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Twirp: Terrorist Wahabi Islamic Rep Pakistan 4

<b>The limping Gwadar port</b>

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

[center] <!--emo&:clapping--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/clap.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='clap.gif' /><!--endemo--> <b><span style='font-size:14pt;line-height:100%'>Musharraf faces arrest if he returns to Pakistan</span></b> <!--emo&:clapping--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/clap.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='clap.gif' /><!--endemo-->[/center]

ISLAMABAD, Aug 11 (Reuters) - <b>Former president Pervez Musharraf would face arrest if he returned to Pakistan after police registered a case against him on Tuesday over his detention of judges during a political crisis in 2007.</b> <!--emo&:flush--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/Flush.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='Flush.gif' /><!--endemo-->

The military dictator, who came to power in a coup in 1999, left Pakistan more than two months ago, having been forced to quit as president in August last year in order to avoid impeachment by a hostile parliament.

"He could either be arrested on his return or through Interpol," Hakam Khan, head of a police station in Islamabad where the case was lodged, told Reuters.

<b>If convicted he Musharraf could be jailed for three years, Khan said.</b>

This is the first time that such a case has been brought against a former military ruler.

"He detained judges and ousted them illegally so he has to be tried for his illegal and unconstitutional actions," Mohammad Aslam Ghuman, the lawyers who filed the case against Musharraf, told Reuters.

Earlier this month the Supreme Court ruled that Musharraf had violated the constitution by imposing emergency rule and purging the judiciary in November 2007 in a desperate move to hold onto the presidency.

The court left it up to parliament whether Musharraf, once a vaunted ally of the United States, should be tried for treason for his actions.

With the knives out for him at home the old general has spent most of his time since late May in London and he is believed to be looking to settle in Europe.

Outrage over the use of emergency powers and detention of opposition figures, including the judges, contributed to the defeat of Musharraf's allies in an election in 2008.

The fragile civilian government is faced by acute economic and security crises, with the army fighting a Taliban insurgency in the northwest

Although Musharraf is regarded as yesterday's man, the ruling coalition led by President Asif Ali Zardari's party has shown little appetite for prosecuting him.

Nawaz Sharif, the prime minister Musharraf overthrew and Zardari's greatest rival, is pushing for his usurper to be brought to justice.

<b>But, analysts say the still powerful army would be uneasy if Musharraf's humiliation became too great, as many serving generals had backed him. </b>(Reporting by Kamran Haider; Writing by Simon Cameron-Moore; Editing by Sanjeev Miglani)

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<b>Ten Taliban killed in drone attack</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Pakistan has in the past vociferously opposed drone attacks as a threat to its sovereignty, which risk whipping up a spiralling anti-American backlash that could destabilise the weak civilian government</b><!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd--> <!--emo&Confusedtupid--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/pakee.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='pakee.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<b>US to use funds for aid on ‘super embassy’ project</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->ISLAMABAD: In what could be a recipe for a new controversy, the<b> United States will spend nearly one billion dollars from its $2.4 billion war supplement aid for Pakistan on the construction and fortification of its new embassy in Islamabad and additional staffing of the mission, in what is seen here as a departure from the usual practice of using State Department finances for such projects.</b>

Under a programme to strengthen its presence in Pakistan, <b>the US will bring here about 1,000 personnel, including a large number of Marines.</b>

It has already undertaken a project to rebuild and refurbish the embassy building and <b>construct accommodation for the new staff and a massive complex for the Marines to be stationed in the capital.</b>

The US plan to reinforce its presence has already created ripples here and, according to a senior official,<b> it would mean stationing of ‘more American military and intelligence personnel in diplomatic guise</b>.

And a retired diplomat says the <b>upcoming American hub in Islamabad will be used to influence development in the region by remote control</b>.

US Charge d’Affaires Gerald Feierstein, in a letter to Dawn, described the plan as a positive development symbolising US commitment to stand by its friends in Pakistan. He said the new embassy building would be a landmark in the diplomatic enclave.

The US media, meanwhile, has described the upcoming structure as a ‘super embassy’ rivalling only the American mission in Baghdad.

