Congress Defeat<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->As if losing Karnataka was not bad enough, the Congress was trounced in the Lok Sabha seats of Thane in Maharashtra (by Shiv Sena), Tura in Meghalaya (by Nationalist Congress Party) and Hamirpur in Himachal Pradesh (by BJP). In Punjab, the ruling Akali Dal won the Amritsar-south assembly seat. In Haryana, the Congress won two of the three assembly by-elections but failed to prevent former chief minister Bhajan Lal, its former leader, from winning the Adampur seat for the 10th consecutive time.
But it was the failure to regain power in Karnataka and, worse, the loss of its former bastion to the BJP in a decisive way that stunned the Congress. One leader frankly admitted he had no idea what had gone wrong while another, speaking off the record, said party president Sonia Gandhi too was to blame for the mess in Karnataka.
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A Hindu nationalist who began his political career as an activist of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) at the age of 23, Yediyurappa is not without his enemies in his party. Friends say that he often visits temples and mutts seeking blessings. He also consults astrologers frequently.
...
And BJP president Rajnath Singh claimed separately that the Karnataka victory had made his party the front-runner for the next Lok Sabha battle. "It is a major milestone in BJP's history."
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi went a step ahead and said the Karnataka outcome would mark the beginning of the end for the ruling Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA). "This is the first time the BJP has got a clear mandate on its own in a southern state."
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<b>While the BJP won 16 of 21 seats in Bangalore city, India's IT hub, several Congress stalwarts lost. This included former Congress chief minister N. Dharam Singh, who failed to make it to the assembly for the 10th time in a row, losing by just 77 votes.</b><!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Congress made 'stability' its main poll plank. But this only seems to have helped the BJP to re-kindle the sympathy factor by playing on the 'betrayal' by the JD-S.
The sudden spurt in food prices did nothing to help the Congress. It was forced on the defensive on the issue.
The BJP's campaign on the price rise seems to have paid dividends. The party used senior leader Sushma Swaraj's felicity with Kannada language to deadly effect.
<b>The TV campaign had Sushma telling people in Kannada how much rice, dal and cooking oil cost now and criticising the Congress failure to check rising prices.</b>
The ads showed a housewife giving a list of food items needed to the husband who in turn exclaims: "Where is the money to buy them?" The ads show children crying asking for food.
On terrorism, the campaign of the Congress and the BJP appears to have crossed each other out as both mocked the other's claim to fight terrorism and highlighting the terror attacks that took place when they were in power.
The BJP also poked fun at the Congress for failing to project anyone as chief minister while it had announced Yediyurappa as its nominee.
Senior leader LK Advani referred to this failure almost at every meeting. He would ask: <b>"When Congress comes seeking votes, ask them who is their captain?"</b>
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi was in his elements while taking on the Congress for criticising state BJP leaders for saying that they will follow the Gujarat model in Karnataka.
"Dum hai Congress mein bolne ke liye weh Gujarat jaisa development-oriented shaasan deyenge! ((Does the Congress have the courage to say they will provide the Gujrat-type development oriented government?)," he ask at meetings to the applause of the crowd.
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<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd--><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The shock from Bangalore has come at a time when the UPA coalition at the Centre entered the election year amidst growing concerns over rising prices and a bleak future for the Indo-US nuclear deal.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Certainly, the Congress was not expecting to win more than 100 seats, an <b>Intelligence Bureau report had actually said the Congress won't get more than 80 seats. </b>Also, party leaders in New Delhi knew that district-level infrastructure was not in place in Karnataka but before they could appoint party office-bearers Chief Election Commissioner N Gopalaswami announced the election. State Congress leaders wanted it around September but the CEC spoiled the game for them. State leaders were of the opinion that delayed election would dilute the sympathy factor in favour of BJP leader B S Yeddyurappa. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
IB was used for political purpose , not to track terrorist who are killing Indian Citizens.
<b>How the Congress is losing more than just elections</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->While we can all doff our Mysore petas to Arun Jaitely, if there is just one decisive lesson to be obtained from the BJP's triumph in Karnataka --- and indeed from Gujarat --- it is how important clarity and cogency has become in our political grammar, be it in the television studios, on the news pages, or on the campaign trail.
What the wise voter wants and values in an increasingly complex world are clear and simple signals of promise and deliverance; and repeatedly delivered from very pulpit and forum.
What he hates is beating around the bush.
