06-04-2007, 03:10 AM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Quota blowback </b>
Pioneer.com
CP Bhambhri
It is the creamy layer of reserved castes which grabs the benefits of reservation, leaving the deserving high and dry
The Pandora's Box of reservation has been reopened by the violent agitation launched by the Rajasthan Gujjar Sangharsh Samiti. The Gujjar community in Rajasthan, till now classified as OBC, is up in arms against the Vasundhara Raje Government, demanding it be reclassified as Scheduled Tribe. The Gujjars believe they will benefit more from reservation under the ST category than as OBC.
The ongoing struggle of the Gujjar community has reopened the contentious issue of caste-based reservation in public institutions. All political parties have promoted caste-based reservation for winning elections on the basis of a guaranteed support from a specific social constituency. The best illustration of political consensus on the policy of extensions of caste-based reservation in public institutions is provided by the 93rd Constitutional Amendment on the basis of which a parliamentary law has been enacted in 2006 to provide 27.5 per cent reservation to OBC candidates in Union Government-aided institutions of higher learning.
<b>The policy of caste-based reservation has become an instrument in the hands of politicians to win over caste-based support. During the last 60 years, the process of including more and more castes in the category of reserved category has become an unstoppable phenomenon,</b> thanks to unique political consensus on the issue. Every political party is deeply involved in it. Former Prime Minister VP Singh played this game in August 1990 when he announced the acceptance of the Mandal Commission's report, recommending quota for the backward castes in public services.
The logic of reservation is at work. The Vasundhara Raje Government is caught in a difficult situation. <b>If the demand of the Gujjar community is accepted, her political opponents will instigate some other caste group for some other demand. If politicians are the originator and patroniser of a contentious and extremely divisive political problem, solutions have to found by them</b>.
Another irrefutable argument against caste-based reservation has been provided by the Supreme Court while hearing an appeal against the implementation of reservation of seats in the Educational Institutions Act, 2006, by asking the Government about the deletion of 'creamy layer' from the category of reserved seats. Incidentally, the apex court had prohibited the 'creamy layer' category for reservation in public services while hearing a case against the Mandal Commission recommendations.
The policy of reservation is, in reality, not meant for the needy, deprived and economically handicapped social groups, but for the elite among the castes described as "backward". The backward strata of society deserve special concessions, attention and financial aid to come out of their low economic status.
It is the duty of a democratic state, especially in a country of great inequalities, to undertake specific public policies by targeting the really economically and educationally deprived sections of society. Public policies should be formulated to uplift the poor from their existing status of deprivation by opening special schools for them. Besides, a public policy based on a scheme of scholarship for primary, secondary and higher education is needed.
Tamil Nadu is the headquarters of the reservation policy. The major Dravidian parties are even against the limit of 50 per cent reservation of seats, as decided by the Supreme Court. They want an amendment to the Constitution to remove any ceiling over percentage of quota in public institutions.
Tamil Nadu has been ruled by powerful 'intermediate castes' for the last 40 years. These castes, while in power, have been extending the scope of reservation for their own caste fraternity. It is not without reason that the DMK, alongwith 'backward caste' leaders of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, have been spearheading the movement for OBC reservation in education institutions.
Caste-based reservation is a logical extension of cast-based politics. The consequence of this phenomenon is that Indians society is completely fragmented. Today, Gujjars are just following in the footsteps of Jats. Policy of reservation has institutionalised the caste system because Governments have put their seal of approval on multiple caste identities.
Caste-based reservation creates a monolith category of a specific caste, while the reality is that such a category is artificially constructed by politicians. The poor cut across caste or communal lines and do not get benefits of reservation because the creamy layer of every caste grabs the benefits of reservation. <b>The elite is the real beneficiary of reservation. </b>
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Pioneer.com
CP Bhambhri
It is the creamy layer of reserved castes which grabs the benefits of reservation, leaving the deserving high and dry
The Pandora's Box of reservation has been reopened by the violent agitation launched by the Rajasthan Gujjar Sangharsh Samiti. The Gujjar community in Rajasthan, till now classified as OBC, is up in arms against the Vasundhara Raje Government, demanding it be reclassified as Scheduled Tribe. The Gujjars believe they will benefit more from reservation under the ST category than as OBC.
The ongoing struggle of the Gujjar community has reopened the contentious issue of caste-based reservation in public institutions. All political parties have promoted caste-based reservation for winning elections on the basis of a guaranteed support from a specific social constituency. The best illustration of political consensus on the policy of extensions of caste-based reservation in public institutions is provided by the 93rd Constitutional Amendment on the basis of which a parliamentary law has been enacted in 2006 to provide 27.5 per cent reservation to OBC candidates in Union Government-aided institutions of higher learning.
<b>The policy of caste-based reservation has become an instrument in the hands of politicians to win over caste-based support. During the last 60 years, the process of including more and more castes in the category of reserved category has become an unstoppable phenomenon,</b> thanks to unique political consensus on the issue. Every political party is deeply involved in it. Former Prime Minister VP Singh played this game in August 1990 when he announced the acceptance of the Mandal Commission's report, recommending quota for the backward castes in public services.
The logic of reservation is at work. The Vasundhara Raje Government is caught in a difficult situation. <b>If the demand of the Gujjar community is accepted, her political opponents will instigate some other caste group for some other demand. If politicians are the originator and patroniser of a contentious and extremely divisive political problem, solutions have to found by them</b>.
Another irrefutable argument against caste-based reservation has been provided by the Supreme Court while hearing an appeal against the implementation of reservation of seats in the Educational Institutions Act, 2006, by asking the Government about the deletion of 'creamy layer' from the category of reserved seats. Incidentally, the apex court had prohibited the 'creamy layer' category for reservation in public services while hearing a case against the Mandal Commission recommendations.
The policy of reservation is, in reality, not meant for the needy, deprived and economically handicapped social groups, but for the elite among the castes described as "backward". The backward strata of society deserve special concessions, attention and financial aid to come out of their low economic status.
It is the duty of a democratic state, especially in a country of great inequalities, to undertake specific public policies by targeting the really economically and educationally deprived sections of society. Public policies should be formulated to uplift the poor from their existing status of deprivation by opening special schools for them. Besides, a public policy based on a scheme of scholarship for primary, secondary and higher education is needed.
Tamil Nadu is the headquarters of the reservation policy. The major Dravidian parties are even against the limit of 50 per cent reservation of seats, as decided by the Supreme Court. They want an amendment to the Constitution to remove any ceiling over percentage of quota in public institutions.
Tamil Nadu has been ruled by powerful 'intermediate castes' for the last 40 years. These castes, while in power, have been extending the scope of reservation for their own caste fraternity. It is not without reason that the DMK, alongwith 'backward caste' leaders of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, have been spearheading the movement for OBC reservation in education institutions.
Caste-based reservation is a logical extension of cast-based politics. The consequence of this phenomenon is that Indians society is completely fragmented. Today, Gujjars are just following in the footsteps of Jats. Policy of reservation has institutionalised the caste system because Governments have put their seal of approval on multiple caste identities.
Caste-based reservation creates a monolith category of a specific caste, while the reality is that such a category is artificially constructed by politicians. The poor cut across caste or communal lines and do not get benefits of reservation because the creamy layer of every caste grabs the benefits of reservation. <b>The elite is the real beneficiary of reservation. </b>
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