The project, US official estimates show, <b>will cost about $1 billion. And the Obama administration has worked out an easy way out, footing the bills from Pakistan’s $2.4 billion share in the Pentagon War Supplemental Package for the fiscal year 2009</b>.

A breakdown of the <b>war supplemental aid package shows that $707 million has been earmarked for economic assistance, $700 million for counter-insurgency capability fund, $896 million for the new secured US embassy and consulates in Pakistan and $46 million for enhanced diplomatic operations covering logistics for civilian staff surge and security.</b>

From the package, Pakistan will practically receive $707 million as economic assistance and that will include $225 million announced by Washington as assistance for displaced persons.

‘Closer scrutiny of the much trumpeted aid package shows that the government <b>after subtracting the assistance for IDPs will be getting a mere $482 million and some improved counter-insurgency capacity,’</b> a senior Pakistani official dealing with aid said.

American officials defend the staff surge by saying it has been necessitated by the tripling of aid for Pakistan by the Obama administration. <b>‘We need the capacity to disburse money and exercise oversight.’</b>

When asked about the clubbing of the cost for the new embassy and associated logistics with the war supplemental aid package, they said it was because of legislative procedures on the Capitol Hill. ‘That’s how legislative system works in Washington.’
<b>Marines controversy</b>

The number of Marines Washington intends to station in Islamabad for security of its embassy is being widely discussed here by diplomatic circles, media and informed sections of the public and there are speculations about the number of Marines who will land in Islamabad.

A report earlier published in<b> Dawn said the number could be around 350</b>. Although Mr Feierstein in his clarification had dismissed the figure as simply untrue, State Department documents indicate an allocation of $112.5 million for the Marines complex to be built inside the embassy compound.

The document does not suggest how many Marines would the new complex accommodate, but another allocation of $111 million in the same document for construction of a<b> new annexe says it would house 330 personnel.</b>
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<b>Khan of Kalat raises the stakes</b>

QUETTA : <b>The Khan of Kalat, Mir Suleman Dawood, announced on Tuesday formation of a council for ‘independent Balochistan’ and rejected any reconciliation with the government of Pakistan without the mediation of European Union and United Nations.

Addressing reporters from London on telephone, he said the council would ensure the creation of an independent state of Balochistan.</b>

The Khan said Baloch separatist forces of Pakistan and Iran would have representation in the council.

He said the names of members of the council would be announced later.

<b>He, however, said that Nawabzada Baramdagh Bugti will be a member of the council, adding that he was in touch with him and other forces which stood for an independent Balochistan.</b>

Replying to a question, he said that recommendations adopted at the Kalat Jirga had not been shelved.

He said that a lot of progress had since been made and the issue of Balochistan had been raised at the international level. He said that some people had disassociated themselves from the recommendations.

<b>He said he was enjoying the support of ‘friendly’ and ‘like-minded’ countries who had promised all help and cooperation.</b>

The Khan of Kalat said the Baloch had observed their Independence Day on Tuesday because the British rulers had accepted independent and autonomous status of the Kalat state on August 11, 1947. They later announced independence of Pakistan and India on August 14 and 15.

<b>He said the Qauid-i-Azam had negotiated Kalat’s accession to Pakistan but it was rejected by the Kalat state assembly.

He said Kalat was merged into Pakistan in March 1948 and in reaction Prince Agha Abdul Karim mounted a revolt.

The Khan said the Baloch had lost trust in Pakistani rulers.</b>

However, he said that if European Union and United Nations mediated then negotiations could be held with the government of Pakistan.

Meanwhile, the Khuzdar Engineering University was closed on Tuesday for an indefinite period.

According to sources, a group of students belonging to the Baloch Students Organisation-Azad entered the university campus and tried to hoist the flag of ‘independent Balochistan’ on the administration building.

Law-enforcement personnel did not allow them to remove the national flag and arrested a number of students.

After the incident, the administration announced the closure of the university.

