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Bodo vs Bangladeshi

Northeast burning: ‘Illegal’ immigrants with valid papers
Above url = EDLANGMARI VILLAGE (DHUBRI DISTRICT OF ASSAM): Bedlangmari is a stunningly beautiful patch of land on the periphery of Kokrajhar, populated by Bengali-speaking Muslims. And almost all of them are today in refugee camps, accused of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.

But the entire lot is armed with reams of what look like valid government documents - from electoral rolls with their father's name in it to birth certificates, ration cards and judicial stamp papers signed by easily identifiable magistrates. Some even have land tax records and live in Indira Awas Yojana houses. If they are illegal immigrants, who gave them valid papers? And if the documents are fake, then where did they get them from and who are the signatories of what is clearly original data?

'Powerful patrons help migrants get ID papers'

It's a question that both the Bodo Territorial Council in Kokrajhar and the Tarun Gogoi government in Guwahati will soon need to answer if they want to see the end of Bodo-Muslim conflicts that can spiral out of hand any time. For, if Muslims are illegal occupants of tribal land, who gave them the various papers attesting their Indian citizenship? And if, like them, the documents, too, are fake, where did they get it from and who are the signatories of what are clearly original data? Is there a staggeringly huge business in these parts of providing such papers to new Bangladeshi entrants or is there a larger, more sinister force at play here that no one can pin?

Illegal immigration of Bangladeshis, for long a divisive issue in Assam with its nearly 30% Muslim population, is once again at the heart of communal clashes that have ravaged large parts of Lower Assam, driving out lakhs of people yet to find the courage to go back home. But while those from Bangladesh entering India through Dhubri and other places illegally may already have made their way to the cities — as no one can stay undetected in the villages for too long, what with local groups after the formation of BTC keeping an eye on the movement of people and the areas crawling with intelligence men—many who've suffered are poor, genuine Bengali-speaking Muslim citizens.

People like Kalimuddin Sheikh. The 62-year-old, for instance, has a paper signed by the electoral registration officer at Dhubri that says Sheikh is eligible to cast his vote at 29, Bilashipara, East Constituency. There's another paper signed, this time by the Gaon Panchayat, which certifies his Indian citizenship. Then, from a plastic bottle he uses to store all these things that might some day stop him from being expelled or even killed, he takes out a 1966 voters list that has the name of his father Ramzan Ali Sheikh at entry number 20.

As people crowd around Sheikh armed with their own sets of papers, Mohammad Kholil, small and gaunt, reeking of beedi smoke and sweat, pushes his way to the front to show a laminated document that is signed by the executive magistrate, Bilashipara. In it is written: "I, Md. Kholil Sk, s/o Afazuddin, aged 37, by caste Muslim, by profession daily waged labour, a resident of village Bedlangmari, PO Silgara, PS Chapar, Dist Dhubri (Assam), do hereby solemnly affirm and declare that I am a permanent resident of the aforesaid locality and a citizen of India by birth..."

The Bodos, however, aren't convinced. Kampa Borgoyari, deputy chief of the Bodo Territorial Council, asks, "If the number of Muslims in Kokrajhar is 2.36 lakh and only half have been displaced, how come there are over 4 lakh Muslims in refugee camps? They are all filled with Bangladeshi infiltrators pushed into these parts by anti-India agencies, helped in the documentation process by powerful patrons."
Percentage of hindus among 0-6 years child in Assam state by districts

Dhemaji 95.45%

Jorhat 93.05%

Dibrugarh 90.91%

Tinsukia 89.22%

Sibsagar 88.90%

Golaghat 85.29%

Karbi Anglong81.75%

Lakhimpur 72.71%

North Cachar Hills70.07%

Sonitpur 70.02%



Kokrajhar 59.33%

Cachar 54.22%

Bongaigaon 47.73%


Marigaon 42.05%



Hailakandi 33.82%

Goalpara 28.65%

Barpeta 28.19%

Dhubri 16.47%

Overall 55.77%
Percentage of hindus among0-6 years child in kerala state by districts

Alappuzha 66.69%

Thiruvanantha 64.75%

Palakkad 63.12%

Kollam 63.02%

Pathanamthitta 56.16%

Thrissur 56.11%

Kannur 52.33%

Idukki 49.77%

Kozhikode 49.35%

Kasaragod 49.00%

Wayanad 48.85%

Kottayam 48.28%

Ernakulam 44.18%

Malappuram 24.24%

Overall 50.95%
Percentage of Hindus among 0-6years child in West Bengal state by districts