<b>For a party which ushered in the television era into our lives, the Congress seems to have lost the art of the message; the BJP, to its credit, seems to have mastered it. </b>
The way experts and analysts saw it in Karnataka, this was an election for the Congress to lose. It was not in power at the time of elections, so anti-incumbency was out. <b>It had leaders from virtually every community in its ranks -- Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Kurubas, Dalits, Muslims, Christians, Brahmins. There was plenty of things that had been done in Delhi which were supposed to fetch votes according to the pundits: the Rajinder Sachar panel report to woo minorities, the farm debt waiver to woo farmers, the pay commission recommendations to woo the middle classes, etc.</b>
If, in spite of all that, the Congress could barely manage to retain its 2004 tally, it shows that many things are horribly wrong within the party. But one thing that sticks out is that it has lost the ability to articulate its thoughts and actions clearly, to tom-tom its achievements and abilities, and to take them into the hearts and minds of voters.
It has become too soft and sophisticated for its own good
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On the other hand, the BJP had much going against it. It was seen to be aligned with <b>just one community -- the Lingayats</b>. It was seen to be hand in glove with the mining mafia which had legitimised the criminalisation of Karnataka politics. Its top two leaders were said to be fighting amongst themselves, even if privately. It was seen to have gone into an unholy alliance with a party which had the word 'secular' in its registration certificate. It had spent just seven days in government.
Yet, in spite of all that, if the BJP has managed to add more than 30 seats to its 2004 tally, it shows that 21st century Indian elections are not quite the complex and nuanced social, political and economic processes that the intelligentsia thinks it is.
It is a lot more simple -- and primal.
<b>If the Congress and BJP were brands, the latter has better recall and recognition at the electoral mall. The voter knows what he is buying</b>
Last week, when Prannoy Roy asked Yediyurappa some complex formulation from Delhi, the chief minister-in-waiting ignored it, adjusted his spectacles, looked down, and began parotting the same three things.
'Mr Yediyurappa, please stop reading from your notes,' Roy said.
It would have invited sniggers in the right kind of drawing rooms, of course, but clearly voters in the age of news television do not mind that.
At every conceivable opportunity during the election campaign, Sushma Swaraj talked of price rise affecting the common man in her Karol Bagh Kannada -- 'akki, bele, yenne, tarkari... (rice, lentils, oil, vegetables...) -- in the same order. It gets boring beyond a point, but who is to argue that it is not effective?
In contrast, the Congress leaders have been a disaster on live television. Not one of its leaders, in Delhi or Bangalore, has had the clarity of thought or the fire in the belly to take on the stuck records of the Sangh Parivar. They hem and haw, on the one hand and on the other. They are stuck for words in explaining their USP. They cannot forcefully say why the party hadn't named a chief ministerial candidate. <b>They have no convincing explanation on Afzal Guru or Taslima Nasreen [Images]; terrorism or minority appeasement. </b>
Where the voter seeks a clean window to the future; the Congress seems happy to provide a muddied rear-view mirror of the past.
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On paper, the Congress is more inclusive, more representative, more well-rounded, etc. On paper, they promise this, that and the other, and they say all the right, politically correct things. But in reality, as today's verdict demonstrates, despite the promise of free colour TVs [Get Quote] in the manifesto, those things have relevance only to edit page writers and columnists.
<b>Voters, who have picked the product off the shelves earlier, want a new and improved version</b>
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<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Lotus in the South </b>
The Pioneer Edit Desk
Why BJP's Karnataka win is a milestone
More than anything else, the results of the Karnataka Assembly election are a resounding rebuff to lazy, Delhi-based political punditry and psephology. In taking the BJP to a near simple majority, Karnataka's voters have rewarded a party that forged a winning social coalition, with an appropriate mix of both robust nationalism and regional energies. Early indications suggest that the<b> BJP's vote share has gone up by nearly 11 per cent when compared to the 2004 election</b>. Such a surge cannot be explained away in sectarian or geographically-limited terms. It simply means that the BJP is now a pan-Karnataka party. For evidence, one may only turn to south Karnataka, where the battle has traditionally been between the <b>Congress and Mr HD Deve Gowda's appeal among the Vokkaligas</b>. Yet, here too the BJP has made significant inroads. It has won in the cities, it has won in agricultural areas, it has consolidated its hold among Lingayats -- a sect rather than a caste, as is often erroneously made out -- in a State where caste hierarchies are not as stratified as they have been in, say, Uttar Pradesh. Indeed, the BJP's success suggests the maturing of a political project that saw it establishing itself as a national party with a strong Kannadiga identity, rooted in local social alliances and led by a son of the soil. This was, as it happens, the very model the Congress used in the early years of independence, when it allowed strong State leaders to flourish. In later years, an insecure high command dismantled this structure. Today, the Indian polity has turned more federal. Regional aspirations have to be accommodated within parties or else they will simply migrate elsewhere. To the credit of the BJP, from Gujarat to Karnataka, it has been alive to these trends.
