03-21-2005, 04:15 AM
http://www.dailypioneer.com/agenda1.asp?ma...t&counter_img=1
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->India must not be sentimental about democracy
Talking Point / Samuel Baid
King Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev's coup in Nepal last month and the rising storm of Islamic militancy in Bangladesh have emerged as two major challenges for New Delhi's diplomats. In themselves, these developments would not have been so serious for India had Pakistan not tried to take advantage of them in order to embarrass India, while simultaneously creating an impression of improving relations with the country.
India expressed displeasure at the dismissal of the four-party coalition government of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the imposition of emergency and the imposition of censorship by King Gyanendra on February 1 and 2. Pakistan at once sided with the King, saying the developments were Nepal's internal matter. Perhaps such a reaction should not come as a surprise, since the Pakistani army has never shown any respect for democracy and elected governments.
But Pakistan's next statement showed open affront to India's position in Nepal. India had stopped arms supply to Nepal. Pakistan's outgoing envoy Zameer Akram offered to step in as an alternative arms supplier to Nepal. In the past four years, Pakistan has stepped up export of small arms to various countries. It would certainly like Nepal to be its client - if Kathmandu can pay for them.
For a long time, Pakistan has been trying to use Nepal as a base for subversive activities in India. The hijack of an Indian Airlines flight from Kathmandu in December 1999 revealed a well laid out network of the ISI in Nepal. Subsequently, it was learnt that Pakistani officials and diplomats in Kathmandu were involved in a fake Indian currency racket too. The objective clearly was to subvert the Indian economy.
Nepal's porous border with India provides an ideal ground for ISI activities directed against India. This Himalayan kingdom is used by Pakistani militants to easily cross over to India. Moreover, the Terai region along the India-Nepal border is dotted with Islamic schools financed by the Pakistani embassy in Kathmandu. These schools, along with some other Muslim organisations, spread anti-India sentiments. There are certain Islamic organisations in Nepal which maintain contact with the Pakistani Jaish-e-Mohammed and the Lashkar-i-Tayyaba.
The ISI's support to Islamists in Nepal and Bangladesh is proof that Islamabad has not really changed its mind about using Islamic militancy as a tool for foreign policy. One may contradict this by pointing to Pakistan Army's crackdown on real or imagined Al Qaeda activists in Waziristan, and its support to the US-led war on global terrorism. But the fact is many leaders of the Al Qaeda are still living safely in Pakistan, and Islamic fundamentalism has been on the increase in that country despite all that Gen Musharraf has to say. This means that within his army and the government, there are strong supporters of the policy of Islamic militancy.
On March 15, Gen Musharraf agreed in a BBC (Urdu) interview that fundamentalism had indeed increased. He said it posed a threat to Pakistan. He admitted he was in touch with the leaders of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), "which is a moderate party," because if after the 2007 elections fundamentalists take over the government, Pakistan would be destroyed.
In Bangladesh, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has proved to be a boon for anti-democratic obscurantist forces and terrorists who would like to use Bangladesh as a springboard for activities across the globe. Frequent bombings at the opposition's public meetings targeting Sheikh Hasina and her party colleagues could well be the work of Islamists who want to crush democracy in Bangladesh to pave the way for an Army takeover. This would be followed by the Talibanisation of the country.
In Bangladesh, the Jamaat-e- Islami, a coalition partner in the government, maintains links with the ISI, the Bangladesh Army and radical Islamists. Begum Khaleda Zia seems helpless in tackling the activities of the Jamaat and stopping the country from Talibanisation. There are about 64,000 madrasas in Bangladesh funded by Pakistan's ISI and Arab charities. One may recall here the role of Pakistani madrasas in producing terrorists, some of whom were involved in the September 11 attack on the WTO.
But Gen Musharraf should understand that there cannot be enlightened democracy and that he cannot cleanse his country of Islamic obscurantism if his government follows the policy of supporting undemocratic systems and jehadi groups outside the country. He should seriously take note of his colleagues' role in Nepal and Bangladesh.
The world is taking a happy note of India's and Pakistan's efforts to normalise bilateral relations. And in India, there is a widespread feeling that bilateral relations between the two countries have never been so good. People in Pakistan, too, feel the same. But Pakistan's urge to hurt India is compulsive, as we see in Nepal, Bangladesh and elsewhere. It appears Islamabad's new India policy is to have cordial relations with India but surround it with unfriendly pro-Pakistan neighbours so as to have an edge in the region.
India should not find solace in the fact that it is in the company of the United States and Britain with regard to its present policy on Nepal. These countries use democracy as a slogan to blackmail despotic rulers in Asia to get them to follow their dictates. On the other hand, India's zeal for democracy in the region is genuine - though sometimes at the cost of its own interest. We must not be sentimental about democracy in our neighbourhood. It really does not help us.