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>SBP chief admits reserves built on loans</b>

ISLAMABAD : <b>While admitting that the country’s reserves have been built on loans, State Bank Governor Salim Raza said on Tuesday that the government had no other option to arrest the falling reserves amid fears of a possible default.

With this additional borrowing to build reserves, Pakistan’s citizens have been indebted with a loan of over Rs1.1 trillion, which was in violation of the Fiscal Responsibility Act passed by the previous government.</b>

These facts were revealed before the Senate Standing Committee on Finance, headed by Senator Ahmad Ali.

Asked what would be the better policy to raise reserves, the governor said it should be raised through mobilisation of domestic resources and by increasing tax-to-GDP ratio rather than going for loans.

He, however, said that these loans had been secured on concessional terms. The details of the loans would be submitted to the committee soon.

Senator Ishaq Dar urged the SBP to give details about the sourcing of the loans. He said that the government should not boast on building reserves through loans.

But Mr Tarin came to the rescue of the SBP governor saying that the government had only reserves for 45 days ($3.5 billion) for import bill at a time when the oil prices peaked to the highest level of $147 a barrel.

‘We actually had no time to wait. Apart from China, nobody came forward to help Pakistan at that time.

Responding to a question of Senator Ilays Bilour, Mr Tarin said the government would soon come up with facilitating measures to increase remittances.

‘We are hoping to increase remittances by at least $5 billion in the next couple of years through these measures,’ the finance minister disclosed.

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>$25b textile export target not achievable</b>

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->KARACHI - Bilal Mulla Chairman of FPCCI Standing Committee of Value-Added Textile Products and former Chairman PRGMEA said that the projected textile figure of $25 billion presented in Textile Policy is not achievable and not prepared properly keeping in mind all circumstances running globally.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<b>I’ll be back</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->LAHORE: Former president Pervez Musharraf says he will return to Pakistan very soon, a private TV channel reported on Thursday.

Talking to the channel, the former president said he would always be with his country when needed.

He said he had been busy making the rounds of the international academic circuit delivering lectures, and would return as soon as he had finished with his commitments.

To a question, he said he would be ready to face any legal challenges or case that were registered against him. He said he did not intend to live abroad permanently.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Is he first Chief of Army who is forced out of country?
<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Aug 14 2009, 10:03 AM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Aug 14 2009, 10:03 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>I’ll be back</b><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->LAHORE: Former president Pervez Musharraf says he will return to Pakistan very soon, a private TV channel reported  .<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Is he first Chief of Army who is forced out of country?
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<b>Mudy Ji :</b>

Not the Terroristan Army Chief but the President - Governor Gneral before - (Commander in Chief of the Terroristani Armed Forces) Major General Iskander Mirza was sent into Exile - late 1958 - in London.

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>The Counterinsurgency in Pakistan</b>

<i>Kamran Bokhari and Fred Burton</i>

Since the start of the U.S.-jihadist war in late 2001, and particularly since the rise of the Taliban rebellion within its own borders in recent years, Pakistan has been seen as a state embroiled in a jihadist insurgency threatening its very survival. Indeed, until late April, it appeared that Pakistan was buckling under the onslaught of a Taliban rebellion that had consumed large chunks of territory in the northwest and was striking at the country’s core. A Shariah-for-peace deal with the Taliban in the Swat region, approved with near unanimity by the parliament, reinforced the view that Pakistan lacked the willingness or capability to fight Islamist non-state actors chipping away at its security and stability.

In the last three months, however, the state has staged a dramatic comeback, beginning with an offensive in Swat and adjacent districts that has resulted in the state regaining control over most of the affected areas. (The offensive is still under way.) The government action in Swat was followed by limited air and ground operations in the South Waziristan region, along with an intelligence campaign in cooperation with the United States, which has resulted in a two-month respite from any major insurgent suicide bombings. Most important was the killing Aug. 5 of top Pakistani Taliban commander Baitullah Mehsud in a bombing strike by a U.S. unmanned aerial vehicle.