In terms of votes and seats, the Karnataka results have pointed to gains for the BJP as well as the Congress. While the Congress has lost its second successive election in a State that in the past has elected both Mrs Indira Gandhi and Ms Sonia Gandhi to the Lok Sabha, it has done better than 2004. The entity that has been squeezed out is the Janata Dal (Secular), the party of Mr HD Deve Gowda, a one-time regional strongman but in recent years only a cynical blackmailer. This resurgence of the national parties is proof that there is no iron law that makes the growth of regional parties inevitable. While fractured verdicts and confused results have occurred in India, over time people tend to reject the spoilers and the also-rans and clarify the polity. This is what they did in Uttar Pradesh in 2007, when the beneficiary was a local party. This is what they have done in Karnataka as well, except here trust has been placed in all-India parties. It is empirical evidence that if the BJP allows robust, locally-rooted units to prosper in the States, it can yet thwart fragmented, regional and caste-based rivals.
Can State elections anticipate the national mood? In 1987, Devi Lal's drubbing of the Congress in Haryana was the first sign that Rajiv Gandhi was losing his touch. Likewise, Karnataka has made it apparent that the Congress has gained nothing from the reputation of the Government it leads at the Centre, and that inflation is a huge vote loser. That is something for the Congress to chew on, as the BJP gets down to governance in Karnataka.
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05-26-2008, 12:52 AM
(This post was last modified: 05-26-2008, 12:53 AM by rhytha.)
<img src='http://farm4.static.flickr.com/3072/2515754788_8afe44ce3c.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />
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<b>Karnataka and after </b>
Arun Nehru
pioneer.com
I believe the India-US nuclear deal will be clinched sooner than later. The Left parties will withdraw their support and demand a debate in Parliament. These parties will, however, not vote the UPA Government out of power. The RJD will support the Congress; so will the Samajwadi Party. As things stand today, the Congress and the UPA will go ahead with the IAEA and this in my opinion is good for the country.
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Suvarna News is most accurate
next is NDTV.
Yadav gang as usual ZERO, result of reserved quota.
Karnataka Results - Vindhyas Breached Irreversibly
The votes have been counted in Assembly elections 2008 and Karnataka has spoken with one clear message.
Offstumped had in the run up to this election had framed what this election ought to be about. The message from Karnataka through Verdict 2008 is a clear and unambiguous repudiation of the politics of greed epitomised by Deve Gowda, the Darth Vader of Karnataka Politics.
With the BJP inching towards a majority the breach in the Vindhyas is now complete and irreversible. Karnataka is not just a buffer for the BJP against incumbency cycles to the North but is also a beach-head for a southern expansion strategy.
The outcome in Karnataka is a slap in the face for Brand Sonia and the more recent Brand Rahul. Manmohan Singhâs Communal Socialism symbolized by communal budgeting and a sell-out to select farmers in the debt waiver have come a cropper. Sonia Gandhi now has the dubious distinction of having ensured Congress loss in every single major election. From old timers like Arjun Singh to fresh blood like Sachin Pilot it is time someone called the bluff on the myth of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. It can now safely be said that brand Nehru-Gandhi has lost its pan-Indian relevance and is on its way to becoming a relic of the Congressâ inglorious past.
While the BJP prepares to celebrate this victory it must remember the other message in the run up to this election. Power is not an entitlement. It is a responsibility. There is no substitute to the mantra of âMinimum Government Maximum Governanceâ. Aspirations are high in Urban Karnataka and expectations are even highers in rural Karnataka. From issues ranging from autonomy to Bangalore to rural rejuvenation spelled out by Mr. Advani in his CII speech some time back, Mr. Yeddyurappa will have his task cut out.
Can he rise up to the challenge and deliver ?
Offstumped will be watching â¦
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http://offstumped.nationalinterest.in/2008...d-irreversibly/
finally bjp is heading for a simple majorityâ¦
wins:
cong-27,bjp-63,jds-8,oth-02
heading for 120 seatsâ¦
great
Won 102. Lead in 11 more. Game over.
won 106. Leading in 6.
