12-26-2007, 11:04 PM
I am surprised, a nice article from Kulbrasta Nayar or this Nayar is diiferent
read full article there is a nice description of other CM abroad visit. Only pasting which is related to Modi.
<b>MASKS OF CONQUEST</b>
- If left alone, Modi can make Gujarat rival Chinaâs SEZs
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Modi has been refreshingly different. Not only in content and style, but also in strategy. If Gujarat had been an independent country, the sum and substance of Modiâs travels abroad would have drawn a favourable comparison with the economic diplomacy of Singaporeâs prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, in about the three-and-a-half-years that the junior Lee has been in office.
Many of those abroad to whom Modi has presented his vision of the stateâs future are confident that if he is left alone and is not hampered by the Centre, Gujarat will eventually rival some of Chinaâs special economic zones, which provided the springboard for the Peopleâs Republicâs leap into the identity of an emerging economic superpower.
As West Bengal stumbled in its nascent effort to build SEZs and Congress chief ministers competed with each other to divine Sonia Gandhiâs inner thoughts on the advisability of SEZs or otherwise, Modi went to Singapore and China recently with definite plans â packaged for sale abroad â for nearly a dozen such zones to start with, followed by ideas for a second dozen.
While Indiaâs strategic community and sections of the media have been obsessed with the India-United States of America nuclear deal, it has largely escaped their attention that Modi travelled twice to Moscow to cash in on traditional Indo-Russian links, going against the recent fashion in New Delhi of running down such commercial-cum-cultural ties with Russia in an eagerness to suck up to Washington. No one should be surprised if it is Modi who has the last laugh at the Americans, who denied him a visa in a moment of extreme bad judgment and short-sightedness in Washington.
Modi was the first chief minister to grasp the potential of an agreement signed during Vladimir Putinâs visit to New Delhi in October 2000: âThe Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Principles of Cooperation between the Governments of the States and Union Territories of the Republic of India and the Bodies of Executive Authority of the Constitutional Entities of the Russian Federation.â Modi recognized that the agreement was full of opportunities. In November 2001, I was witness to Modiâs determined efforts in Moscow to use the visit of the then prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to the Kremlin to build on that umbrella agreement and push through a protocol of cooperation between Gujarat and Russiaâs Astrakhan Region.
Why Astrakhan? Some two centuries ago, enterprising traders from Gujarat had established a major commercial presence in the Astrakhan region, Russiaâs gateway to the Caspian, with its vast oil wealth and stocks of sturgeon. Not only did they establish their trading presence, many of the Gujarati merchants who went to Astrakhan also stayed put, married local women and made it their new home. Modi, determined to renew that old relationship, has since injected substance into Ahmedabadâs sister-city link with Astrakhan. Last year, he went to Astrakhan to renew the 2001 protocol for another five years.
The trade route that Gujarat is trying to revive, from Okha port to Astrakhanâs Olya port, could become the shortest trading route between India and Russia. It will be another irony if, in the process, the much-discussed idea of a speedier cargo route between India and Iran is also realized by the man who was refused a visa by the Americans. Iran is bound to be a player in regional trade if this route is operationalized, much to the annoyance of the US, which has constantly tried to block any enhancement of relations between New Delhi and Teheran.
Equally, it will be an irony if Modiâs economic diplomacy results in pushing China up to the rank of Indiaâs largest trading partner, displacing the US. Two-way trade between India and China is already catching up with the levels of Indo-US trade. If even a fraction of what Modi recently negotiated in the economic powerhouses of Shenzhen and Pudong come to fruition, it will dramatically push up the Sino-Indian economic engagement.
The groundwork that Modi is said to have done in Jurong in Singapore during his visit is said to be impressive. Few states in India have Gujaratâs record of external relations based on an equal partnership with foreigners. There are diamond traders from Gujarat in Canadaâs most inhospitable terrains which have a wealth of precious stones, Gujarati doctors in the United Kingdom and businessmen across the US. These provide a solid base, stronger and more efficient than anything the ministry of external affairs can offer if Modi decides to launch his own brand of diplomacy on behalf of Gujarat. It is safe to assume that he will do just that in his new term as chief minister.