Bankura 81.80%

Puruliya 81.62%

Medinipur 81.36%

Jalpaiguri 80.45%

Hugli 78.94%

Darjiling 76.19%



koch Bihar69.82%

Dakshin Dinajpur69.40%

Nadia 66.71%

North 24 Parganas65.52%


Birbhum 58.42%

South 24 Parganas 55.41%

Uttar Dinajpur 43.19%

Maldah 43.01%

Murshidabad 29.35%

Overall 64.61%
0-6 years child in India

Hindus 78.94%

Muslims 15.81%

Chirstian 1.99%

Shikhs 1.51%

Others 1.75%
As Ambedkar pointed out in 1940, the time from 1919 to 1939 was a slow motion civil war

that finally ended in 1947 partition

The bodo-bangladeshi riots are a repeat of history, a slow motion partition happening mainly in Assam, but secondarily in West bengal too. Note the Deganga riots

Kerala is a lesser problem since it does not have a direct border with an islamic country

The Indian army has a lot of experience in fighting JK and same tactics will be needed in Assam and West Bengal
Percentage of Muslims among0-6 years child in india's states according to 2001 cencus

Jammu & Kashmir-70.41%


West Bengal-33.16%


Uttar Pradesh-20.32%















Madhya Pradesh-6.38%

Tamil Nadu-6.18%










The demographics of Dhubri are as follows

1971 = 65%

1991 = 70%

2001 = 75%

0-6 = 85% = by 2051

Per 2001 census, Dhubri has 4 Lakh Hindus and 12 lakh muslims

From 1971 to 2001, it is clear that Dhubri has been hit by Bangladeshi infiltration, Muslim over-breeding and slow ethnic cleansing of Hindus

By low level rioting, muslims have / are in the process of ethnic cleansing 5 lakh hindus, same as in Kashmir valley

This is happening in a 100 places all over India slowly
In the beginning, armed Muslims riding motorcycles attacked a few Bodo villages, including Joypur in Kokrajhar district, where they killed four people. Soon enough, Bodos riding motorcycles were moving around in the same area, picking on Muslim targets. A Muslim pharmacy-owner was killed this week by three Bodo men on motorcycles, who fired as they sped past his shop. “These killers on motorcycles dodge the army and the police. They have become a terror,” says a local Muslim leader, Shariful Haque.

Some large mobs were led by prominent Bodo leaders, including a lawmaker, Pradip Brahma. When the head of India’s governing party, Sonia Gandhi, visited camps that had been set up to house the displaced Muslims, wailing women complained to her about Mr Brahma. On August 23rd he was arrested and Assam’s state government imposed an indefinite curfew in the whole area, for fear of reprisals.

More than 80 people, most of them Muslims but some of them Bodos, have been killed so far. Scores are missing and nearly half a million are homeless—again, more Muslims than Bodos. The army was called in to help, but even a month after the rioting erupted, reports of sporadic killings and arson are still trickling in. “This is now India’s worst internal displacement crisis but Assam is not getting the attention it deserves,” says Ranabir Sammadar of the Calcutta Research Group, a think tank.” Too many people have been made homeless in too short a time.”

In the affected villages, life is not returning to normal. “We are struggling to survive here,” says Monowar Hussein as he moves about listlessly in the squalid, makeshift camp near Bilasipara town that houses 15,000 Muslims like him. “For food, for drinking water, for space to sleep, we are worse off than animals in barns.”

It is no different in the makeshift camps housing Bodos displaced by the violence. They want to go back home but are afraid to. “We are all traumatised over the events of July,” says Jhunu Boro, who came from Joypur village where the four young men were killed. “We thought we will be safe in the camps, but here we face survival problems.” “Houses have been razed to the ground, our fields have been damaged and our cattle hacked to pieces,” says Pramila Goyary of Gossaigaon village.

Militant Bodo groups have vowed not to let local Muslims return to villages that fall under the jurisdiction of the Bodoland Territorial Council, an autonomous body created seven years ago. “They [Muslims] will have to prove beyond doubt that they are Indian citizens before we allow them to come back,” says Govinda Basumatary, who heads a faction of a group called the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). Mr Basumatary’s insinuation is that some or all of his Muslim neighbours are actually Bangladeshi nationals. Technically, the NDFB has been outlawed as a separatist group, but nevertheless one of its factions has been able to negotiate with the central government in New Delhi over a peace settlement for the past four years.

