08-14-2006, 06:29 PM
<!--emo&:argue--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/argue.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='argue.gif' /><!--endemo--> Nepal's Peace Process:
<b>Itâs a Long Way to Tipperary </b>
By Madhukar S.J.B.Rana
Former Finance Minister
UN's Steffan de Mistura came and left with "cautious optimism". Most surprisingly, while in transit, he choose to visit India to "exchange notes" with the Indian Foreign Secretary because, according to him, of the Indo-Nepal 'special relations'.
It is worth mentioning that even while the UN arms management mission was in Nepal the Indian Foreign Secretary had organized a meeting, significantly, with all of his South Asian ambassadors here in Kathmandu itself to send a message to the UN bureaucrats that Nepal falls in India's sphere of influence.
To be honest, de Mistura drew a blank and left hoping to fill his notebook with a 'common minimum position' for him to submit to the UN Secretary General; and for which he had left Ian Martin do the follow-up rounds so that a common position could be had by August 11, 2006.
If anything, De Mistura filled his note book with extraneous terms of reference to make up of for the lack of progress when he advised Nepal on how the UN could help us, "provided there is agreement on all sides", over arms and armies' management; expansion of human rights in Nepal; monitoring the code of conduct, and assistance for the elections to the constituent assembly. Note there was no reference, whatsoever, for financial assistance to resettle, rehabilitate and re-employ the real sufferers-- the internally displaced people. Nor any reference to financially help re-build the infrastructure destroyed during the conflict.
Come August 11, 2006 Nepal has presented a "common position" which, to put it in diplomatese is an 'uncommon common position'. Why so? Let us analyse its content step by step.
To begin with the reference to the role of OHCHR is a non issue as it is already established here. The request to assist with monitoring the code of conduct raises several vital questions. Who actually will have primary responsibility to monitor, if not the UN? What will 'to assist' entail in terms of money, material, men and procedures for the UN?
What sanctions are to be applied to transgressors where the code of conduct is breached? Is a code of conduct sufficient to ensure peace and guarantee free and fair elections? Is it not necessary to have a formal ceasefire agreement to enable the due process of law to provide it with full legal validity for eventual judicial redress?
The UN is expected to send qualified civilians to monitor and verify the confinement of the Maoist militia and their weapons in 'designated cantonment areas'. The vital issue here is : Who is to designate the cantonment areas? How are we to be sure that the entire militia force and weaponry are actually confined? For how long is the confinement to take place--- till after or before the constituent assembly elections? Will the UN accept that the Maoist join the Interim Government and Interim Parliament prior to decommissioning their arms?
Secondary issues that have remained untouched are: who will maintain law and order if hostilities break out in the interim through the actions of its breakaway factions, as is taking place in the Terai or because of vigilante or mafia actions? What if droughts, floods, flash floods and earthquakes should hit Nepal? Does the armed force remain in their barracks?
Nepal is in a state of free fall. Where history is being re-written with the erosion, if not destruction, of traditional institutions from their pride of place in society like monarchy, the place of Hinduism and, not least, the attempted re-engineering of the one institution that is truly a national institution--- the army with its long, glorious history of founding and then preserving the independence and territorial integrity of the kingdom.
The precise parameters of our nation state are a grand unknown. It is as through the foundation of our house, its flooring, ceilings, roofing, walls, windows and doorsâits architectureâis in a state of void.
The core societal values, its goals and mission are largely unknown ostensibly to be decide by the constituent assembly. Or is it to be decided by the Interim Constitution, to be submitted for approval by the unelected Interim Parliament as decided by the Interim Government that is to be appointed by heaven knows whom? All this is to take place with the Supreme Court kept in a state of regal limbo not knowing which constitution they are to protect and preserve through judicial interpretation and review.
So, therefore, our religious traditions and our historical legacies are henceforth to be declared taboo being charged with being harbingers of feudalism as though Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism are free from the feudal mindset bound by their fascistic, totalitarian political ideologies seeking dictatorship of the proletariat, one party-led people' s democracy and the like.
Only the market, and its expansion, can unleash us from the vice-like grip of our poverty compounded by the fascist ideologies that basically nurtures authoritarian, and a feudal mindset. Markets allow individuals to be sovereign guided by the principles of full economic freedom for entry, exit and expansion in the product and service market places duly regulated by the laws of competition to protect consumers, farmers and workers from all manner of monopolistic business behavior. Full property right for each individual is a must for the generation of national wealth through the dynamics of the market mechanisms.
Conflict erodes social trust. Rapid change, pushed along in an atmosphere of conflict, violence, insurgency and terrorism is bound to generate societal stress, disharmony, distrust and destabilization. In such a uncertain environment, entrepreneurship is retarded and gamblers, bandits, blackmailers, smugglers, tax evaders, political wheeler-dealers take over from entrepreneurs at the cost of national unity and harmony. The mafia is the winner during periods of uncertainties and conflicts.
Ironically, individuals will be forced to seek self-protection by finding their safety and security through solidarity with their own castes, creeds, ethnic communities and class to further undermine broader national values thereby eroding national unity, harmony and trust.