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read full article there is a nice description of other CM abroad visit. Only pasting which is related to Modi.
<b>MASKS OF CONQUEST</b>
- If left alone, Modi can make Gujarat rival Chinaâs SEZs
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Modi has been refreshingly different. Not only in content and style, but also in strategy. If Gujarat had been an independent country, the sum and substance of Modiâs travels abroad would have drawn a favourable comparison with the economic diplomacy of Singaporeâs prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, in about the three-and-a-half-years that the junior Lee has been in office.
Many of those abroad to whom Modi has presented his vision of the stateâs future are confident that if he is left alone and is not hampered by the Centre, Gujarat will eventually rival some of Chinaâs special economic zones, which provided the springboard for the Peopleâs Republicâs leap into the identity of an emerging economic superpower.
As West Bengal stumbled in its nascent effort to build SEZs and Congress chief ministers competed with each other to divine Sonia Gandhiâs inner thoughts on the advisability of SEZs or otherwise, Modi went to Singapore and China recently with definite plans â packaged for sale abroad â for nearly a dozen such zones to start with, followed by ideas for a second dozen.
While Indiaâs strategic community and sections of the media have been obsessed with the India-United States of America nuclear deal, it has largely escaped their attention that Modi travelled twice to Moscow to cash in on traditional Indo-Russian links, going against the recent fashion in New Delhi of running down such commercial-cum-cultural ties with Russia in an eagerness to suck up to Washington. No one should be surprised if it is Modi who has the last laugh at the Americans, who denied him a visa in a moment of extreme bad judgment and short-sightedness in Washington.
Modi was the first chief minister to grasp the potential of an agreement signed during Vladimir Putinâs visit to New Delhi in October 2000: âThe Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Principles of Cooperation between the Governments of the States and Union Territories of the Republic of India and the Bodies of Executive Authority of the Constitutional Entities of the Russian Federation.â Modi recognized that the agreement was full of opportunities. In November 2001, I was witness to Modiâs determined efforts in Moscow to use the visit of the then prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to the Kremlin to build on that umbrella agreement and push through a protocol of cooperation between Gujarat and Russiaâs Astrakhan Region.
Why Astrakhan? Some two centuries ago, enterprising traders from Gujarat had established a major commercial presence in the Astrakhan region, Russiaâs gateway to the Caspian, with its vast oil wealth and stocks of sturgeon. Not only did they establish their trading presence, many of the Gujarati merchants who went to Astrakhan also stayed put, married local women and made it their new home. Modi, determined to renew that old relationship, has since injected substance into Ahmedabadâs sister-city link with Astrakhan. Last year, he went to Astrakhan to renew the 2001 protocol for another five years.
The trade route that Gujarat is trying to revive, from Okha port to Astrakhanâs Olya port, could become the shortest trading route between India and Russia. It will be another irony if, in the process, the much-discussed idea of a speedier cargo route between India and Iran is also realized by the man who was refused a visa by the Americans. Iran is bound to be a player in regional trade if this route is operationalized, much to the annoyance of the US, which has constantly tried to block any enhancement of relations between New Delhi and Teheran.
Equally, it will be an irony if Modiâs economic diplomacy results in pushing China up to the rank of Indiaâs largest trading partner, displacing the US. Two-way trade between India and China is already catching up with the levels of Indo-US trade. If even a fraction of what Modi recently negotiated in the economic powerhouses of Shenzhen and Pudong come to fruition, it will dramatically push up the Sino-Indian economic engagement.
The groundwork that Modi is said to have done in Jurong in Singapore during his visit is said to be impressive. Few states in India have Gujaratâs record of external relations based on an equal partnership with foreigners. There are diamond traders from Gujarat in Canadaâs most inhospitable terrains which have a wealth of precious stones, Gujarati doctors in the United Kingdom and businessmen across the US. These provide a solid base, stronger and more efficient than anything the ministry of external affairs can offer if Modi decides to launch his own brand of diplomacy on behalf of Gujarat. It is safe to assume that he will do just that in his new term as chief minister.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->