The writer is former editor, UNI<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->India must not be sentimental about democracy
Talking Point / Samuel Baid
King Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev's coup in Nepal last month and the rising storm of Islamic militancy in Bangladesh have emerged as two major challenges for New Delhi's diplomats. In themselves, these developments would not have been so serious for India had Pakistan not tried to take advantage of them in order to embarrass India, while simultaneously creating an impression of improving relations with the country.
India expressed displeasure at the dismissal of the four-party coalition government of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the imposition of emergency and the imposition of censorship by King Gyanendra on February 1 and 2. Pakistan at once sided with the King, saying the developments were Nepal's internal matter. Perhaps such a reaction should not come as a surprise, since the Pakistani army has never shown any respect for democracy and elected governments.
But Pakistan's next statement showed open affront to India's position in Nepal. India had stopped arms supply to Nepal. Pakistan's outgoing envoy Zameer Akram offered to step in as an alternative arms supplier to Nepal. In the past four years, Pakistan has stepped up export of small arms to various countries. It would certainly like Nepal to be its client - if Kathmandu can pay for them.
For a long time, Pakistan has been trying to use Nepal as a base for subversive activities in India. The hijack of an Indian Airlines flight from Kathmandu in December 1999 revealed a well laid out network of the ISI in Nepal. Subsequently, it was learnt that Pakistani officials and diplomats in Kathmandu were involved in a fake Indian currency racket too. The objective clearly was to subvert the Indian economy.
Nepal's porous border with India provides an ideal ground for ISI activities directed against India. This Himalayan kingdom is used by Pakistani militants to easily cross over to India. Moreover, the Terai region along the India-Nepal border is dotted with Islamic schools financed by the Pakistani embassy in Kathmandu. These schools, along with some other Muslim organisations, spread anti-India sentiments. There are certain Islamic organisations in Nepal which maintain contact with the Pakistani Jaish-e-Mohammed and the Lashkar-i-Tayyaba.
The ISI's support to Islamists in Nepal and Bangladesh is proof that Islamabad has not really changed its mind about using Islamic militancy as a tool for foreign policy. One may contradict this by pointing to Pakistan Army's crackdown on real or imagined Al Qaeda activists in Waziristan, and its support to the US-led war on global terrorism. But the fact is many leaders of the Al Qaeda are still living safely in Pakistan, and Islamic fundamentalism has been on the increase in that country despite all that Gen Musharraf has to say. This means that within his army and the government, there are strong supporters of the policy of Islamic militancy.
On March 15, Gen Musharraf agreed in a BBC (Urdu) interview that fundamentalism had indeed increased. He said it posed a threat to Pakistan. He admitted he was in touch with the leaders of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), "which is a moderate party," because if after the 2007 elections fundamentalists take over the government, Pakistan would be destroyed.
In Bangladesh, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has proved to be a boon for anti-democratic obscurantist forces and terrorists who would like to use Bangladesh as a springboard for activities across the globe. Frequent bombings at the opposition's public meetings targeting Sheikh Hasina and her party colleagues could well be the work of Islamists who want to crush democracy in Bangladesh to pave the way for an Army takeover. This would be followed by the Talibanisation of the country.
In Bangladesh, the Jamaat-e- Islami, a coalition partner in the government, maintains links with the ISI, the Bangladesh Army and radical Islamists. Begum Khaleda Zia seems helpless in tackling the activities of the Jamaat and stopping the country from Talibanisation. There are about 64,000 madrasas in Bangladesh funded by Pakistan's ISI and Arab charities. One may recall here the role of Pakistani madrasas in producing terrorists, some of whom were involved in the September 11 attack on the WTO.
But Gen Musharraf should understand that there cannot be enlightened democracy and that he cannot cleanse his country of Islamic obscurantism if his government follows the policy of supporting undemocratic systems and jehadi groups outside the country. He should seriously take note of his colleagues' role in Nepal and Bangladesh.
The world is taking a happy note of India's and Pakistan's efforts to normalise bilateral relations. And in India, there is a widespread feeling that bilateral relations between the two countries have never been so good. People in Pakistan, too, feel the same. But Pakistan's urge to hurt India is compulsive, as we see in Nepal, Bangladesh and elsewhere. It appears Islamabad's new India policy is to have cordial relations with India but surround it with unfriendly pro-Pakistan neighbours so as to have an edge in the region.
India should not find solace in the fact that it is in the company of the United States and Britain with regard to its present policy on Nepal. These countries use democracy as a slogan to blackmail despotic rulers in Asia to get them to follow their dictates. On the other hand, India's zeal for democracy in the region is genuine - though sometimes at the cost of its own interest. We must not be sentimental about democracy in our neighbourhood. It really does not help us.
The writer is former editor, UNI<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->