While many observers still view Pakistan as a state beset by a jihadist insurgency, the government’s counterinsurgency campaign has clearly taken center stage. This does not mean that the jihadists no longer constitute a threat. They are and will remain a significant threat for the foreseeable future, but the state has recently gained the upper hand in the struggle — at least for now.

<b>What Changed and How</b>

This dramatic change begs the question : How was the government of Pakistan able to turn the situation around? This is an important question given the complex and historic relationship between the country’s security establishment and Islamist militants of various stripes. This relationship has long prevented the state from taking decisive action — even in the face of a growing threat to the state’s integrity. The first stirrings of the change can be traced back to the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks in November 2008, which brought Pakistan to the brink of war with India at a time when Islamabad was also facing a raging insurgency at home.

The dual security threats from domestic and foreign jihadists, coupled with political instability and an economy on the verge of collapse, created intense pressure on the Pakistani state. This pressure led to a consensus within the military-intelligence establishment that regaining control over Islamist militants was critical to the survival of the country. After aligning with Washington in the war against the jihadists, Islamabad had gradually lost control of Islamist militant groups it had previously backed as instruments of foreign policy in dealing with Afghanistan and India. (Islamabad had even helped create some of these groups.) While Pakistan was trying to balance its need to maintain influence over these groups with its obligations to the Americans in the U.S.-led war against jihadists, many of these groups, to varying degrees, moved into al Qaeda’s orbit.

The first order of business for Islamabad was to deal with renewed pressure from Washington and defuse tensions with New Delhi in order to avoid war. This required going after rogue elements of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) — aka Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD) — which, Pakistan acknowledged, masterminded the Mumbai attacks. Because LeT/JuD had morphed over the years into a wider social phenomenon in Pakistan, isolating the rogues from the mainstream group has been no easy task, evidenced by the fact that the effort is still under way.

Getting tough with LeT/JuD required the military-intelligence leadership to make further personnel changes within the country’s premier spy service, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate, a process that had been under way since army chief Gen. Ashfaq Kayani appointed the current ISI director-general, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, in September 2008. Dozens of ISI officials were replaced, and under its new leadership the directorate played a lead role in the crackdown on rogue members of LeT/JuD. However, the state’s need to deal with the crisis triggered by the Mumbai attacks and focus on the LeT/JuD problem provided the Pakistani Taliban the time and space to further entrench themselves in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP).

Pakistan was able to ward off the threat of war with India but, in the process, the Pakistani Taliban assumed a more menacing posture. The crackdown against LeT/JuD was useful in that it was the first major move against a former proxy — an experience that paved the way for a wider campaign against Taliban forces in Swat and FATA. If Pakistan could no longer allow LeT/JuD (a group that it was not at war with) to use the country as a staging ground for attacks against India, it certainly could not tolerate the Pashtun jihadists and their Punjabi allies who were waging an open rebellion on Pakistani soil.

The stakeholders in Islamabad had begun to realize that there was no alternative to fighting the Taliban rebels, but this, too, was a daunting task. Clearly, Islamabad was not capable of waging an all-out assault against the entire rebel movement, for this entailed battling multiple groups in multiple theaters. A lack of consensus within the state and a dearth of support from the Pakistani public for such an initiative meant that a major offensive would only make matters worse.

For one thing, there was the risk of exacerbating the situation in cases where Taliban groups that were not fighting Islamabad could align with the likes of Mehsud and Maulana Fazlullah (leader of the Taliban group in Swat). The fear of turning more and more Pashtuns into Taliban served as a major arrestor, preventing the state from taking meaningful action beyond limited successes achieved by Frontier Corps-led security forces in the FATA’s Bajaur agency. These considerations, and the need to buy time, led to negotiations with the Taliban group in Swat that resulted in the peace deal.

Emboldened by their victory in establishing a Taliban emirate in the greater Swat region, the Taliban group there decided to push farther eastward, sending its fighters into Buner district and demanding that Shariah be imposed not just in the greater Swat region but also in the entire country. In fact, the lead negotiator on behalf of the Swat Taliban, Maulana Sufi Muhammad, declared the Pakistani Constitution un-Islamic and those who opposed Shariah infidels. Meanwhile, the suicide-bombing campaign of the Mehsud-led Taliban group, which targeted mostly security forces in major cities like Islamabad and Lahore, had generated widespread public outrage.

