Medieval History

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Tughluqabad, was it built by Ghiyathuddin Tughluq?

by Ishwa



1. INTRODUCTION

This writing is intended to give directly some insight into (the process of) Sultanate and indirectly of Mughal activity concerning city-fort-palace constructions. While the court writers, pleasing their patrons, stumble over their own words in eulogising the achievements of their patrons, the inconsistences in these sources provide us a glimpse into the real picture behind the construction activities, through comparison of all available sources, including from modern research.

The main object of research is the fortress of Tughluqabad, which gives us the unique chance to examine critically and visualise the real picture, as we have some important written sources to compare. And what helps is that fortress was briefly occupied, and it was not contaminated by later Sultans or Padishahs from the point of view of architecture and dating the constructions.



I hope I will get more time to expand this writing with more data which thereafter, hopefully, may encourage professional and other researchers to look afresh to the history and architecture of the pre-Sultanate, the Sultanate and the Mughal periods, with more consideration for and appreciation of (continuous and adapting) indigenous non-Muslim traditions and sources.



My writing concentrates mainly on the Interim Reports of the research of the Shokoohy's, as they have done amazing and intensive field work in Tughluqabad, the findings of which they have collected in those reports. Tughluqabad as main object of research, led me to some interesting results concerning other fortified cities of Delhi and Indarpat, which are given too in the end of the writing.



Political situation

Ghiyathuddin Tughluq (1320-1325). He usurped the throne of Siri-Delhi from Sultan Khushrau Khan, who himself took the crown after killing his patron, the last Khilji Sultan. Khushrau Khan, of Hindu (a Parwar) origins, unlike the mass murdering Mlechha Malik Kafur before, didn't forget his Hindu roots. With the help of Hindu and some Islamiced Parwar courtiers, he abandoned cow slaughter, and Murti Puja etc. were again allowed. Muslim nobles and governors elsewhere, but more so the Delhi Ulema, were highly agitated by this. The Delhi kingdom was divided. After a few months Ghiyathuddin, a governer elsewhere, usurped the throne of Delhi.

Far from feeling comfortable as the new Sultan, with a lot of adversaries in Siri-Delhi, and with political chaos

elsewhere, he made plans to shift his royal residence to a new location. (It seems that none of the powerful Tughluqs found peace in the triple conglomerate Delhi cities of Yoginipura-Jahanpanah-Siri: Ghiyathuddin shifted his capital to Tughluqabad, Muhammad to Devagiri > Daulatabad and Firuzshah to Indarpat area. And then came the mass murderer, Timur the Terrorist, and Delhi lost much splendour)



Description of the city

“An early fourteenth-century capital of the Delhi sultanate, Tughluqabad, built between 1321 and 1324, is not only a significant historical site of Delhi, but also a prototype for the planning of many towns built later in India. Laid out on a Perso-Islamic plan, Tughluqabad has three fortified areas: the citadel (arg), situated to the south; the fort (qal'a), about six times the size of the citadel, to its west; and the town itself (shahristdn), spread towards the north and the east of the fort and the citadel.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 14)



The Shokoohy's (Mehrdad and his wife Natalie) say that it is laid-out on a Perso-Muslim plan, with three fortified areas:

1.citadel (arg) - situated to the south

2.fort (qal'a) - situated to the west

3.town (shahristan) – spread towards the east and the north of citadel and fort



There is a general tendency amongst researchers to look only at foreign prototypes or examples, ignoring sophisticated and ancient, indigenous royal cityplanning. Rather, Tughluqabad's can be based upon indigenous planning, as described in the Vastu treatises like the Manasara, Samarangana Sutradhara, etc. with:

1.Antarnagara

a. antahshala (citadel - inner court): Rajabhavana - Nivasa (residential set up) and Vilasa (private set up)

b. bahihshala (citadel - outer court): Rajanivesha (administrative set up) – asthana-mahasthana-bahihsthana

c. skandhavara (fort): stables (Go, Gaja, Ashva), Dutas and Samanta/Mandalika commanders

2.Bahirnagara

a. nigama (townships): guilds, traders, storehouses, markets, etc.

b. grama (villages)

And all the Nagara courts and sections are fortified, preferably with a major Triprakara defense (three fortifications – coupled to the tripartite function of citadel-fort-townships).



