03-22-2006, 06:58 AM
Wednesday, March 22, 2006
Study for new thinking in Islamic societies
By Khalid Hasan
WASHINGTON: A new study has concluded that Arab Islamic countries need to clear up the âgray zonesâ that have come to characterise Islamist movements in order to move towards democracy.
The study, carried out by Nathan Brown and Amr Hamzawy of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, identifies the âgray zonesâ in the thinking and practice of mainstream Islamist movements as Islamic law, violence, pluralism, civil and political rights, womenâs rights, and religious minorities. âThe resolution of these issues will determine whether the rise of Islamist movements leads the countries of the Arab world, finally, toward democracy or, conversely, to a new form of authoritarianism with an Islamic character,â the authors believe.
Brown and Hamzawy maintain that the ambiguous position of many Islamist movements on these crucial issues is a matter of concern because such movements are emerging as major players in the changing political landscape of the Middle East. Further political openings will only enhance the importance of Islamist parties for the foreseeable future. For international organisations and foreign governments convinced that democratic transformation of the Middle East is crucial to the security of the rest of the world, the fact that the most important opposition movements in most countries appear stuck between religious dogma and democratic political choices is problematic.
The argue that it would be both reassuring and desirable if the major political actors in the Middle East were secular organisations with impeccable liberal credentials and a clear track record of democratic politics. But liberal organisations capable of mobilising large constituencies simply do not exist in Arab countries today. As a result, Islamist groups will remain the most important opposition force for the foreseeable future, whether or not secular Arabs and Western governments like it, they predict. Only repression could curb the influence of Islamist movements. They cite the experience of Algeria, which suffered a bloody civil war after elections were cancelled in 1992 to deny the expected victory to Islamists, as a reminder that repression has a high cost.
The authors write, âNo ideology in the Arab world has at present the appeal of the Islamist message, which powerfully combines a religious ideal with the concept of social justice - a concept concretely embodied in the network of service organisations that Islamist parties have set up in many countries. Liberal democrats have been unable so far to fashion a message attractive to large numbers of their countrymen. Their abstract message about democracy resonates only at a very general level and has failed to serve as the basis for political mobilisation. Arab citizens are not averse to democracy, as a growing number of public opinion surveys shows. When provided with an opportunity to participate in an open political process, they do so. Yet, when they vote, they do not choose to cast their ballots for liberal democratic parties.â
Brown and Hamzawy find it remarkable that Islamist movements have managed to incorporate key elements of the liberal platform - demands for accountability, constitutional reform, an end to political repression, and clean government - into their agenda. Indeed, the only true ideological competition Islamist parties face in the Arab world is ethnic or religious nationalisms.â
The authors note that because of the ideological advantage enjoyed by Islamist groups and the years of work that many have invested in organising, the possibility that the already existing or new non-Islamist parties will be able to compete effectively with them in the near future is not good. âWe are not implying that
Middle East countries will never be able to generate effective secular parties; rather, that Islamists have had a headstart, and in the next electoral cycle and beyond, they will likely be the most important opposition force in most countries,â they predict. Direct funding or training of secular parties and liberal civil society organisations will not alter this. The future direction of moderate Islamist movements depends greatly on how they work their way through the murkiness of the gray zones as they react to the challenges of the changing political context in their countries.
Brown and Hamzawy argue that Turkey is proof that Islamist parties can embrace democracy. âUncertainty is a fact of life in politics. Evidence suggests that the reformist currents in the Islamist movement are real, that they are becoming much more sophisticated and flexible in their thinking, and that recent political success in some countries is increasing their influence within their respective organisations. It also suggests that gray zones remain extensive. We conclude that engagement with Islamist organisations is the only constructive option open governments that believe in democratic development,â they recommend.
Study for new thinking in Islamic societies
By Khalid Hasan
WASHINGTON: A new study has concluded that Arab Islamic countries need to clear up the âgray zonesâ that have come to characterise Islamist movements in order to move towards democracy.
The study, carried out by Nathan Brown and Amr Hamzawy of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, identifies the âgray zonesâ in the thinking and practice of mainstream Islamist movements as Islamic law, violence, pluralism, civil and political rights, womenâs rights, and religious minorities. âThe resolution of these issues will determine whether the rise of Islamist movements leads the countries of the Arab world, finally, toward democracy or, conversely, to a new form of authoritarianism with an Islamic character,â the authors believe.
Brown and Hamzawy maintain that the ambiguous position of many Islamist movements on these crucial issues is a matter of concern because such movements are emerging as major players in the changing political landscape of the Middle East. Further political openings will only enhance the importance of Islamist parties for the foreseeable future. For international organisations and foreign governments convinced that democratic transformation of the Middle East is crucial to the security of the rest of the world, the fact that the most important opposition movements in most countries appear stuck between religious dogma and democratic political choices is problematic.
The argue that it would be both reassuring and desirable if the major political actors in the Middle East were secular organisations with impeccable liberal credentials and a clear track record of democratic politics. But liberal organisations capable of mobilising large constituencies simply do not exist in Arab countries today. As a result, Islamist groups will remain the most important opposition force for the foreseeable future, whether or not secular Arabs and Western governments like it, they predict. Only repression could curb the influence of Islamist movements. They cite the experience of Algeria, which suffered a bloody civil war after elections were cancelled in 1992 to deny the expected victory to Islamists, as a reminder that repression has a high cost.
The authors write, âNo ideology in the Arab world has at present the appeal of the Islamist message, which powerfully combines a religious ideal with the concept of social justice - a concept concretely embodied in the network of service organisations that Islamist parties have set up in many countries. Liberal democrats have been unable so far to fashion a message attractive to large numbers of their countrymen. Their abstract message about democracy resonates only at a very general level and has failed to serve as the basis for political mobilisation. Arab citizens are not averse to democracy, as a growing number of public opinion surveys shows. When provided with an opportunity to participate in an open political process, they do so. Yet, when they vote, they do not choose to cast their ballots for liberal democratic parties.â
Brown and Hamzawy find it remarkable that Islamist movements have managed to incorporate key elements of the liberal platform - demands for accountability, constitutional reform, an end to political repression, and clean government - into their agenda. Indeed, the only true ideological competition Islamist parties face in the Arab world is ethnic or religious nationalisms.â
The authors note that because of the ideological advantage enjoyed by Islamist groups and the years of work that many have invested in organising, the possibility that the already existing or new non-Islamist parties will be able to compete effectively with them in the near future is not good. âWe are not implying that
Middle East countries will never be able to generate effective secular parties; rather, that Islamists have had a headstart, and in the next electoral cycle and beyond, they will likely be the most important opposition force in most countries,â they predict. Direct funding or training of secular parties and liberal civil society organisations will not alter this. The future direction of moderate Islamist movements depends greatly on how they work their way through the murkiness of the gray zones as they react to the challenges of the changing political context in their countries.
Brown and Hamzawy argue that Turkey is proof that Islamist parties can embrace democracy. âUncertainty is a fact of life in politics. Evidence suggests that the reformist currents in the Islamist movement are real, that they are becoming much more sophisticated and flexible in their thinking, and that recent political success in some countries is increasing their influence within their respective organisations. It also suggests that gray zones remain extensive. We conclude that engagement with Islamist organisations is the only constructive option open governments that believe in democratic development,â they recommend.