The move on the part of the Swat Taliban to try and project power beyond their turf proved to be the turning point where the state finally realized it needed to take a firm stand against the rebels. It was at that time, in late April, that the government embarked on Operation Rah-i-Rast with the goal of eliminating the Taliban stronghold in the Swat region. Though the offensive was limited to Swat and its adjacent districts, the state took advantage of the budding public opinion against the jihadists and launched a major media campaign against “Talibanization” that proved extremely useful. It was also very timely, given the fact that more than 2 million residents of the greater Swat region were displaced from their homes during the government offensive, and this could well have undermined public support for the operation.

In the three and a half months since the Swat offensive began, the government has successfully cleared Taliban fighters from most of the region. Indeed, the Swat Taliban network has been disrupted and its war-making machine degraded to the point where it no longer has the capability to regain control over the area — though the leadership is still at large, which means a low-intensity conflict will continue to simmer for some time. Security forces are likely to remain in the area for at least two years and there reportedly are plans to build a permanent military garrison in Swat for the first time.

In early June, after its initial success in Swat, the military turned its attention to the country’s largest jihadist hub — South Waziristan — where it knew it couldn’t stage a major offensive along the lines of what it was doing in Swat. The hostile terrain — both physical and human — coupled with its status as an autonomous region and the government’s lack of troops, forced the state to combine limited air and ground attacks with intelligence operations to isolate Mehsud and his Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan movement from the wider Taliban phenomenon.

In the midst of this campaign, the ISI, working in coordination with the CIA, was able to eliminate Mehsud, under whose leadership the Pakistani Taliban went from being a low-level militancy in South Waziristan to being a broad insurgent movement throughout the FATA, large parts of the NWFP and in parts of the core province of Punjab. Mehsud’s death has initiated a power struggle among his associates for control of his group that Islamabad is trying hard to exploit.

<b>Where to From Here?</b>

Between the re-taking of most of Swat, which has allowed for the return of some 765,000 displaced residents, and the elimination of Mehsud, Pakistan has gained an important edge in its struggle against its Taliban rebels that it can build upon to deliver a decisive blow. But there are a lot of moving parts in play that have to be dealt with in order to ensure continued progress.

Though the Swat Taliban have been damaged, they have not been entirely defeated, which will not happen until their leadership is captured or killed (or until they cannot recruit new fighters from their madrassas). And as displaced residents return to the region, a massive amount of reconstruction and development work is necessary to prevent unrest that the Taliban could exploit. Restoring the writ of the state entails the re-establishment of political administration and local law enforcement, and there are other areas in the NWFP — especially the districts that run parallel to the FATA — that also need to be brought back under government control.

In Waziristan and the rest of the FATA, Mehsud’s death has wounded the Taliban, but they are very much entrenched in the region, along with their al Qaeda and other transnational allies. Any counterinsurgency campaign in the tribal areas is going to be exponentially more difficult than the offensive in Swat. This is why the military is now aligning itself with pro-Pakistani tribal and militant forces to try and root out those waging war against the state. Being able to distinguish between those militants hostile to Pakistan and those focused on Afghanistan is going to be hard not only because of the fluidity of the Taliban phenomenon but also because it complicates U.S.-Pakistani relations.

Then there is the matter of how Islamabad balances its efforts to re-assert state control over areas on its side of the border with an international move to talk to the Taliban in Afghanistan. The challenge for Pakistan is to regain influence in its western neighbor by reviving its contacts and thus influence with the Afghan Taliban while rolling back Talibanization in its own Pashtun areas. Efforts to neutralize FATA-based domestic rebels impacts Taliban groups focused on Afghanistan, whose support Pakistan needs to crush the domestic insurgency and re-establish its influence in Afghanistan.