The Shokoohy's, then point to a feature, also met with at Rai Pithora's fortress of pre-Islamic origin:

“An outer courtyard does not, however, seem to have been an innovation of Malik Ayaz. Qal'a Rai Pithiira, the first Muslim capital (of pre-Islamic origin) at Delhi, is also known to have had at least two such features: one in front of the main gate of the citadel and another in front of one of the gates of what could be described as the upper town of post-Ghurid Delhi, both dating probably from the thirteenth century, if not earlier.8” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 21)

Note 8 ASIR, I, 1862-5, 181-3, pl. 36; A. Cunningham, 'Report of the proceedings of the Archaeological Surveyor to the Government of India for the season of 1862-63', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, xxxmii, 1865, Supplementary Number (addenda to the main number), xlv.



Here we get supporting evidence that outer courtyards as part of the construction is an integral part of Tughluqabad, wich it share with another Rajput fortress of Delhi, that of Rai Pithora, which may have been built well before him by the Tomaras.



There is another fort in Delhi, which has also this feature, and that is the one in 'pargana' Indarpat:

“Outer courtyards--although not a common feature in the gates of the later forts-can occasionally be found, and an example in Delhi is the western gate of the seventeenth-century Red Fort.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 21-22)

And this fort, may not have been built by Shah Jahan originally, as according to the 18th century court work Mirat-i Ahmadi, the Padishah was involved with repairing the royal buildings:

“In the mountainous country, about Ídur,* there is a quarry of white stone, which is pro­curable in no other part. The lime made from this is used in stucco work; for the walls or terraces of buildings; and for fine edifices, pleasure-houses, and mausoleums. If employed in plastering, it takes so fine a polish as to reflect the light as a looking-glass. When, in the reign of Firdaus-Ashiáni-Sháh Jahán,* the royal buildings of the citadel of Sháhjahánábád (Dehlí) were repaired, the lime made from this stone was taken from Gujarát, by the King's order, and used in their construction.” (Mohammed Alí Khán: Mirat-i Ahmadi; The Political and Statistical History of Gujarat, section 1, ch. 1, p. 1)

Having royal buildings without a citadel doesn't make sense. Every royal building complex is fortified, especially in the important capital location of Delhi. But it is amazing to learn that before Shahjahan's reign there were already royal buildings in Shahjahanabad, which had to be repaired by him.



Tughlugabad has, similar to the Ananga Lake at Lal Kot-Qilah Rai Pithora, a huge artificial lake with dams. The (principle) Ghats are to the southwest at Andheri Gate. The existence of this lake with the devices needed to maintain the drainage at a high level to allow habitation of a large royal population, needs an architect of the highest order.



Unique, sophisticated features

“The construction of Tughluqabad follows well established methods of the time and were it not for a few exceptional buildings which display advanced engineering achievements, Tughluqabad would not have been much different from many other sultanate forts. However, a number of the Tughluqabad buildings are somewhat unique in India. The audience Iwvan, with its unusually wide27 span discussed in our first report,28 is one example. Although many later audience halls and other buildings followed the structural principles of the Iwan of Tughluqabad, none had the grand scale of their prototype. Another example was the escape route discussed in our second report:29 a simple construction with a sophisticated design concept which restricted the movement of an attacking party which would have had to scramble backwards down the steps of a tunnel, while the escaping party-also going down backwards-would be facing any pursuers and in a better position to fend them off. Another example of an ingenious structure is the sluice gate, a relatively small building controlling the level of the lake water, not with complex machinery, but by simple devices which could be operated by a single unskilled person-an uncomplicated structure with a truly sophisticated design.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 45-46)



Leaving aside the Iwan feature, the complexities of the sophisticated escape route and waterworks (tanks, artificial lake, dams, sluice gate) make the construction of the huge Tughluqabad fortress in a timespan of 2 or 3 years in a hilly and rocky surface from scratch, almost impossible! In their Interim Reports, the Shokoohy's have their doubts too, but they didn't know about Badaoni's refrence. And unfortunately, they don't give the impression to be familiair with city-fort-palace planning and building of the Hindu Shastras.



