.
A fine Review of a Book, which will hopefully be translated into English, with a few Lines on The Worldââ¬â¢s Greatest Constitutionalist and Democratic Leader who is also described to be possibly the Only Secular Leader of the Indian Sub-Continent :
[url="http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/aug2010-weekly/nos-01-08-2010/lit.htm#2"]Checkered history[/url]
The book gives an unbiased and daring account of 'military interventions'
By Shahid Shah
![[Image: lit2a1.jpg]](http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/aug2010-weekly/nos-01-08-2010/images/lit2a1.jpg)
Pakistan: Jamhooriat aur Fauji Mudakhlatein
Writer: Riaz Ahmed Shaikh
Publisher: Sanjh Publications, Lahore
Pages 176
Price: Rs200
In its 63-year old history, Pakistan has been under direct military rule for 33-odd years and, for the rest of the years, it has been indirectly controlled or influenced. Democracy in the country has yet to be nurtured. Riaz Ahmed Shaikh's latest book, titled 'Pakistan: Jamhooriat aur Fauji Mudakhlatein' (Democracy and Military Interventions) is an account of Pakistan's political history, which has been dominated by the military.
Riaz Ahmed has a Ph.D. in Social Sciences and is currently placed as Vice Rector at the Institute of Business and Technology (BIZTEK) in Karachi. The book is a collection of his research articles on the subject.
Narrating the formation of Pakistan, the writer says that the actual number of deaths that took place during the partition under religious extremism could be between 500,000 to 1 million, while more than 13 million people left their houses. This, he writes, is the largest number of people who migrated in one incident in the entire twentieth century.
Quaid-e-Azam remains a source of inspiration for the majority of the people of Pakistan but [color="#FF0000"]the writer argues that even Jinnah did not work for strengthening the democracy. "Instead of relying on the provincial governments and the leaders of the Muslim League, he showed confidence in the civil bureaucracy of the time and appointed Chaudhry Muhammad Ali as secretary general, who was actually using powers of the prime minister."
Jinnah refused to accept the existence of the opposition by dismissing the government of Dr Khan in the NWFP within one week of the creation of the country. After eight months of dismissal of Dr Khan's government, Chief Minister Sindh Ayub Khuhro was dismissed. Shaikh believes that by taking such actions, Jinnah actually crossed the constitutional limits as the Governor General and that this example provided the succeeding leaders to derail the democracy.[/color]
Direct intervention of the military in politics is dated back to 1954, when General Ayub Khan was inducted in the cabinet as the defense minister.
Three military rulers -- Ayub Khan, Zia ul Haq and Pervez Musharraf -- dominated most of the country's history. All of these three introduced basic democracy (BD) in their agendas. The purpose was to affect the mainstream politics and sideline the political leaders by giving more powers to the BD members and then the Nazims who had served the agenda of military rulers, as BD members thought only the dictators could save the system. These three generals appointed themselves as presidents of the country through referendums. They considered the transfer of power to the union council level as the spirit of the democracy. "It was actually controlled democracy," Dr Shaikh argues.
The book also gives an account of the fall of Dhaka on December 16, 1971. The control of Pakistan was given into the hands of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was handed over the power not because he had won an election but because of the army surrender in the war. Therefore, the military handed over the powers to the Pakistan People's Party, he writes.
Dr Shaikh also criticises the political leaders, as they failed to choose the real representatives of the people. In the elections of 1977, the PPP allotted more tickets to the feudal lords than it did in the elections of 1970. One of the reasons of the Bhutto government's overthrow in 1977 remains its military policy in 1972-73 which sought to reduce the political influence of the military. [color="#FF0000"]In April 1979, Bhutto was hanged. "Bhutto's death was a sign that the military would never accept his opposition."[/color]
According to Dr Shaikh, the Ayub era was good for economy, as it progressed at an average of 6 percent. However, unfair wages paid to the workers angered them and there were several protests by the workers in the late 1960s which caused Ayub's downfall.
