06-04-2009, 01:44 AM
<b>Politics of ideology</b>
The Age debate
<b>BJP is a political expression of RSS</b>
June.4 : The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is not a conventional political party. It is a political expression of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to achieve its vision of a strong, resurgent India, and that is why it is different. The RSS does not micro-manage the BJP, but the BJP ideology has to clearly reflect the RSS thought. The BJP draws its sustenance from the monumental nation-building activities of the Sangh family. Remove this, and the BJP would become a carcass.
Is there a need for another Congress carbon copy? All the other parties are simply that. The BJP is the ultimate choice of the patriotic, intelligent, Indian because it has the RSS stamp. Can it compete with others on cynical appeasement and divisive political bargain and still claim the loyalty of its core constituency? The time has come for the BJP to evolve a new economic deal for the majority community.
The BJPâs RSS bond was settled in 1980 when the party was formed as a consequence of the "dual membership" controversy in the Janata Party. The BJP grew as the largest party in the 90s, in the wake of the Ram Janmabhumi movement, when it was seen closest to its ideological moorings.
The BJP could emerge as an ideological pole because its approach is essentially an alternative worldview, an authentic and honest throwback to the values, ideals and dreams of the freedom fighters who moulded the renascent nationalist conscience of India.
The BJP became the real champion of this post-Independence pride as the Congress degenerated into a corrupt, self-serving and stale instrument for perpetuating the dynastic ambitions of a family. The Congress is, however, smart. It has of late adopted many of the popular slogans of the BJP, like the idea of one nation-one people, national citizenship card, river-linking mission, free market economics, rechristened the 1990 Antyodaya as National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), and even a stringent law to combat terrorism. The BJP is original and innovative, but it lacks conviction. It has become a victim of hostile propaganda.
The BJP is indebted to the RSS not only for its leadership and wide network but also for its attractive, modern, philosophy which earned it millions of adherents.
It is this constituency which the BJP has to reassure and cultivate. Its vote share is falling because it has not been able to connect to this segment. Development and good governance are the primary duty of any party. It cannot become a substitute for an inspirational ideological theme.
R. Balashankar is the editor of Organiser
***
<b>Politics is not RSSâ core competence</b>
There is no doubt that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) can survive without the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) micro-management.
Indeed, free of the need to refer even relatively routine decisions â such as the choice of deputy leaders in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha â to the proverbial elders in Nagpur, the BJP would be able to function with greater political pragmatism.
To some degree, the RSS leadership recognises this. Its chief, the down-to-earth Mohan Bhagwat, sees the RSS as only one of many stakeholders in the BJP, realising a national political party is multi-layered and has to address several constituencies, not just a small club of "parivar" organisations.
Earlier this week, Mr Bhagwat was in Delhi and made it clear that the RSS wanted no part in the day-to-day running of the party.
At various points Mr Bhagwat has suggested withdrawing the many RSS full-timers deputed to the party. He knows politics is not their core competence.
Unfortunately, others have resisted such moves in the RSS, those who have developed a collateral interest in control of the BJP and in access to political power and state governments. It is an open secret that many RSS seniors, sent to state units of the BJP or asked to interact with the central leadership, have been corrupted and become factional players.
BJP politicians who have resisted this â in Gujarat and Rajasthan, for example â have been declared heretics and subjected to vicious in-house propaganda.
The RSS was meant to act as the arbiter, it has become a participant; the third umpire has run into the field and pronounced himself 12th man.
The degree of RSS influence on the BJP is atypical and not representative of the 29 years of party history.
Atal Bihari Vajpayeeâs retirement, Lal Krishan Advaniâs declining authority and the BJPâs inability to implement a succession plan created a gap. The RSS rushed in to fill it. This was meant to be a short-term holding operation, but certain people developed a taste for party ownership by proxy.
The RSS has to decide whether it wants to shape the politics of India or shape the politics of the BJP. If its answer is the former, it must gracefully withdraw, decline to select the BJPâs future leadership and instead ask the party to choose a new president after a rigorous internal election.
The next generation of the BJP needs to be empowered by its voters, not by the RSS.