In order to get a clearer picture of what the Tughluqs used as methods for city-fort-palace building, let us look at the Interim reports of the Shokoohy's giving the references in contemporary Tughluq sources. This picture is helpful in understanding better the construction methods of the Delhi Sultans and Mughal Padishahs. Then, taking into account the uncensored references from their own works about the real history of the construction works (i.e. repairing projects), coupled with other written sources and local traditions, we will get the proper picture for the history of Indian architecture.



2. (RE)BUILDING ACTIVITIES

Let us see how the Tughluqs were commissioning the planning and executing their constructions, with information from their own sources.



Architect

“The architect of Tughluqabad was Ahmad b. Ayaz, a nobleman (malik zada) of Anatolian origin (rumi),14 expert in geometry and in charge of the royal buildings.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



This architect, according to some contemporary sources, including Ibn Batuta, is held to be responsible for the death of Ghiyathuddin. Following the orders of prince Muhammad, he constructed a wooden Kushk, which collapsed during stay of the Sultan after his Lakhnauti campaign. Both the Sultan and another prince were killed. And Muhammad became the new ruler, and gave the architect later a high function.

The collapse may have been unintentional (as per other and official sources), but then he was a lousy architect, and that with a simple wooden construction.



Planning

“Ibn Battuta12 records that the construction of Tughluqabad had been in the mind of Ghiyath al-din from the time he was in the court of Qutb al-din Mubarak Shah: One day Tughluq was accompanying Qutb al-din and (pointed to the site and) said: 'O Lord of the world (khwand-i 'alam) how good it would be if a city could be built there'. The sultan replied sharply, 'Build it when you are the sultan.' As God willed it he did become the sultan and built the city, naming it after himself." (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



If Ghiyathuddin Tughluq was dreaming about becoming a future Sultan, this points to the direction of plans or thoughts to usurp the throne of the Khiljis. And for this, he needed a different royal base than that of his sitting Khilji master. He was lucky that the Sultan's favourite, Khushrau Khan, killed the last Khilji, and became the new short-lived Sultan. The behaviour of this Sultan enabled him to usurp the throne with the appreciation of the Ulema and many orthodox Muslim nobles.



“As appears from Barni's10 account, the construction of Tughluqabad started soon after his enthronement, and was funded by the revenue which he confiscated from those who had benefited from Khusrau Khan's handouts from the Khalji treasury.11” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)



It makes sense that the Sultan started with planning and execution, as he felt uneasy at the former Khilji capital city Siri with all the former court intrigues. For his ambitious career he needed a secure military base functioning as capital city.



“At first glance it seems difficult to believe that a city of the size of Tughluqabad could have been built in two years, or at the most the four years and two months of the total reign of Ghiyath al-din. Some scholars have indeed claimed"7 that Tughluqabad could not have been fully populated by the time of Ghiyath al-din's death, but this seems not to be the case. Barni18 records that before Ghiyath al-din's departure for Lakhnauti Tughluqabad was already the capital, and 'the emirs, the nobles (mulhik), the learned (ma'arif), and the gentry (akabir) together with their wives and children had built their houses there, and had occupied them'.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 518)



The Sultan went to Lakhnauti in 1323/4. Already during the Warangal war in 1322, the conquest was celebrated both in Siri and Tughluqabad, which means that between 1322 and 1323 the citadel and fort were getting habitated, which process was accomplished in in 1323/4 with the town included. With other words, in 1322, thus in two years, the citadel, fort and town with their main buildings, fortifications and defense posts, etc. were ready made for habitation, to get fully repeopled by relocating his family, courtiers, noblemen, etc. between 1322 and 1223. The final construction activities (minor ones) must have been completed in 1324, perhaps with some stray decorative ones slightly later.



