--> )</i>

<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

Isn't this the same Vinod Mehta who blatantly lied on the Kanchi Seer issue and has yet to apologize personally for fabricating facts? BBC atleast had decency to pull his article and apologize.
Seems like a case of pot calling kettle black.

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Mehta said he spoke to Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilas Rao Deshmukh immediately after the attack.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
And what's CM Deshmukh gonna do to Thackeray? They are all buddy buddies who helped each other get their marathi-bai into Rashtrapati Bhavan. Going to Deshmukh on this issue is like asking fox to guard the chicken coop. Here's a little handywork of Deshmukh's goons:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->http://mumbaivotes.com/party/congress.htm
<b>About 60 people stormed into Mid Day’s office, angry over news report on Vilasrao Deshmukh. </b>
According to the newspaper, about 60 people ()—shouting slogans—stormed into the office, broke the door, injured the watchman on duty and damaged computers, phone lines and other property.

About 10 people, led by Sapra, were about to hurl a chair at the editor when they were stopped by reporters. The drama lasted for about 10 minutes.

‘‘There was a lot of violence. In addition, it was time when the last pages were being made,’’ said Lajwanti D’Souza, deputy editor, Mid Day.

‘‘Chairs and computers were damaged and telephone wires cut off,’’ said API Shashikant Mane of the Bhoiwada police station. All the arrested have been released on bail.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->


<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Even after 60 years of Independence, the press in India is still being assaulted.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Yeah, let the bill pertaining to press/media pass during the monsoon session of parliament and we'll see a Musharaff style freedom of press. Articles critical of govt to be whetted by govt appointed ombudsman, permission to be taken from the target before running a sting operation <!--emo&:roll--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/ROTFL.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='ROTFL.gif' /><!--endemo-->
If Mehta's truly concerned about free press, he's got his priorities wrong.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Sorry, says Outlook
Tribune Reporters

Amritsar, August 21
Outlook, an English magazine, has apologised for portraying Sant Jarnail Singh Bhinderanwale as a villain in its issue and publishing his caricature showing him carrying weapons in his beard.

It is pertinent to mention here that the Khalsa Action Committee (KAC) in a strongly worded ultimatum had sought unqualified apology from the magazine.

In the apology and clarification given in the latest issue of the magazine, the editor has said that they regret it.

Moga: Various Sikh organisations, including radicals, took out a protest march and burnt copies of a magazine for portraying Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in bad light here today.

Amid heavy police bandobast the protest march began from Bibi Kahan Kaur Gurdwara and concluded at Joginder Singh Chowk.

Volunteers of the SAD (A), SAD (1920), AISSF (Grewal) and Mehta groups participated in it.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/2007082...ab1.htm#12<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
In the same article they had also included Godse as a villain, but look how quickly they withdrew this one so as not to hurt "minority" feelings (hint: not to get hurt themselves).

[Guest]

Sorry means, now Outlook thinks he was a great man or Bhinderwala was not wrong. I won't be surprised if they say sorry to OBL.
It means if you give tight slaps to Indian media, they just transform themselves to rat.

[Guest]

<b> List anonymous wikipedia edits from interesting organizations</b>
Good site, how media is working on wiki.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Aug 22 2007, 11:53 PM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Aug 22 2007, 11:53 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><b> List anonymous wikipedia edits from interesting organizations</b>
Good site, how media is working on wiki.
[right][snapback]72373[/snapback][/right]
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Interesting that the Vatican jumps in every now and then to do 'face lifts' on Catholic personalities in the Wikepedia. I suspect other christian evangelical organizations have also a hand in many of the write-ups on other faiths in the Wikepedia, in presenting less positive images of these faiths, particularly hinduism and hindu society.