BJP MLAâs are meeting in Bangalore tomorrow to elect Yediyurappa as CM in presence of Arun Jaitley
BJP surged ahead of congress in voteshare.
Times now
BJP 110
Cong 77
JD(S) 29
Oth 9
BJP win is beginning of end for UPA: Modi
FROM BAD TO WORSE: Narendra Modi stated the condition of the Congress had gone from bad to worse.
Ahmedabad: Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday said the BJP victory in Karnataka would mark the beginning of the end for the Congress-led UPA.
He also described as âa big achievementâ the maiden victory the BJP has scored in southern India on its own strength.
âThe Karnataka results are in keeping with the expectations of the BJP,â Modi told stated. âThis is the first time the BJP has got a clear mandate on its own in the southern state.â
Modi, who campaigned extensively in Karnataka, pointed out that the BJP had earlier won in Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Punjab. âNow we are winning in Karnataka.â
The Chief Minister said the condition of the Congress had âgone from bad to worseâ with each election in recent years that it has lost.
Asked why the BJP won in Karnataka, he said the UPA had failed to fulfil the expectations of the people.
He added that voters in Karnataka had also punished âthe politics of betrayalâ â a reference to the JD(S) decision not to share power with his party despite its promise to do so.
He warned that the Congress would find it difficult to inject life into the multi-party UPA ahead of the coming Lok Sabha elections.
âThe Congress will fail to build the confidence in the UPA that they will be able to work and win elections. The disintegration of the UPA has begun.â
How Cong is losing more than elections (Rediff)
If the Congress and BJP were brands, the latter has better recall and recognition at the electoral mall. The voter knows what he is buying.
For weeks and months, the BJP leadership, be it in Delhi or Bangalore, have been aggressively and abrasively drumming and drilling the same three things into the skulls of voters on television. That B S Yediyurappa was their chosen man for chief minister. That B S Yediyurappa as finance minister delivered two âsuperbâ and âexcellentâ budgets. That the party, if given just ââone chanceâ, would bring paradise on earth.
Last week, when Prannoy Roy asked Yediyurappa some complex formulation from Delhi, the chief minister-in-waiting ignored it, adjusted his spectacles, looked down, and began parotting the same three things.
âMr Yediyurappa, please stop reading from your notes,â Roy said.
It would have invited sniggers in the right kind of drawing rooms, of course, but clearly voters in the age of news television do not mind that.
At every conceivable opportunity during the election campaign, Sushma Swaraj talked of price rise affecting the common man in her Karol Bagh Kannada â âakki, bele, yenne, tarkari⦠(rice, lentils, oil, vegetablesâ¦) â in the same order. It gets boring beyond a point, but who is to argue that it is not effective?
Aha, the age of stump speeches and sound-bytes finally dawning in desi politics or what? We prefer a coarser country version to both our daru and to our soundbytes than the avg yamriki would, thanQ.
In contrast, the Congress leaders have been a disaster on live television. Not one of its leaders, in Delhi or Bangalore, has had the clarity of thought or the fire in the belly to take on the stuck records of the Sangh Parivar. They hem and haw, on the one hand and on the other. They are stuck for words in explaining their USP. They cannot forcefully say why the party hadnât named a chief ministerial candidate. They have no convincing explanation on Afzal Guru or Taslima Nasreen; terrorism or minority appeasement.
The poor thingsâ¦. heads will roll at Cong HQ as the high command searches around desperately for a scapegoat. SM Krishna is a good bet, heâs old, infirm and retiring anyway. Best to pin on him all blame and shame and shower flowers on the rajmata-yuvraj teflon duoâ¦.
The 6 independents
It is largely being suggested that out of the six independent candidates who have won, getting three to support the BJP is not going to be a problem, but, for the record, out of the six independents who have won, four are Congress rebels (Kolar, Malavalli, Pavagada, Hiriyur), one JD(S) rebel (Hosadurga) and one BJP rebel (Kalghatgi).
<b>Only seat lost, CPM says BJP victory of no national consequence</b>
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->There may not have been a major Left presence in the Karnataka election scenario, but the Left parties' worries are as big as that of any other party there.
First of all, the CPM has lost its only Assembly seat, Bagepally, which it had been retaining in the last two elections. What's worse, the seat has been wrested by the Congess, its ally at the Centre. The CPM candidate G V Sriram Reddy lost out by a mere 932 votes.