Tughluq Method of Construction

“The layout of the fortification walls and the gates: method of construction

The entire city of Tughluqabad, including the citadel, the fort and the shahristan, together with the palaces and public and residential buildings, was built in a short period of time, apparently in the first two years of Ghiyath al-din's reign.23 Such speed in establishing a new town is not unusual in India, as many other towns of that period were built in a similar time span. Among such towns are 'Ala' al-din Khalji's Siri24 as well as Firuz Shah Tughluq's Jaunpur25 and Hisar-i Firuza (modern Hisar). In the case of Hisar-i Firuza, Shams Siraj26 describes the construction of the town as being carried out by army commanders, corresponding with a method used for setting up army camps: Each of his majesty's noblemen and commanders was made responsible for a quarter (alang) of the town. Each one of them, in awe of the sultan, busied himself with the construction work on the land in his appointed quarter ... After the completion of the fort they dug a moat, and piled the earth from the moat on the banks and built battlements along the top. Inside the fort they dug a great tank, and made its water flow into the moat, so that the water of the moat was replenished from year to year ... When his majesty had built his noble palace there, all the great khans, the worthy nobles, the munificent commanders (umara), and the people, both high and low (khass wa 'am) strove to build houses and fine palaces.” (Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report, pp.433-434)



This Tughluq method of construction deals with forts primarily intended as fortified army camps or outposts with secondarily civilians quarters for non-army supporting personnel. The simple method to fill the moat with waters from tanks has more of a defensive than residential nature for common people.

And, the Shokoohy's also raise doubts about this method to really built a huge fortress with a town and lake such as of Tughluqabad:

“It is, however, difficult to believe that, using the method described by Shams Siraj, the army personnel-even with the help of experienced builders-would be able to build long stretches of town walls with such accuracy that each portion would join the next perfectly without any inaccuracies in the alignment, the height of the walls, the sloping angles of the ramparts and other details. At such points one would expect to see signs of remedial work to correct any disparities.” (Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report, p. 434)



They are right to have doubts, all the more, as this method raises more doubts when creating sophisticated constructions like the escape route and the waterworks.



Difficulties to deal with

“The North Gate seems to have been designed to express the majesty of the fort and its royal buildings, which would have remained inaccessible to most of the population of the town. To achieve such an impression a false sense of height between the ground levels of the town and the fort is produced by raising the floor level of the outer court and again the level of the main gatehouse. From the town, therefore, the gate is seen to stand well above the level of the town. In most cases in Tughluqabad and elsewhere the gates are at the same level as the ground inside. In the North Gate therefore it would be natural to feel that the level of the fort is significantly above that of the town. This is not, of course, the case, as at this point the ground of the fort is only a few metres above that of the town, and a stepped ramp had to be provided at the south corridor to bring the level back to that of the ground within the fort. These arrangements indicate that the concerns of the designers were not only with utilitarian military functions, or even engineering solutions to the discrepancies in the alignment of the walls and structural details. Much thought was evidently given to the creation of grandiose and imposing monumental features.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 28)



For a construction plan and execution, the very short time span, dealing with these height problems with the Perso-Islamic and/or Khurasani “Tughluq Method of Construction”, as described by Shams-i Siraj, and probably used or introduced by Ahmad bin Ayaz, is far from sufficient to deal with these under normal circumstances, let alone to execute this within 2-3 years.



