10-08-2003, 01:11 PM
The great game
Tuesday October 07, 2003 (0352 PST)
Alauddin Masood
[url="http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.php?id=40588"]http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.php?id=40588[/url]
The tempo builds up with realization about Central Asiaâs growing importance; regionâs geo-strategic location and economic potential lures more contestants. India outflanks Pakistan in the north by establishing a military base in Tajikstan. The âGreat Gameâ has commenced again; this time at a brisk pace following the Soviet Unionâs implosion in 1991. The contestants were cautious initially but, after 9/11, they seem to have discarded all pretentions and started vying openly and ruthlessly for the booty.
The turf remains the well-known and time-tested fields of Central Asia. In the past, those grounds attracted only the mighty and the most adventurous ones who wanted to sway over the universe and considered their foothold in the area to be the first major leap for attainment of their global designs. They held this notion because Central Asia served as a bridge between Asia and Europe and also offered a convenient transit route to other regions of the world.
Now, Central Asia has an added attraction. Its vast reserves of natural gas and oil lure not only the world supremos and the regional bullies, but also the area mavericks. One should not, therefore, be surprised to see over half-a-dozen contestants vying for access to the CAR or establishing their foothold there. In addition to Russia and America, other notable contestants, this time, include Iran, Turkey, China, India and Pakistan. Russiaâs traditional challenger â Britain has opted to support America in the game, which is now continuing with vigor and at great speed.
The interest of Iran, Turkey, China and Pakistan in the CARs is understandable and quite natural. The region lies in close proximity to them, while the population â their cultural and ethnical akins â has been interacting with each other for the last many centuries. Instability in the region or outside incursions could affect, disturb and destabilize them as well. But, the American and the Indian moves in the CARs are solely and exclusively driven by greed, economic exploitation, lust for power and hegemony.
By virtue of her 1971 Friendship Treaty with Moscow, India enjoyed close political links with the USSR and its satellite Central Asian States. Taking advantage of her influence in those States, India started to âcourtâ them immediately after they gained independence and freedom from the USSRâs tutelage. She promptly upgraded her consulate in Tashkent to a full-fledged Embassy, while New Delhi set-up her Embassies in other republics by early 1992.
A number of factors govern Indiaâs moves towards CARs and efforts to âsuitâ them. In addition to quest for energy, these include pursuit of geo-strategic and economic goals with an overriding desire to outflank archrival Pakistan. New Delhiâs fears about the possibility of the emergence of a Muslim block in Central Asia and also the growth of Pakistanâs influence there were some of the concerns which made India pursue her goals in CARs with vigor and commitment. The ensuing conflict of interest in the region between Russia, America and China is another stimulant for New Delhiâs forward moves in Central Asia. According to some scholars, Indiaâs growing need for energy coupled with her aspirations of becoming a regional power, and ultimately a global one, underlies New Delhiâs increased interest in the region. These circles link Indiaâs grabbing of Siachin in 1984 and establishing a military base there as her first major step to achieving global designs.
As a result of these moves and efforts, Central Asia has now come to represent Indiaâs âextended neighborhood.â On account of Indiaâs strategic and economic interests in Central Asia, New Delhi has made conscious and concerted efforts to strengthen and diversify her relations with all the five Republics on the bogey of âAscendancy of Islamic Fundamentalism.â The post-9/11 period saw the emergence of reinvigorated Indo-Central Asian relations based on the common threat of Islamic resurgence.
The Central Asian regimes are engaged in a major power struggle with the Islamic radical groups like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and Hizb-ul-Tahrir. All the five States regard these groups to be their main security threats.
USSRâs disintegration considerably increased the poverty and dissatisfaction of the masses. It made the population of CARs, in particular, an easy prey for the political agenda of certain religious elements to use their co-religionistsâ faith for rousing them against the corrupt, unpopular, authoritative and secular regimes in Central Asia, which allegedly have no respect for law or human rights.
New Delhi feared that any advance by Islamic militants in Central Asia could make similar elements active in the Indian occupied Kashmir. This common threat perception resulted in close interaction between India and the CARs to âcontain cross-border terrorism and extremism.â
Exploiting this common threat perception, New Delhi was able to muster the support of not only Tajikistan but also Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, which played an important role to help India establish her military base, in the 1990s, at Farkhor in Tajikistan. The Republic of Tajikistan is separated from Ishkoman Vallery in Northern Pakistan by a narrow corridor â Wakhan â in Afghanistanâs Badakshan region.