The CPM and the CPI did not have an alliance in Karnataka though they were careful not to field candidates against each other. Both fielded nine candidates each in the elections.
"The Congress party wanted to have alliance with us. But the party did not want that," said CPM state secretary V J K Nair. According to him, the party had extended support to Congress and JD(S) candidates, especially in Gulbarga and Tumkur districts, against BJP rivals.
CPI(M) maintains that the Karnataka results does not have much national significance. According to Politburo member Sitaram Yechury, the BJP came first because the "secular votes got divided." He maintained that the BJP victory will have no implication in the national political scenario.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Karnataka and after
The Karnataka Assembly election results have been declared. As widely expected, the BJP has been able to extend its lead and reached the simple majority mark. During the election campaign, former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda had said he would wait for the Congress and the BJP to approach him to help form the next Government. Since his help will not be needed by either party, it will be a long wait for him. Meanwhile, the exit polls, barring that of NDTV, have been proved wrong.
Away from India, the world is watching the fascinating political duel between Mr Barack Obama and Ms Hillary Clinton. It is a contest which both deserve to win. Mr Obama has an edge over Ms Clinton and if he wins the Democratic nomination, he may well win the presidential race as well. After all, the shadow of the debacle in Iraq looms large over the American electorate. This spoils the chances of Mr John McCain, the Republican nominee.
The war in Iraq was waged on false intelligence reports and had no connection with 9/11. The 'credibility' factor and the 'motives' of the Bush Administration in waging this wasteful war have bolstered the prospects of the Democratic Party in the American presidential election. Every leader who has supported the American war efforts in Iraq has been humbled -- whether it is in Spain, Italy or Australia. Even in the UK, Mr Tony Blair has been replaced by Mr Gordon Brown; worse, Britain's Conservative Party now has a huge lead over the Labour Party in the opinion polls. Several important by-elections over the next few days will be indicators of the future trend in Britain.
The economy after the sub-prime shock continues to give confusing signals. The middle class and the weaker sections in American society feel the ripple effect of high inflation. Unless a 'miracle' takes place over the next few months, Mr Obama and the Democrats are all set to prevail over Mr McCain and the Republicans. Similarly, in Britain, Mr Brown and the Labour Party may well make way for Mr David Cameron and his Conservative Party.
The elections in the US and the UK will be closely analysed across the world. Besides the presence of a sizeable Indian American voting population and the renewed interest in India about anything American, there are several Indian MNCs and individual investors who are keenly looking at acquiring businesses and personal assets in these two countries. Also, there exist traditional business partnerships. So, new policy initiatives of a new Administration are of great interest to the business community.
I believe the India-US nuclear deal will be clinched sooner than later. The Left parties will withdraw their support and demand a debate in Parliament. These parties will, however, not vote the UPA Government out of power. The RJD will support the Congress; so will the Samajwadi Party. As things stand today, the Congress and the UPA will go ahead with the IAEA and this in my opinion is good for the country.
We have excellent relations with the US. This will propel our business relations to a new level. I cannot understand why archaic Cold War arguments -- China and Russia have long abandoned this logic -- should affect our thinking on crucial issues. India is relevant today as it has emerged as an economic power with an eight per cent growth rate and a 300 to 400 million middle class base. Also, India has assets, between $80 and $100 billion, in developed countries. All these happened because we have successfully and confidently integrated the Indian economy with the international market.
There are issues that should not be subject to contradictions of internal politics. I think the India-US nuclear deal and development of resources in this direction are crucial for the country's growth in a global economy.
The Karnataka Assembly election results have clearly narrowed the psychological gap between the UPA and the NDA. We can expect a reasonable amount of political churning in the months ahead. Along with Karnataka, we have to observe the results in the four Lok Sabha and 18 Assembly segments in Andhra Pradesh. It will be important to see the performance of the Congress and the TDP in this State.
The southern States of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka may well hold the key to success or failure for the UPA and the NDA, as they did in 2004. The Karnataka Assembly election results will not influence the electoral outcome in other States, but will start the crucial realignment process in southern States. Alliance structures in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh are far from final and many fringe players -- with small but important vote-banks -- will play a key role in the final result.
We may witness 'temporary' alliances on the nuclear issue and once this is behind us the focal issue will be the next round of Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Delhi. Security and illegal immigrants from Bangladesh will be a major issue during the elections. Sadly, the security-related issues may well be lost as neither the NDA nor the UPA, or for that matter the Government of Assam, has done enough to stem the flow of immigrants from Bangladesh into this country.