While Pakistan’s Pashtun areas are most affected by Talibanization, the phenomenon has made considerable inroads into Pakistan’s core, where the Taliban, like the LeT/JuD, manifest themselves more as social movement. This is why, in addition to the counterinsurgency and counterterrorism campaign, Pakistan has also begun focusing on anti-extremism and de-radicalization efforts — the ideological battle — which is designed to drain the swamp in which the jihadists are able to grow and operate. While Pakistani public opinion has turned against the Taliban in a meaningful manner, there are still significant pockets of social support and a large number of people who remain ambivalent about the need for a comprehensive campaign against the jihadists.

Pakistan’s ability successfully to press ahead with this multidimensional effort depends on its ability to contain political instability within tolerable limits and improve economic conditions. While the judicial crisis ended with the reinstatement of the chief justice fired by former President Pervez Musharraf, political stability remains elusive because of the country’s fragmented political landscape and the weakness of its civilian institutions. And while a loan from the International Monetary Fund has helped Pakistan avoid bankruptcy, it will be some time before the economic conditions begin to improve to the point where Islamabad is able to meet its routine financial obligations and pay the multibillion-dollar cost of fighting the Taliban.

This report may be forwarded or republished on your website with attribution to www.stratfor.com

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>Pakistanis arrested in UK refused bail over ‘coded’ mails</b>

LONDON : <b>Five Pakistani men arrested in a major British anti-terrorism operation but never charged have been refused bail because they had exchanged a series of coded emails, officials said.</b>

The five were among 12 men, mostly students, arrested in high profile counter-terrorism raids across northwest England in April but never formally charged with any criminal offences because of insufficient evidence.

They are being detained while the government tries to deport them and were refused bail at their hearing last month, the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (SIAC), which deals with such cases, revealed on Friday.

<b>A series of seven emails exchanged between Shoaib Khan, 27, and an al-Qaeda associate detailed a 'nikah' or wedding which the security service said ‘most likely’ referred to an intended attack.</b>

The emails also included girls' names such as 'Nadia' which might refer to ingredients used in an explosive device, the ruling said.

Khan's lawyer said the emails referred to girls, though not by their own names, that he hoped to marry in April 2009. Final interpretation of the emails will be addressed at a hearing next year.

The five Pakistanis, who will remain in custody until that hearing, have not been linked to anyone arrested with explosives, and no explosives have been found, SIAC said.

Several hundred officers took part in the raids, which had to be hurriedly brought forward after Britain's most senior counter-terrorism officer was photographed openly carrying a secret document detailing plans for the arrests.

Britain has demanded Pakistan do more to combat terrorism.

Most terrorist plots in Britain since Sept. 11, 2001 have had links to Pakistan, including suicide bombings in July 2005 which killed 52 people on London's underground and bus network.

Pakistan criticised Britain over the April arrests, saying more could have been done to check the background of foreign students. — Reuters

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Not the Terroristan Army Chief but the President - Governor Gneral before - (Commander in Chief of the Terroristani Armed Forces) Major General Iskander Mirza was sent into Exile - late 1958 - in London.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
It means Kiyani/Army n Unkle both had ditched Mushy or they are providing security to Mushy?
Uncle is unhappy with Mushy that he allowed the nexus between ISI and the jihadis to grow and that led to the Pakiban problem which is spilling over and negating the US 'victories' in Afganistan. Karzai regime could be tandooried.
Uncle is clueless, Paki Army is using uncle to do dirty work in NWFP/FATA etc. Yesterday, Zardari claimed that first time in 100yrs NWFP/FATA is under Paki control.
I think they are protecting Mushy.
I think they have created time bomb, which is ticking tick tick tick....

<b>Mudy Ji :</b>

At the end of the day UNCLE does what is best in UNCLE’S Interest.

IMHO : The acts of UNCLE is “Changing” the Order in FATA so that it results in the People and Territory which were out of the Pakistani Government’s writ are now being brought under the Pakistani Government’s control.

Basis all going well the outcome will be the “Formalizing” of the Durand Line as a Border between Afghanistan and Pakistan which the Pakistanis want but the Pushtuns in Afghanistan are against.