The most dangerous policy of General Zia's military government was to include religious ideology to get the support of the people against the democratic powers. Between Zia's death and the military coup of Musharraf -- that is, between 1988 to '99 -- the country saw eight prime ministers, out of which four were caretakers. [color="#FF0000"]"The military gave shocks to the democracy after every two years."[/color]
Regarding the fourth and the most recent military coup of General Pervez Musharraf, the writer says that the military was not happy as it was not taken into confidence by the then prime minister who initiated peace dialogue with the traditional opponent India. When Atal Bihari Vajpai came to Lahore to sign the peace deal of Lahore Declaration, General Pervez Musharraf, the then army chief, did not attend the event, which showed he was annoyed by such motives. In order to damage the peace dialogue, a group of senior generals, led by Musharraf, started military operation against India in Kargil. "Had there been an enquiry against such controversial military operation, it would have been a sign of the triumph of democratic powers over the military."
The book further says that Pakistan has been interfering in the domestic issues of other countries and overlooked its own crucial issues. [color="#FF0000"]The country remained busy in unnecessary wars, which were not its own. "Today, the result of all these policies is in front of us. The country is faced with the worst kind of terrorism and has been financially bankrupt," he states.[/color]
Shaikh's argument is that [color="#FF0000"]the real duty of a country's army is to defend its geographical boundaries. On the contrary, in Pakistan, the military suffocates democracy, changes the constitution, damages institutions, enters two major and one minor battle and shocks the foundations of the country,[/color] upon which the country was based.
He exhorts the new government to forget that the majority of parliament has given them a chance to minimise the gulf between the institutions of civil democracy and the military.
He also advises the authorities to analyse their powers and requirements and avoid interfering in the internal matters of other countries unnecessarily.
Published by Sanjh publications, Lahore, in February this year, the book is a potential resource material for researchers, academics, students and journalists. It gives an unbiased, daring and clear picture of military interventions.
Cheers![[Image: beer.gif]](http://www.skyscrapercity.com/images/smilies/beer.gif)
A fine Review of a Book, which will hopefully be translated into English, with a few Lines on The Worldââ¬â¢s Greatest Constitutionalist and Democratic Leader who is also described to be possibly the Only Secular Leader of the Indian Sub-Continent :
[url="http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/aug2010-weekly/nos-01-08-2010/lit.htm#2"]Checkered history[/url]
The book gives an unbiased and daring account of 'military interventions'
By Shahid Shah
Pakistan: Jamhooriat aur Fauji Mudakhlatein
Writer: Riaz Ahmed Shaikh
Publisher: Sanjh Publications, Lahore
Pages 176
Price: Rs200
In its 63-year old history, Pakistan has been under direct military rule for 33-odd years and, for the rest of the years, it has been indirectly controlled or influenced. Democracy in the country has yet to be nurtured. Riaz Ahmed Shaikh's latest book, titled 'Pakistan: Jamhooriat aur Fauji Mudakhlatein' (Democracy and Military Interventions) is an account of Pakistan's political history, which has been dominated by the military.
Riaz Ahmed has a Ph.D. in Social Sciences and is currently placed as Vice Rector at the Institute of Business and Technology (BIZTEK) in Karachi. The book is a collection of his research articles on the subject.
Narrating the formation of Pakistan, the writer says that the actual number of deaths that took place during the partition under religious extremism could be between 500,000 to 1 million, while more than 13 million people left their houses. This, he writes, is the largest number of people who migrated in one incident in the entire twentieth century.
Quaid-e-Azam remains a source of inspiration for the majority of the people of Pakistan but [color="#FF0000"]the writer argues that even Jinnah did not work for strengthening the democracy. "Instead of relying on the provincial governments and the leaders of the Muslim League, he showed confidence in the civil bureaucracy of the time and appointed Chaudhry Muhammad Ali as secretary general, who was actually using powers of the prime minister."