Specially when conflicting political ideologies with competitive party politics under the electoral system of proportional representation cold cause further political instability in the absence of statesmanlike, patriotic behaviour from the political and social leaders. And in the absence of political parties that are deeply committed to inculcating a sound culture of democracy through exemplary party good governance nourished by its its past misdemeanours and mistakes.
The greatest danger is the social malaise that tends to unfold with the growing generation gap and the consequential breakdown of the joint or nuclear family systems in rural and urban areas respectively resulting in the erosion of our social capital.
Undoubtedly, Nepalis as individuals and their communities are faced with a crisis of identity. Yes, it may be argued that as individuals in an age of globalization and neo-cosmopolitanism it is genuinely possible for each individual to adopt multiple identities; but is this neither possible nor advisable for a community or a nation. Africa with all its vast empty spaces with an abundance of natural resources and low population density is in desperate condition as a 'lost continent' precisely because its peoples as individuals ape the west while its communities are left with no identity of their own whatsoever.
In such a scenario, it will be wise to put our national faith in the UN principles, systems and the collective security provided by it with moving ahead with greater momentum with the WTO obligations; implementation of human rights as per international law, and ratifying the international treaty on the International Criminal Court.
Conclusions
Upon analyzing the text of the agreement sent to the UN it appears that the UN will have to function as a mediator if they are to play an effective role in the entire peace process and elections to the constituent assembly.
It definitely will be required to play a role that is much more than that of an honest broker, observer or facilitator if it is to succeed in its mission of peace building and arms management give the vagueness of the agreement as to the desired role for the UN. This reasoning is premised on the belief that much of the issues related to the question of the 'how' with arms management is left deliberately vague in the common minimum agreement and thus subject to all manner of convenient interpretations by the government, Maoists, political parties and civil society.
The sum totality of the agreement, at face value, is simply that the UN peace keepers will not be deployed into Nepal with much of the peace building activities to be engaged in by UN mediators and the OHCHR.
Instead of unilaterally declaring and extending the cease fire, it is high time the Maoists unilaterally announced its Declaration of Peace by renouncing violence and stating what the Prachanda path is supposed to be ideologically in the context of the unfolding 21st century. In the absence of this fundamental posture, all this dilly dallying or tactical manipulating with arms decommissioning and ultimate rehabilitation of the Maoist militia would appear to be because, as Maoist leader Dinesh Sharma has lucidly stated, of their strategy is actually to rehabilitate the Maoist militia as an integral part of the Nepal Army. This is a sure recipe for permanent coups from within the army.
Former Ambassador K V Rajan to Nepal, we think you should also take moral responsibilities to turn Nepal into China fold.
Guru Bar
<b>Itâs a Long Way to Tipperary </b>
By Madhukar S.J.B.Rana
Former Finance Minister
UN's Steffan de Mistura came and left with "cautious optimism". Most surprisingly, while in transit, he choose to visit India to "exchange notes" with the Indian Foreign Secretary because, according to him, of the Indo-Nepal 'special relations'.
It is worth mentioning that even while the UN arms management mission was in Nepal the Indian Foreign Secretary had organized a meeting, significantly, with all of his South Asian ambassadors here in Kathmandu itself to send a message to the UN bureaucrats that Nepal falls in India's sphere of influence.
To be honest, de Mistura drew a blank and left hoping to fill his notebook with a 'common minimum position' for him to submit to the UN Secretary General; and for which he had left Ian Martin do the follow-up rounds so that a common position could be had by August 11, 2006.
If anything, De Mistura filled his note book with extraneous terms of reference to make up of for the lack of progress when he advised Nepal on how the UN could help us, "provided there is agreement on all sides", over arms and armies' management; expansion of human rights in Nepal; monitoring the code of conduct, and assistance for the elections to the constituent assembly. Note there was no reference, whatsoever, for financial assistance to resettle, rehabilitate and re-employ the real sufferers-- the internally displaced people. Nor any reference to financially help re-build the infrastructure destroyed during the conflict.
Come August 11, 2006 Nepal has presented a "common position" which, to put it in diplomatese is an 'uncommon common position'. Why so? Let us analyse its content step by step.
To begin with the reference to the role of OHCHR is a non issue as it is already established here. The request to assist with monitoring the code of conduct raises several vital questions. Who actually will have primary responsibility to monitor, if not the UN? What will 'to assist' entail in terms of money, material, men and procedures for the UN?
What sanctions are to be applied to transgressors where the code of conduct is breached? Is a code of conduct sufficient to ensure peace and guarantee free and fair elections? Is it not necessary to have a formal ceasefire agreement to enable the due process of law to provide it with full legal validity for eventual judicial redress?
The UN is expected to send qualified civilians to monitor and verify the confinement of the Maoist militia and their weapons in 'designated cantonment areas'. The vital issue here is : Who is to designate the cantonment areas? How are we to be sure that the entire militia force and weaponry are actually confined? For how long is the confinement to take place--- till after or before the constituent assembly elections? Will the UN accept that the Maoist join the Interim Government and Interim Parliament prior to decommissioning their arms?