“The lake and the sluice gate Creating a lake at the south of Tughluqabad must have been a challenge for Ghiyath al-din's architect and engineer, Ahmad b. Ayaz, who was in charge of the design and construction of Tughluqabad.26 The site was not close to the River Jumna and it was apparently impractical to bring the river water to the town by means of a canal. The lake was, therefore, dependent on local streams and monsoon floodwater, the level of which would decrease severely in the dry season, while the whole lake might even dry up in a long drought. This was possibly a reason for Firiz Shah Tughluq choosing a very different site for Firuzabad--his own capital of Delhi-far away from Tughluqabad and from Muhammad b. Tughluq's capital Jahanpanah. Firuzabad was sited so that it was possible to excavate a canal and bring water to the edge of the palaces.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 46)



Thus, the architect had to deal with differences in height, but also with water supply problems for the lake with dams and a sluice gate.



“One of the interesting features in the Tughluqabad citadel is an elaborate passage built into the fortification wall apparently as an escape route (fig. 1), … “ (Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 443)

“What would the escaping party encounter on reaching the foot of the ramparts? As can be seen from the plan (fig. 2) the Tughluqabad citadel gave on to a lake at the south and the west. Even the south wall of the town faced the lake, and the Khirki Gate in this side opens to the lake directly with a set of stepped platforms (ghats)-traditional in India-leading down to the water level and giving the public access for fetching water, washing clothes, or bathing. It is possible that all alongside the foot of the ramparts there was a narrow path paved above the flood level. The escaping party could take this route, but it is more likely that among the stores kept in the chambers there would have been equipment for crossing the lake.

“So far the escape route of Tughluqabad is the only actual example of its kind reported in India, or indeed in any other Muslim fort in Iran or Central Asia. The sophisticated design concept, achieved with simple structural details and construction methods, may be an indication that the idea was not entirely new, and further investigation in Indian forts may bring to light other examples.” (Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 447-448)



Of course, an escaping route is at least also known from the Tomara Rajput fort of Gwalior! The ancestor of these Tomaras fled Delhi between Anangapala II Tomara's and Prithviraja Chauhana's rule.

But, most significantly, it was unknown outside India, and it was certainly non-existent in the either Iran or Central-Asia, and wasn't included in a so-called Perso-Islamic plan of the Shokoohy's!



Progress of construction

Assuming for a moment that Giyathuddin had built the fortress from scratch, this is the time and construction schedule:

1320 Siri is the capital city, the planning of Tughluqabad must have started, and the foundation must have been laid out.



1321 Siri is still the capital city, Campaign of Warangal in 1321

“The town seems to have been built during the first two years of the reign of Ghiyath al-din, as Barni13 informs us that in the events of 721/1321-2 the public audience was still held in the Khalji palace of Siri, ..” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)

The principle fortifications and residences must have been finished now. The start of relocating the military.



1322 Siri and Tughlugabad both capital cities

“ … , but, a year later, Muhammad b. Tughluq's conquest of Arankal (Warangal) was celebrated both at Siri and at Tughluqabad, and in the same year it was made the capital (dar al-mulk).” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 517)

Tughluqabad shares with Siri the importance of a capital city, with already military and other supporting common personnel in the new city. And the relocating of the rest of the Tughluq court was started, in order to make Tughluqabad the sole capital city.



1323 Tughluqabad new capital city, The Lakhnauti campaign of Tughluq in 1323/13244

“Barni18 records that before Ghiyath al-din's departure for Lakhnauti Tughluqabad was already the capital, and 'the emirs, the nobles (mulhik), the learned (ma'arif), and the gentry (akabir) together with their wives and children had built their houses there, and had occupied them'.” (Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”, p. 518)

The construction of Tughluqabad is almost finished at the end of 1323, so that at that end and the beginning of 1324, the Sultan prepaired to leave for his Lakhnauti conquering campaing.



Thus, the huge task of planning, hiring men and getting all kind of construction and scaffolding material, laying out the foundation on uneven, rocky ground and finishing all mansions with interior and exterior decorations, all from scratch, while feeling politically insecure in Delhi surroundings and being busy with two very costly military expeditions far away, and that too all in the short time span of two years, with a little more than one year for the end of this construction project, is far from possible.



But, then, it all makes sense, if this was a rebuilding or repairing project of a pre-existing fortress with a citadel-fort-town and lake complex. And indeed it was, as we have the testimony of Badaoni.