Jinnah refused to accept the existence of the opposition by dismissing the government of Dr Khan in the NWFP within one week of the creation of the country. After eight months of dismissal of Dr Khan's government, Chief Minister Sindh Ayub Khuhro was dismissed. Shaikh believes that by taking such actions, Jinnah actually crossed the constitutional limits as the Governor General and that this example provided the succeeding leaders to derail the democracy.[/color]
Direct intervention of the military in politics is dated back to 1954, when General Ayub Khan was inducted in the cabinet as the defense minister.
Three military rulers -- Ayub Khan, Zia ul Haq and Pervez Musharraf -- dominated most of the country's history. All of these three introduced basic democracy (BD) in their agendas. The purpose was to affect the mainstream politics and sideline the political leaders by giving more powers to the BD members and then the Nazims who had served the agenda of military rulers, as BD members thought only the dictators could save the system. These three generals appointed themselves as presidents of the country through referendums. They considered the transfer of power to the union council level as the spirit of the democracy. "It was actually controlled democracy," Dr Shaikh argues.
The book also gives an account of the fall of Dhaka on December 16, 1971. The control of Pakistan was given into the hands of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was handed over the power not because he had won an election but because of the army surrender in the war. Therefore, the military handed over the powers to the Pakistan People's Party, he writes.
Dr Shaikh also criticises the political leaders, as they failed to choose the real representatives of the people. In the elections of 1977, the PPP allotted more tickets to the feudal lords than it did in the elections of 1970. One of the reasons of the Bhutto government's overthrow in 1977 remains its military policy in 1972-73 which sought to reduce the political influence of the military. [color="#FF0000"]In April 1979, Bhutto was hanged. "Bhutto's death was a sign that the military would never accept his opposition."[/color]
According to Dr Shaikh, the Ayub era was good for economy, as it progressed at an average of 6 percent. However, unfair wages paid to the workers angered them and there were several protests by the workers in the late 1960s which caused Ayub's downfall.
The most dangerous policy of General Zia's military government was to include religious ideology to get the support of the people against the democratic powers. Between Zia's death and the military coup of Musharraf -- that is, between 1988 to '99 -- the country saw eight prime ministers, out of which four were caretakers. [color="#FF0000"]"The military gave shocks to the democracy after every two years."[/color]
Regarding the fourth and the most recent military coup of General Pervez Musharraf, the writer says that the military was not happy as it was not taken into confidence by the then prime minister who initiated peace dialogue with the traditional opponent India. When Atal Bihari Vajpai came to Lahore to sign the peace deal of Lahore Declaration, General Pervez Musharraf, the then army chief, did not attend the event, which showed he was annoyed by such motives. In order to damage the peace dialogue, a group of senior generals, led by Musharraf, started military operation against India in Kargil. "Had there been an enquiry against such controversial military operation, it would have been a sign of the triumph of democratic powers over the military."
The book further says that Pakistan has been interfering in the domestic issues of other countries and overlooked its own crucial issues. [color="#FF0000"]The country remained busy in unnecessary wars, which were not its own. "Today, the result of all these policies is in front of us. The country is faced with the worst kind of terrorism and has been financially bankrupt," he states.[/color]
Shaikh's argument is that [color="#FF0000"]the real duty of a country's army is to defend its geographical boundaries. On the contrary, in Pakistan, the military suffocates democracy, changes the constitution, damages institutions, enters two major and one minor battle and shocks the foundations of the country,[/color] upon which the country was based.
He exhorts the new government to forget that the majority of parliament has given them a chance to minimise the gulf between the institutions of civil democracy and the military.
He also advises the authorities to analyse their powers and requirements and avoid interfering in the internal matters of other countries unnecessarily.
Published by Sanjh publications, Lahore, in February this year, the book is a potential resource material for researchers, academics, students and journalists. It gives an unbiased, daring and clear picture of military interventions.
Cheers