As such this action of bringing FATA under the Pakistani Government’s Control could well lead to a possible breakaway not only by FATA but also by the N W F P which might hasten the breakaway of Balochistan.

One must watch with bated breath as well as hopeful expectations whereby UNCLE’S actions, which have always helped the Pakistanis be Equal=Equal of India actually see Pakistan end-up as a slice of Emmental Cheese.

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->
Current new uncle Bambi will try to pack from Afghanistan before 2010 election, atleast he will make announcement and they will close shop before 2012 election. Currently, media is pampering Bambi too much, as his popularity rating is sliding down because of his domestic policies, media will also turn against him slowly. I think interesting time ahead.
<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Aug 16 2009, 12:34 AM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Aug 16 2009, 12:34 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Current new uncle Bambi will try to pack from Afghanistan before 2010 election, atleast he will make announcement and they will close shop before 2012 election. Currently, media is pampering Bambi too much, as his popularity rating is sliding down because of his domestic policies, media will also turn against him slowly. I think interesting time ahead.
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<b>Mudy Ji :</b>

Contrary to your “Convictions” <b>Bambi "CANNOT DO What Bambi Wants to Do”.</b>

The President-Presidency of the United States of America is controlled by the “King Makers” or in this case we can say the “President Makers”.

As such Bambi will do what the “President Makers” want him to do.

And the “President Makers” will want Bambi to do what they consider to be in the best interest of the United States of America.

<b>Here Endeth the Lesson!</b>

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>Rice production likely to drop 20 percent this year</b>

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->LAHORE : <b>The rice production is expected to drop by at least 20 percent this year</b> owing to fewer rains, high load shedding, low availability of water and fertilizers, the stakeholders said here on Saturday.

This may increase the price up in the coming days, they added.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Cheers <!--emo&:beer--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/cheers.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='cheers.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<b>Baloch unrest could impede drive against Taliban</b>

<i>* Security official says while everyone is worried about Swat, Balochistan is getting out of control
* BNP president favours withdrawing military from province</i>

LAHORE : Bomb blasts in Balochistan that killed one person and injured another 10 on Friday were a grim reminder that Swat is by no means the only security threat the government faces, a Financial Times report says.

<b>The unrest has prompted China to suspend plans to build Pakistan’s largest oil refinery in Gwadar.</b>

A low-intensity militancy has gone on for decades. But the violence now appears to be at its most intense since the early 1970s and threatens to distract security forces from tackling Taliban fighters along the Afghan border. The blasts, which destroyed a power transmission line, coincided with Independence Day celebrations.

<b>The militants have carried out a number of attacks on the troops since the 2006 death of Nawab Akbar Bugti, then the most vocal tribal leader.

Settlers from other parts of Pakistan, especially Punjab, have been given deadlines to leave. “It is a very grim situation and in many respects is deteriorating,” a senior provincial security official told the paper.

Out of control: “[The separatists] are openly telling the Punjabis, ‘Leave while you can.’ While everyone is worried about Swat, Balochistan is getting out of control,”</b> he said.

A college professor, who teaches Pakistan Studies, said he had received death threats.

Since the country’s largest natural gas reserves were discovered in the province four decades ago, the Baloch have repeatedly criticised Islamabad for failing to give the province its share of gas royalties. <b>“We are the richest [in terms of mineral resources] but also the poorest [in terms of economic well-being],”</b> Balochistan Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani told Financial Times.

Withdrawal : Abdul Malik Baloch, president of the Balochistan National Party, said, <b>“All the proceeds from the gas have to come to Balochistan.”</b> He also favoured withdrawal of the military from the province “as part of a necessary reconciliation process that must begin to address ways of overcoming the anger in Balochistan”.

<b>The nationalists are also demanding the release of “hundreds of disappeared” colleagues</b> believed to be in the custody of the security agencies.

<b>“There is a widespread feeling that Balochistan has been badly suppressed.</b> Conciliatory steps such as ending the military’s presence and addressing the issue of the disappeared will only be enough to lay the course for reconciliation,” Malik was quoted as saying. “But then, there has to be reconciliation.”

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