Under the terms of a ceasefire with Indian security forces, the NDFB is supposed to deposit all its weapons in designated camps. But the groups, now split into two factions, still have hundreds of armed fighters equipped with Chinese Kalashnikovs, grenades and even mortars. G.K. Pillai, a former home secretary of India, explains that “the whole Bodoland area is awash with illegal weapons. Nobody has done anything to check that and now we are paying the price.” - above url

Look at the firepower of the bodos as opposed to none with hindutva groups
Since 2006 a Muslim-dominated party, the Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF), has increased its number of seats in the state assembly. Last year it managed to emerge as the state’s main opposition party, behind only Congress (which won by a landslide). Immediately after the AUDF’s success, some Muslim leaders raised a demand for a special administrative zone for their people in western Assam, where they outnumber indigenous peoples like the Bodos and the Rabhas.

“This newfound Muslim assertiveness is most evident in their strongholds in western Assam,” says Mr Das. “But that is also the area where tribes like the Bodos and the Rabhas want to enjoy self-rule in their exclusive homelands. Conflict is inevitable - above url
It threatens to spread beyond Assam into neighbouring Meghalaya and Nagaland. Tribal groups in those states are also demanding that illegal migrants from Bangladesh be kicked out. Both their governments have warned any potential vigilantes against taking the law into their own hands. But there too, as in Assam, tension is building up against members of a Muslim minority who are seen as “settlers”, sneaking into the voting rolls. - above url
If you look at the refugee camps, the bangladeshi camps are crawling with babies and pregnant women
There’s another twist in the tale. A section says that the riots have been sparked off to bring in more illegal Bangladeshis into Assam, put them up at various relief camps under the guise of riot victims and later get them “re-settled” by the government as “genuine Indian citizens” in the name of rehabilitation. This, they fear, might be a part of the larger agenda of radical groups. Dhubri district, which saw relatively less violence compared to BTAD and is overwhelmingly a Muslim-majority district, has 144,214 Muslim inmates in 131 relief camps and not a single Bodo.

* * *

The Bodoland Territorial Council deputy chief, Kampa Borgoyari, had recently expressed surprise that Badruddin Ajmal, chief of the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), an Assam-based political party which espouses the cause of Muslims, had claimed that 4 lakh Muslims got displaced in the Kokrajhar riots when, according to the 2001 census, the total Muslim population in Kokrajhar was around 2 lakh. If Ajmal is true, it would mean there had been large-scale influx of Bangladeshis in BTAD, which may have given rise to tension. The identity of these people needs to be investigated, as BTC chief Hagrama Mohilary has demanded. Ajmal, also a cleric who runs a Rs 200-crore perfume business, has been accused of using his religious network to create trouble in other parts of the country. A top official from the Union home ministry was quoted by a local television channel as saying, in the wake of that Mumbai incident, that “Ajmal rang up and asked people to create disturbances in other parts of the country”. However, the official later retracted his statement. - above url
Another important point to be considered is raising the strength of Muslims in security forces in the trouble-torn state. - demand by Radiance weekly / Jamat e islami

The riots began when 4 bodo activists were killed by a muslim mob in front of a muslim police inspector
When armed communities are at each other’s throats in the three violence-hit western districts in Assam, the unarmed and unorganised are fleeing the state ? mostly to West Bengal and Meghalaya. The fear factor has gripped Bengali Hindus ? the softest target whenever violence takes over

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the state’s fragile peace ? and Koch-Rajbonsi tribals are fleeing the Muslim-dominated Dhubri district over the last one month since the Bodo-Muslim clashes broke out on July 20.

Bengali-speaking people from the Mankachar subdivision of Dhubri are moving to the West Garo Hills district of Meghalaya less than 10km away while people from Gauripur and Bilasipara areas are covering about 20km to reach Bengal’s Cooch Behar district ? mainly inhabited by the Rajbonsis.

Assam home secretary GD Tripathi said reports of non-Muslims fleeing certain areas would be looked into. “We will take steps to instil confidence in the people,” he said, adding that extra forces had been deployed to keep peace.

Officials in Dhubri confirmed that Bengali Hindus have been leaving for the two neighbouring states. In some cases, male members of families have returned from Cooch Behar and West Garo Hills, leaving women and children in the safe custody of relatives.

Mahadev Saha, 57, of Thakuranbari in Mankachar subdivision, who shifted his family to West Garo Hills, said, "Something is just not right. I'll bring my family back only if the authorities create a safe environment."

Dhananjoy Sen, 49, of Khudimari village in Gauripur subdivision admitted that he left with his family even though he did not receive any direct threat. "I am taking no chances after hearing about the possibility of violence," he said after escorting his family of six to Cooch Behar.

Home secretary Tripathi said tension prevailed in some areas of Bengali dominated Hailakandi district during the burial of three youths ejected from a running train in West Bengal last week, but the local administration prevented the situation from boiling over.

- above url

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