The UPA and the NDA cannot take things for granted. In fact, both may be relegated to the background if regional forces increase their seats and sphere of influence. Political arithmetic is a complicated business, but if the Congress and the BJP fail to repeat or improve on their performance in the 2004 Lok Sabha election, or drop from their current level of 280 seats together to 225 or so, and if three or four regional parties form a group of 100 plus MPs, we could well be looking at a new arrangement at the Centre.
The rise & rise of BJP in Karnataka
Press Trust of India
BANGALORE, May 25: From 18 seats in 1983, which enabled it to help in the formation of the first non-Congress government in Karnataka, the BJP has steadily grown to capture power on its own, riding on a saffron surge in the wake of the Ram Janambhoomi movement of the early 90s and aided by similar local issues.
Decimating its rivals and making huge inroads into previously unchartered territories in the state, BJP has put up a stunning show 25 years later.
The party has expanded its base in the dry, arid Hyderabad-Karnataka and Mumbai-Karnataka regions from where the party had won 65 of the 79 seats in the 2004 elections. It has also spread its wings further in Bangalore where it has won over half of the 28 seats at stake in the current elections.
The trump card for the BJP appeared to be what it called the 'betrayal' by JD-S over power transfer and pleas by its leadership to give the party âone chanceâ. These two elements gave a big push to the BJP which had already emerged as the single largest party in the previous elections.
The BJP had played an important role in installation of the maiden non-Congress government by extending outside support to the Janata Party led by late Ramakrishna Hegde in 1983. Subsequently, in the 1991 elections, fought after the fall of the V P Singh government at the Centre over the Ram Janambhoomi issue the saffron party made its debut in the Lok Sabha polls in the state by winning four seats. From then onwards, BJP not only consolidated and made steady gains, but emerged as the single largest party in 2004 riding on the Vajpayee government's achievements to bag 79 seats.
However, the BJP's attempts to form the government was brought to naught by JD-S, which chose to align with Congress citing its secular credentials in 2004 after the polls threw up a fractured verdict.
In a volte face, JD-S dumped the Congress mid way and aligned with BJP in 2006 to form a coalition government, catapulting the saffron party from the opposition ranks to the ruling benches. But then it refused to honour the power sharing pact it had struck with BJP to rule the state for 20 months each. Enraged by the âacts of betrayalâ by JD-S, BJP took to the streets with a campaign âpunish betrayers and save Karnatakaâ.
Taken aback by the overwhelming response BJP got for its campaign, JD-S returned to the saffron party and pledged unconditional support in November which culminated in Yeddyurappa taking oath as chief minister. But the new government was brought down by JD-S within a week.
Similarly the growth of BJP in Parliament polls in the state has also been on the upswing since 1994.
The saffron party, which won four seats in 1994, took its tally to six in 1996 and to 16 in 1998. In 2004, it did even better winning 18 seats out of 28.
BJP creates history in Karnataka, Congress humbled all over
FULL COVERAGE
The Bharatiya Janata Party defeated the Congress in Karnataka elections on Sunday, stepping across the Vindhyas to try to rule a southern state by itself for the first time.
A simple but effective âgive us a chanceâ card backed by millionaire candidates and blunders of a faction-driven Congress in the tech-savvy state helped the BJP win 110 seats â three short of a simple majority â in the 224-member legislative assembly. The state was the first to go to polls after the electoral constituencies were redrawn on the basis of new population data.
The Janata Dal (S) of former PM HD Deve Gowda, which played a rather troublesome kingmakerâs role after the last assembly polls, was pushed into political wilderness after it was thrashed in most places, winning only 28 seats.
Karnataka Polls 2008
Parties
Won
BJP 110
Congress 80
JD(S) 28
Independent 6
Others 0
Total 224/224
âThe UPA governmentâs utter failure to control the prices of essential commodities, its soft and compromising policy on terrorism, and its insensitivity towards the plight of kisans have angered the common people all over the country,â BJPâs prime ministerial candidate L.K. Advani said in a statement, referring to the Congress-led coalition at the center.
The BJP was propelled by money power, almost as much as by the caste equations that went in its favour. Almost all crucial districts where mining magnates, real estate entrepreneurs or industrialists ploughed in their funds, went the partyâs way.