Badaoni's testimony

“Then he directed his ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqābād and all the lofty edifices, and set about it (without delay)* and Badr Shā‘ir Shāshī invented as a chronogram for the date of building the fort (of Tughlaqābād) the following: “Enter then her gates.”* [Note: These words give the date 727 H.](Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni, Vol. I, Elliott and Dowson, p.296)



This is surprizing new information! But it makes sense. Ghiyathuddin didn't build Tughluqabad fortress and all the lofty edifices (palaces, places of worship, etc.), according to Badaoni, but he started a repairing project of an already existing fortress = a large fortified complex with residential structures, as it was chosen as the location of his new place including towns. (the murder of the former Khilji Sultan and the still-existing turmoil in Siri, and his usurpation of the throne had some influence on this decision)



I thought that it was a fait accompli that the fortress was completely built from scratch by Giyathuddin at a new, bare place, completed within a very short time span. For, the same Badaoni on the same page says this, proofing that he knew his sources:

”And in the year 724 A.H. (1324 A.D.), Sultān Ghiyāthu-d- 224. Dīn Tughlaq Shāh, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khān as his viceroy in the capital Tughlaqābād which had been built in the space of three years and a fraction, ...” (Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni, Vol. I, Elliott and Dowson, p.296)



Now, we can understand what is meant by the 'building or 'founding of a city' Tughluqabad by Ghiyathuddin Tughluq in a very short time span. This time span makes sense, against the background that a repairing project was started, which consequently involved a relocation and repeopling of the repaired ancient fortress. These words and its real meaning may be related to other Tughluqs and Sultans too involved with quick construction works of city-fort-edifices.



Proof of repairings

“These gates were more closely investigated, and soon it became apparent that there is a considerable difference between the complexity of planning and construction of the gates in comparison with the walls. Even the stonework of the gates differs from that of the walls (pl. IIIb). It seems that the builders of the gates and those of the walls could not have been the same, and that the military personnel were probably responsible only for the construction of the walls.” (Tughluqabad, Second report, p. 435)



The Shokoohy's don't understand this clear discrepancy of stonework at the joint points of walls with the gates (probably damaged during previous battles), for which they have to create an explanation, as they are obviously unaware of the information that Ghiyathuddin was repairing the ancient fortification. Unfortunately, they don't know all their primary sources.



3. CONCLUSION

From the above, we can safely conclude that Tughluqabad is more ancient than the Sultanate period. If, as it seems from primary sources, supported by archaeology, the fortress was of the pre-Sultanate period, I believe, that it must have been this particular fortress that was seen in Delhi by the invading Ghurids. It could certainly not have been Qilah Rai Pithora, otherwise they would have mentioned the fort connected with the name of their wellknown adversary! The text says:

“The Conquest of Dehli. After settling the affairs of Ajmír, the conqueror marched “towards Dehli (may God preserve its prosperity and perpetuate its splendour!) which is among the chief (mother) cities of Hind.” When he arrived at Dehli, he saw “a fortress which in height and strength had not its equal nor second throughout the length and breadth of the seven climes.” (History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson – Nizami: Taj-ul Ma' asir)



Thus, the conqueror saw "a fortress ..", and not "the fortress of Rai Pithora"! This most important fortress complex was built before the Sultanate period, in the Rajput period. The Chauhanas may possibly be excluded, as Rai Pithora was connected with Yoginipura and its by him expanded ancient local fort. The most obvious candidates having built the fort complex are the Tomara Rajputs, the Samantas of the Chauhana overlord. The escape route plan of the fortress, they share with their descendant branch in the Gwalior fort.

These Tomaras may have been more involved with the fortifications and constructions spread over Dhilli and Indarpat, especially using rubbles and dressed and undressed stones, than is generally admitted.



Another, very traditional = Hindu feature, can be witnessed with the Ghat:

“About the Khirki Gate and its Ghat: “Instead the gate opens directly onto the lake with a set of stepped platforms (ghats)-traditional in India-leading down to the water level and giving the public access for fetching water, washing clothes, or bathing (pl. XI).