Farkhor is the first step that India has taken in trying to establish her military foothold in Central Asia, avowedly to complement the US military in its fight against terrorism. Accordingly, New Delhi has become an active player of the US-led anti-terrorism coalition.
China is also engaged with the CARs in their common pursuit of rooting out terrorism. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) forum has been created to counter the threat emanating from terrorism. With Kyrgyzstanâs active support, India is lobbying for inclusion in the SCO. This organization is not only about security and anti-terrorism, closer economic cooperation amongst member States is high on its agenda. India is trying to obtain SCOâs membership because it has the potential to emerge as the most important multilateral organization in Eurasia.
Indiaâs increased presence in Central Asia serves a number of purposes for New Delhi. Not only does it reinforce Indiaâs position as a key player in the global war against terrorism, but it also aids her goal of becoming the dominant regional power in the Indian Ocean.
The Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) has, over the years, been regularly organizing âEnterprise Indiaâ exhibitions in the capitals of CARs (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenstan) to serve as a platform for the Indian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) in Central Asia. An exhibition organized in Almaty (Kazakhstan), in April 2002, Indian SMEs were able to sign 11 MoUs and generate business worth $ 28 million.
The President of the Union of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Kazakhstan visited India, in May 2003, where he spoke of Kazakhstanâs keenness to sell crude oil to India and enhance bilateral trade between the two countries.
In June 2003, India and Kazakhstan set up a Joint Working Group against terrorism. Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee asserted on the occasion that terrorism and religious extremism must not be allowed to develop in Asia, a remark that was interpreted as being directed against Pakistan.
Drawing upon the goodwill that India enjoys in Central Asia, New Delhi has bought an Ilysuhin-76 from Uzbekistan upon which, according to knowledgeable sources, it intends to mount an Israeli Phalcon, an Awacs-like system to provide reconnaissance activities over Central Asia and Pakistan.
India has clinched an important role in Afghanistanâs reconstruction as well. She has established a chain of her consulates in Afghanistan to monitor the day-to-day situation and to keep the turf conducive for her moves. Indian manoeuvres in both the Central Asia and Afghanistan have far-reaching implications for Pakistan. But, Pakistanâs leaders remain too involved in domestic politics and mutual bickering to take appropriate remedial steps!
Tuesday October 07, 2003 (0352 PST)
Alauddin Masood
[url="http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.php?id=40588"]http://www.paktribune.com/news/index.php?id=40588[/url]
The tempo builds up with realization about Central Asiaâs growing importance; regionâs geo-strategic location and economic potential lures more contestants. India outflanks Pakistan in the north by establishing a military base in Tajikstan. The âGreat Gameâ has commenced again; this time at a brisk pace following the Soviet Unionâs implosion in 1991. The contestants were cautious initially but, after 9/11, they seem to have discarded all pretentions and started vying openly and ruthlessly for the booty.
The turf remains the well-known and time-tested fields of Central Asia. In the past, those grounds attracted only the mighty and the most adventurous ones who wanted to sway over the universe and considered their foothold in the area to be the first major leap for attainment of their global designs. They held this notion because Central Asia served as a bridge between Asia and Europe and also offered a convenient transit route to other regions of the world.
Now, Central Asia has an added attraction. Its vast reserves of natural gas and oil lure not only the world supremos and the regional bullies, but also the area mavericks. One should not, therefore, be surprised to see over half-a-dozen contestants vying for access to the CAR or establishing their foothold there. In addition to Russia and America, other notable contestants, this time, include Iran, Turkey, China, India and Pakistan. Russiaâs traditional challenger â Britain has opted to support America in the game, which is now continuing with vigor and at great speed.
The interest of Iran, Turkey, China and Pakistan in the CARs is understandable and quite natural. The region lies in close proximity to them, while the population â their cultural and ethnical akins â has been interacting with each other for the last many centuries. Instability in the region or outside incursions could affect, disturb and destabilize them as well. But, the American and the Indian moves in the CARs are solely and exclusively driven by greed, economic exploitation, lust for power and hegemony.
By virtue of her 1971 Friendship Treaty with Moscow, India enjoyed close political links with the USSR and its satellite Central Asian States. Taking advantage of her influence in those States, India started to âcourtâ them immediately after they gained independence and freedom from the USSRâs tutelage. She promptly upgraded her consulate in Tashkent to a full-fledged Embassy, while New Delhi set-up her Embassies in other republics by early 1992.