Congress, which blamed BJPâs victory on a division of secular votes, fought the election on the stability plank. It won 80 seats, better than the 65 it won in 2004. It did not consider price rise and internal security as major issues in the election. The weekly inflation rate is hovering close to 8 per cent, highest in nearly 40-odd months.
BJP state leader B.S. Yeddyurappa, who comes from a farming family, is expected to be sworn in as chief minister on Wednesday after the party said it had the support of the remaining lawmakers needed to form a government. âIt is a humbling experience. We will strive for all round development of Karnataka,â he said. Yeddyurappa was dislodged as chief minister by JD (S) in November 2007.
This was one of several routs for the Congress in recent months, as it prepares for the upcoming parliamentary elections next year. The BJP retook Gujarat in December and then wrested Himachal Pradesh. Party leaders said they were sure that the BJP would win the next general elections.
âThis geographical expansion of the BJP, and the simultaneous shrinkage of the Congress party almost all over the country, shows the shape of things to come in the run-up to the next Parliamentary elections,â said Advani.
State Congress leader SM Krishna congratulated the BJP for securing a ânear simple majorityâ and conceded that the Congress would have to rework its strategy while sitting in opposition.
But state Congress Vice President H. Hanumanthappa was more direct and pointed to several follies in the party's election strategy. "We were unorganised ⦠The party structure was not strengthened and the selection of candidates was done to match our opponents than win the seats," he said.
Hanumanthappa said the Congress also did not make good use of the delimitation exercise. "We ought to have included new faces in new constituencies carved out of delimitation, but we brought back old faces in the hope that they will win. We also botched the process of selection of candidates because we were not united (in the state unit)."
Karnataka was the first big election of the poll season and Congress has many battles ahead. Assembly elections are due in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, J&K and Delhi later this year before the world's biggest electoral exercise unfolds next year.
The Congress rules Delhi, but would try hard to play on anti-incumbency to try and win power in key states of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. It has ruled the state of Delhi for a decade and analysts say it would find it difficult to keep power.
KARNATAKA
How The Lotus Bloomed
BJP has reason to celebrate in Karnataka. But while raising a toast, the revelers need to be reminded that the party is three seats short of a simple majority. How stable will the first saffron government in the south be? ...
Sugata Srinivasaraju
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It has been a decisive victory for the BJP in Karnataka. It has become the single largest party with 110 seats and has also cornered a vote share of close to 38 per cent--an improvement of about 6 percent from 2004. But even as a toast is being raised for the BJP, the revelers need to be reminded that the party is three seats short of a simple majority.
It is largely being suggested that out of the six independent candidates who have won, getting three to support the BJP is not going to be a problem, but, for the record, out of the six independents who have won, four are Congress rebels (Kolar, Malavalli, Pavagada, Hiriyur), one JD(S) rebel (Hosadurga) and one BJP rebel (Kalghatgi). What means and method the BJP will employ to woo any of the three will be a curious thing to watch in the run up to government-formation. In recent electoral history wafer thin margins of one or two seats has played havoc in the Goa, Jharkand, and Meghalagya. So, the major question is: how stable will the BJP government be? Stability was one of the important planks on which this election was fought.
Let's keep aside the issue of government-formation and ask why and how the BJP managed to increase its numbers from 79 in 2004 to 110. This has become possible for the simple reason that the BJP has borrowed the traditional Congress formula and has become 'mainstream' in a number of ways. That is, it has found appeal not just among voters of one community, one section or one region, but has penetrated across the state. Besides the urban voters of Bangalore giving them 17 out of the 28 seats, the rural voters too have preferred them across the state. The Dalit and tribal votes too have majorly swung their way. In the earlier elections the BJP had struggled to put up winnable candidates across the state, but this time around the party's depth has relatively improved, but still falls short of the Congress, which too, by the way, has improved its performance over the last elections both in terms of seats and vote share.
The BJP's 'relative' improvement in demographic and social depth has to be stressed because South Karnataka or the Old Mysore region, where the polls were held during the first phase, still continues to be a Congress and JD(S) stronghold. In districts like Mandya, Ramanagara, Hassan, Chikkaballapur, and Chamarajanagar the BJP has failed to open its account. In an important district like Mysore, it has barely managed two of the eleven seats. But in Central Karnataka and Malnad districts, like Davangere, Chitradurga, Shimoga and Chikmagalur they have either held on to what they gained last time or have improved their fortunes.