Secondary issues that have remained untouched are: who will maintain law and order if hostilities break out in the interim through the actions of its breakaway factions, as is taking place in the Terai or because of vigilante or mafia actions? What if droughts, floods, flash floods and earthquakes should hit Nepal? Does the armed force remain in their barracks?
Nepal is in a state of free fall. Where history is being re-written with the erosion, if not destruction, of traditional institutions from their pride of place in society like monarchy, the place of Hinduism and, not least, the attempted re-engineering of the one institution that is truly a national institution--- the army with its long, glorious history of founding and then preserving the independence and territorial integrity of the kingdom.
The precise parameters of our nation state are a grand unknown. It is as through the foundation of our house, its flooring, ceilings, roofing, walls, windows and doorsâits architectureâis in a state of void.
The core societal values, its goals and mission are largely unknown ostensibly to be decide by the constituent assembly. Or is it to be decided by the Interim Constitution, to be submitted for approval by the unelected Interim Parliament as decided by the Interim Government that is to be appointed by heaven knows whom? All this is to take place with the Supreme Court kept in a state of regal limbo not knowing which constitution they are to protect and preserve through judicial interpretation and review.
So, therefore, our religious traditions and our historical legacies are henceforth to be declared taboo being charged with being harbingers of feudalism as though Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism are free from the feudal mindset bound by their fascistic, totalitarian political ideologies seeking dictatorship of the proletariat, one party-led people' s democracy and the like.
Only the market, and its expansion, can unleash us from the vice-like grip of our poverty compounded by the fascist ideologies that basically nurtures authoritarian, and a feudal mindset. Markets allow individuals to be sovereign guided by the principles of full economic freedom for entry, exit and expansion in the product and service market places duly regulated by the laws of competition to protect consumers, farmers and workers from all manner of monopolistic business behavior. Full property right for each individual is a must for the generation of national wealth through the dynamics of the market mechanisms.
Conflict erodes social trust. Rapid change, pushed along in an atmosphere of conflict, violence, insurgency and terrorism is bound to generate societal stress, disharmony, distrust and destabilization. In such a uncertain environment, entrepreneurship is retarded and gamblers, bandits, blackmailers, smugglers, tax evaders, political wheeler-dealers take over from entrepreneurs at the cost of national unity and harmony. The mafia is the winner during periods of uncertainties and conflicts.
Ironically, individuals will be forced to seek self-protection by finding their safety and security through solidarity with their own castes, creeds, ethnic communities and class to further undermine broader national values thereby eroding national unity, harmony and trust.
Specially when conflicting political ideologies with competitive party politics under the electoral system of proportional representation cold cause further political instability in the absence of statesmanlike, patriotic behaviour from the political and social leaders. And in the absence of political parties that are deeply committed to inculcating a sound culture of democracy through exemplary party good governance nourished by its its past misdemeanours and mistakes.
The greatest danger is the social malaise that tends to unfold with the growing generation gap and the consequential breakdown of the joint or nuclear family systems in rural and urban areas respectively resulting in the erosion of our social capital.
Undoubtedly, Nepalis as individuals and their communities are faced with a crisis of identity. Yes, it may be argued that as individuals in an age of globalization and neo-cosmopolitanism it is genuinely possible for each individual to adopt multiple identities; but is this neither possible nor advisable for a community or a nation. Africa with all its vast empty spaces with an abundance of natural resources and low population density is in desperate condition as a 'lost continent' precisely because its peoples as individuals ape the west while its communities are left with no identity of their own whatsoever.
In such a scenario, it will be wise to put our national faith in the UN principles, systems and the collective security provided by it with moving ahead with greater momentum with the WTO obligations; implementation of human rights as per international law, and ratifying the international treaty on the International Criminal Court.
Conclusions
Upon analyzing the text of the agreement sent to the UN it appears that the UN will have to function as a mediator if they are to play an effective role in the entire peace process and elections to the constituent assembly.
It definitely will be required to play a role that is much more than that of an honest broker, observer or facilitator if it is to succeed in its mission of peace building and arms management give the vagueness of the agreement as to the desired role for the UN. This reasoning is premised on the belief that much of the issues related to the question of the 'how' with arms management is left deliberately vague in the common minimum agreement and thus subject to all manner of convenient interpretations by the government, Maoists, political parties and civil society.
The sum totality of the agreement, at face value, is simply that the UN peace keepers will not be deployed into Nepal with much of the peace building activities to be engaged in by UN mediators and the OHCHR.
Instead of unilaterally declaring and extending the cease fire, it is high time the Maoists unilaterally announced its Declaration of Peace by renouncing violence and stating what the Prachanda path is supposed to be ideologically in the context of the unfolding 21st century. In the absence of this fundamental posture, all this dilly dallying or tactical manipulating with arms decommissioning and ultimate rehabilitation of the Maoist militia would appear to be because, as Maoist leader Dinesh Sharma has lucidly stated, of their strategy is actually to rehabilitate the Maoist militia as an integral part of the Nepal Army. This is a sure recipe for permanent coups from within the army.
Former Ambassador K V Rajan to Nepal, we think you should also take moral responsibilities to turn Nepal into China fold.
Guru Bar