PLATE XI. Khirki Gate, from the steps of the ghat looking east towards the south-eastern outflank of the town walls.” (Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report, p. 28)



The Shokoohy's, unfortunately, don't add Hindu to the word 'traditional', but that is intended. Not only is a Ghat a Hindu feature (worship, cremation, etc. functions), but this Ghat and its important Gate is also facing east! The Ghat facing east has absolutely no function for Muslims. (By the way, the escape route is also leading towards this Ghat.)



Having seriously challenced the claim that Ghiyathuddin built Tughluqabad fortress from scratch in a very short time span, I hope this case is settled. One wonders whether we have similar cases at least with other Tughluq and Khilji period built fortresses, as enumerated here:

“The entire city of Tughluqabad, including the citadel, the fort and the shahristan, together with the palaces and public and residential buildings, was built in a short period of time, apparently in the first two years of Ghiyath al-din's reign.23 Such speed in establishing a new town is not unusual in India, as many other towns of that period were built in a similar time span. Among such towns are 'Ala'al-din Khalji's Siri24 as well as Firuz Shah Tughluq's Jaunpur25 and Hisar-i Firuza (modern Hisar).” (Tughluqabad, Second report, pp.433-434)



Here, Siri too might be a city of Rajput period, having been subjected to a repairing and relocating project. Are these projects, including Firuz Shah's Kotla Firuzabad in "pargana' Indarpat, only repairing projects, like that of Tughluqabad? It certainly looks that way! One may also include the repairing project of the huge Jahanpanah by the warlord Muhammad bin Tughluq, just built in 1326-1327. To build a city from scratch and also long walls joining the Delhi cities of Yoginipura, Jahanpanah and Siri in just a year, is also hardly possible. (See a connection between Jahanpanah and Tughluqabad both having Vijaya Mandalas and Hazar Sutuns or Sahasra Sthuna Mandapas, probably connected with a Tomara ruler called Vijayapala. But, this is another point to be investigated) The better explanation is that the three ancient conglomerate cities, called Dhillipura, were already fortified. After the battles to conquer Dhillipura by the Sultans, the cities needed repairs in the time of the Tughluqs, especially set against the troublesome and serious Mongol incursions in Delhi.



Some stray references in court works of the early Sultans introduces us in some forgotten pages of Dhillipura before their rules. Afif, the court writer of Firuz Shah, gives us another glimpse into a forgotten past of Dhillipura, saying that seven old and decaying fortresses of Old Delhi needed repairs!

"When traders, native or foreign, brought grain, salt, sugar, or other goods into Dehlí, laden upon bullocks,* the customs officers used to seize these animals for a day and send them to old Dehlí. In this old city there were seven fortifications (hisár), built by famous sovereigns; but these buildings were old and falling to decay, and they fur­nished an inexhaustible supply of bricks." (Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, KISM V Second Mukaddama)

Which are these particular fortifications of Old Delhi? There are 3 fortifications belonging to Khilji and Tughluq times (Siri, Jahanpanah and Tughluqabad with its adjacent "Kotla" Adilabad), but they are supposed to be recent, if built from scratch. Only the fourth fortification, Qilah Rai Pithora, was old and belonged to the Rajput period and it was used from the Mamluks on. Perhaps the fortifications of 'pargana' Indarpat were included in this enumeration: the 5th may have been Shahr-i Nau or Kilugarhi and the 6th the Kasbah of Indarpat. Finally, was the 7th then really Shahjahanabad, and supporting the Mirat- Ahmadi's statement?



Now that we have learned from the main research that Tughluqabad is more ancient than previously thought, based upon different sources and archaeology, I have serious doubts about any original contribution from scratch by Tughluq and Khiljis reached within short time span. The testimony of the court writers, or Sultans themselves, is certainly no proof that they actually built from scratch. The pattern of relocating the capital city, "building" within short time spans, only makes me suspicious about their original contributions.