Ashok Malik is a Delhi-based political analyst
http://www.asianage.com/presentation/leftn...f-ideology.aspx
The Age debate
<b>BJP is a political expression of RSS</b>
June.4 : The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is not a conventional political party. It is a political expression of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to achieve its vision of a strong, resurgent India, and that is why it is different. The RSS does not micro-manage the BJP, but the BJP ideology has to clearly reflect the RSS thought. The BJP draws its sustenance from the monumental nation-building activities of the Sangh family. Remove this, and the BJP would become a carcass.
Is there a need for another Congress carbon copy? All the other parties are simply that. The BJP is the ultimate choice of the patriotic, intelligent, Indian because it has the RSS stamp. Can it compete with others on cynical appeasement and divisive political bargain and still claim the loyalty of its core constituency? The time has come for the BJP to evolve a new economic deal for the majority community.
The BJPâs RSS bond was settled in 1980 when the party was formed as a consequence of the "dual membership" controversy in the Janata Party. The BJP grew as the largest party in the 90s, in the wake of the Ram Janmabhumi movement, when it was seen closest to its ideological moorings.
The BJP could emerge as an ideological pole because its approach is essentially an alternative worldview, an authentic and honest throwback to the values, ideals and dreams of the freedom fighters who moulded the renascent nationalist conscience of India.
The BJP became the real champion of this post-Independence pride as the Congress degenerated into a corrupt, self-serving and stale instrument for perpetuating the dynastic ambitions of a family. The Congress is, however, smart. It has of late adopted many of the popular slogans of the BJP, like the idea of one nation-one people, national citizenship card, river-linking mission, free market economics, rechristened the 1990 Antyodaya as National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), and even a stringent law to combat terrorism. The BJP is original and innovative, but it lacks conviction. It has become a victim of hostile propaganda.
The BJP is indebted to the RSS not only for its leadership and wide network but also for its attractive, modern, philosophy which earned it millions of adherents.
It is this constituency which the BJP has to reassure and cultivate. Its vote share is falling because it has not been able to connect to this segment. Development and good governance are the primary duty of any party. It cannot become a substitute for an inspirational ideological theme.
R. Balashankar is the editor of Organiser
***
<b>Politics is not RSSâ core competence</b>
There is no doubt that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) can survive without the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) micro-management.
Indeed, free of the need to refer even relatively routine decisions â such as the choice of deputy leaders in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha â to the proverbial elders in Nagpur, the BJP would be able to function with greater political pragmatism.
To some degree, the RSS leadership recognises this. Its chief, the down-to-earth Mohan Bhagwat, sees the RSS as only one of many stakeholders in the BJP, realising a national political party is multi-layered and has to address several constituencies, not just a small club of "parivar" organisations.
Earlier this week, Mr Bhagwat was in Delhi and made it clear that the RSS wanted no part in the day-to-day running of the party.
At various points Mr Bhagwat has suggested withdrawing the many RSS full-timers deputed to the party. He knows politics is not their core competence.
Unfortunately, others have resisted such moves in the RSS, those who have developed a collateral interest in control of the BJP and in access to political power and state governments. It is an open secret that many RSS seniors, sent to state units of the BJP or asked to interact with the central leadership, have been corrupted and become factional players.
BJP politicians who have resisted this â in Gujarat and Rajasthan, for example â have been declared heretics and subjected to vicious in-house propaganda.
The RSS was meant to act as the arbiter, it has become a participant; the third umpire has run into the field and pronounced himself 12th man.
The degree of RSS influence on the BJP is atypical and not representative of the 29 years of party history.
Atal Bihari Vajpayeeâs retirement, Lal Krishan Advaniâs declining authority and the BJPâs inability to implement a succession plan created a gap. The RSS rushed in to fill it. This was meant to be a short-term holding operation, but certain people developed a taste for party ownership by proxy.
The RSS has to decide whether it wants to shape the politics of India or shape the politics of the BJP. If its answer is the former, it must gracefully withdraw, decline to select the BJPâs future leadership and instead ask the party to choose a new president after a rigorous internal election.
The next generation of the BJP needs to be empowered by its voters, not by the RSS.
Ashok Malik is a Delhi-based political analyst
http://www.asianage.com/presentation/leftn...f-ideology.aspx