A number of factors govern Indiaâs moves towards CARs and efforts to âsuitâ them. In addition to quest for energy, these include pursuit of geo-strategic and economic goals with an overriding desire to outflank archrival Pakistan. New Delhiâs fears about the possibility of the emergence of a Muslim block in Central Asia and also the growth of Pakistanâs influence there were some of the concerns which made India pursue her goals in CARs with vigor and commitment. The ensuing conflict of interest in the region between Russia, America and China is another stimulant for New Delhiâs forward moves in Central Asia. According to some scholars, Indiaâs growing need for energy coupled with her aspirations of becoming a regional power, and ultimately a global one, underlies New Delhiâs increased interest in the region. These circles link Indiaâs grabbing of Siachin in 1984 and establishing a military base there as her first major step to achieving global designs.
As a result of these moves and efforts, Central Asia has now come to represent Indiaâs âextended neighborhood.â On account of Indiaâs strategic and economic interests in Central Asia, New Delhi has made conscious and concerted efforts to strengthen and diversify her relations with all the five Republics on the bogey of âAscendancy of Islamic Fundamentalism.â The post-9/11 period saw the emergence of reinvigorated Indo-Central Asian relations based on the common threat of Islamic resurgence.
The Central Asian regimes are engaged in a major power struggle with the Islamic radical groups like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and Hizb-ul-Tahrir. All the five States regard these groups to be their main security threats.
USSRâs disintegration considerably increased the poverty and dissatisfaction of the masses. It made the population of CARs, in particular, an easy prey for the political agenda of certain religious elements to use their co-religionistsâ faith for rousing them against the corrupt, unpopular, authoritative and secular regimes in Central Asia, which allegedly have no respect for law or human rights.
New Delhi feared that any advance by Islamic militants in Central Asia could make similar elements active in the Indian occupied Kashmir. This common threat perception resulted in close interaction between India and the CARs to âcontain cross-border terrorism and extremism.â
Exploiting this common threat perception, New Delhi was able to muster the support of not only Tajikistan but also Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, which played an important role to help India establish her military base, in the 1990s, at Farkhor in Tajikistan. The Republic of Tajikistan is separated from Ishkoman Vallery in Northern Pakistan by a narrow corridor â Wakhan â in Afghanistanâs Badakshan region.
Farkhor is the first step that India has taken in trying to establish her military foothold in Central Asia, avowedly to complement the US military in its fight against terrorism. Accordingly, New Delhi has become an active player of the US-led anti-terrorism coalition.
China is also engaged with the CARs in their common pursuit of rooting out terrorism. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) forum has been created to counter the threat emanating from terrorism. With Kyrgyzstanâs active support, India is lobbying for inclusion in the SCO. This organization is not only about security and anti-terrorism, closer economic cooperation amongst member States is high on its agenda. India is trying to obtain SCOâs membership because it has the potential to emerge as the most important multilateral organization in Eurasia.
Indiaâs increased presence in Central Asia serves a number of purposes for New Delhi. Not only does it reinforce Indiaâs position as a key player in the global war against terrorism, but it also aids her goal of becoming the dominant regional power in the Indian Ocean.
The Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) has, over the years, been regularly organizing âEnterprise Indiaâ exhibitions in the capitals of CARs (Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenstan) to serve as a platform for the Indian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) in Central Asia. An exhibition organized in Almaty (Kazakhstan), in April 2002, Indian SMEs were able to sign 11 MoUs and generate business worth $ 28 million.
The President of the Union of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Kazakhstan visited India, in May 2003, where he spoke of Kazakhstanâs keenness to sell crude oil to India and enhance bilateral trade between the two countries.
In June 2003, India and Kazakhstan set up a Joint Working Group against terrorism. Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee asserted on the occasion that terrorism and religious extremism must not be allowed to develop in Asia, a remark that was interpreted as being directed against Pakistan.
Drawing upon the goodwill that India enjoys in Central Asia, New Delhi has bought an Ilysuhin-76 from Uzbekistan upon which, according to knowledgeable sources, it intends to mount an Israeli Phalcon, an Awacs-like system to provide reconnaissance activities over Central Asia and Pakistan.
India has clinched an important role in Afghanistanâs reconstruction as well. She has established a chain of her consulates in Afghanistan to monitor the day-to-day situation and to keep the turf conducive for her moves. Indian manoeuvres in both the Central Asia and Afghanistan have far-reaching implications for Pakistan. But, Pakistanâs leaders remain too involved in domestic politics and mutual bickering to take appropriate remedial steps!