The consequence of this main research led me to more discrepancies and gaps in history, which by chance can be glimpsed from some stray references in the court writers. See below.



That the Dhillipura and Indrapatha metropoli were much larger then is accepted and described in standworks, at least before Timur's massacre, is apparent from foreigner Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad's testimony, based upon indigenous sources of early Tughluq times:

“I questioned the Shaikh Mubárak about the city of Dehli and the court of its sovereign, and I obtained from him the following details. Dehli consists of several cities which have become united, and each of which has a name of its own. Dehli, which was one among them, has given its name to all the rest. It is both long and broad, and covers a space of about forty miles in circumference. The houses are built of stone and brick, and the roofs of wood. The floors are paved with a white stone, like marble. None of the houses are more than two stories high, and some only one. It is only in the palace of the Sultán that marble is used for pavement."

This gives us a huge Dhillipura. But, Dhilli was much larger than this, because this is a description of the older part of Dhillipura, according to his other source on the same page:

"But if I can believe the Shaikh Abú Bakr bin Khallál, this description applies only to the old houses of Dehli, for the new ones are built differently. According to the same informant, Dehli comprises an aggregate of twenty-one cities. Gardens extend on three sides of it, in a straight line for twelve thousand paces. The western side is not so furnished, because it borders on a mountain." (Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad: Masaliku'l absar fi mamaliku'l amsar)

The cities of Old Dhillipura metropolis, as in the first quote, was the first part annexed to the Sultanate. The other cities, including those of Indarpat metropolis had been furnished with with an original different ancient style mixed with new style?

But, the importance of these quotes is that Dhillipura together with its twin metropolis Indrapatha already around 1320 consisted of several wellbuilt and conglomerate cities. This double metropoli character must go back to the Rajput period of the Tomaras, as described by Vibudha Shridhara in his Pasanacariu in the early 12th century.



The repairing tendency of the Sultanate period leads me to the subsequent period. This tendency is also to be witnessed in the Mughal period, at least with Shah Jahan, the Mughal "builder" par excellence. The amazing similarity of Fatehpur Sikri with Tughluqabad concerning water supplies, despite a huge lake nearby, makes me again doubt the claims of Akbar through his arch flattering court writer.

This has far reaching implications for architecture of both the Sultanate and Mughal periods. And architecture of Rajput patrons in those periods named after those two may be concluded to have wrongly called so. Fresh research, critically reexamining the primary sources with new field work projects may most probably lead to different answers and results than as now contained in standard works.



As stated in the introduction, I this writing may encourage professional and other researchers to look afresh to the history and architecture of the pre-Sultanate, the Sultanate and the Mughal periods, with more consideration for and appreciation of (continuous and adapting) indigenous non-Muslim traditions and sources.





SOURCES

1. Tughluqabad, “First Interim Report”:

Tughluqabad, the Earliest Surviving Town of the Delhi Sultanate. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 57, No. 3 (1994), pp. 516-550.



2. Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report:

The Dark Gate, the Dungeons, the Royal Escape Route and More: Survey of Tughluqabad, Second Interim Report. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 62, No. 3 (1999), pp. 423-461.



3. Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report:

Tughluqabad, Third Interim Report: Gates, Silos, Waterworks and Other Features. By Mehrdad Shokoohy and Natalie H. Shokoohy Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 66, No. 1 (2003), pp. 14-55.



4. Mohammed Alí Khán: Mirat-i Ahmadi; The Political and Statistical History of Gujarat.



5. Nizami: Nizami: Taj-ul Ma' asir in History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson.



6. Muntakhab-ur 'ukh by Al-Badaoni in History of India, Vol. III, Elliott and Dowson (Muntakhub-ut Tawarikh).



7. Afif: Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi in History of India, Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson.



8. Shahábu-d dín 'Abú-l 'Abbás Ahmad: Masaliku'l absar fi mamaliku'l amsar in History of India, appendix C Vol. II, ed. Elliot and Dowson