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But the most interesting piece of news for all the 'secularists' is that the BJP has slipped in the coastal belt, which was considered to be a Hindutva bastion. It was this region that had witnessed communal riots in 2006 and was feared to become the 'Gujarat of the South.' It was also seen as a virtual gateway for the BJP to enter the South. In Dakshin Kannada, BJP and Congress are neck-to-neck with four seats each. In Uttara Kannada the BJP, Congress and JD(S) have shared two seats each and in Udupi, the Karkala seat has gone to the Congress. A Hindutva mascot in the region, Nagaraj Shetty, has lost his seat (Bantwal) to veteran Congressman Ramanath Rai. Given the fact that most central leaders of the Congress come from this region (Margaret Alva, Janardhan Poojary, B K Hariprasad, Veerappa Moily, Oscar Fernandes), this development should offer them some relief. To the BJP's credit it did not run a virulent Hindutva campaign. </b>They neither raked up the Bababudangiri issue nor the Hubli Idgah Maidan issue, but at the same time did not give even a single ticket to a person from any minority community.
And surprise of surprises was that Narendra Modi made most visits to this region and drew only moderate crowds.
Besides, the BJP's expansion of its appeal and social base, their synchronised campaign, superior strategy and a well-crafted manifesto is to also be counted for their performance. Their talk of free-power and expanding the BPL card base appears to have touched the rural voter in inflationary times. Congress too proposed a number of popular schemes, but its communication apparatus failed pathetically. If one senior leader spoke of lifting the arrack ban, another countered it by saying that it was not the party's official view. The perception in the state is that the BJP's victory is well-earned and well-deserved, while Congress' 80 seats are seen as achieved more by default than by design.<b>
What also complimented the BJP's victory was the unabashed support of the two richest lobbies of the state -- the real estate and mining lobby. The financial muscle of the mining lords of Bellary, the Reddy brothers, has clearly played a crucial role in not just Bellary, but also Davangere and Gadag districts. In Bellary -- a distinct where of the nine seats seven are reserved for the SC and ST -- BJP has won in eight. In Davangere, for the first time they have scored six of the eight seats and in Gadag they have got all four seats. Two among the many upsets for the Congress came from Davangere and Gadag, where former deputy chief minister M P Prakash lost to Karunakar Reddy in Harapanahalli and CM-aspirant H K Patil lost to Srishailappa Biradur of BJP in the Congress safe haven of Gadag town. From the real estate lobby, people like Ashok Kheny, the NRI businessman building the Bangalore-Mysore expressway by acquiring 20,000 acres of land, is said to have funded the BJP simply to ensure that the JD(S) does not play a decisive role in government-formation.</b> The JD(S) had earlier made plans to take over the infrastructure project by bringing in a legislation after the Supreme Court had ruled in Kheny's favour.
The delimitation too had its role to play. The division of constituencies and the rejigging of the number of seats is understood to have largely gone in the BJP's favour. For instance a constituency like Uttarahalli in Bangalore, held by the BJP was split into four. Also the ST seats that went up from 2 to 15, all happened in the stronghold districts (Raichur and Bellary) of the BJP.
To the factors that complimented the BJP's victory one should also add the situation within the Congress. At the beginning of the poll process, Congress appeared to be the only party that had a presence in all the 224 constituencies. In 2004, BJP had contested 192 seats and had forfeited deposit in 42 seats. This meant that they effectively had a presence in only 146 seats. Out of this they had won 79 seats. Comparatively, the Congress contested 224 seats and lost deposit in only 7 seats. Besides this, last time around the BJP was aided by an alliance with JD(U) and S Bangarappa was a BJP-member who made a difference in about 24 seats. This time, there was no truck with the JD(U) and Bangarappa was with the SP. With all these odds, for BJP to still make it to 110 seats clearly speaks of its expanding appeal.
Why did the Congress not put up a decent fight? It may sound a little too simplistic to state that the Congress did not dream big, but that is the heart of the matter. Right from the beginning they seemed to be working their numbers around 90 and were mentally prepared for a coalition set up. As a result most senior leaders did not take on the JD(S) or the Gowda family fearing that they may hold the key for government-formation.
It was very important for the Congress to explain why and how it is different from the JD(S) for the simple reason that they share the same social base. But nothing of the sort happened and it has proved costly for the Congress.
S M Krishna's entry was also a major distraction for the state Congress. It was more a bane than a boon. Most senior leaders, including the KPCC president Mallikarjuna Kharge, thought that he had come to steal their moment and hence a cold war-like situation was established inside the Congress. To add to this was the tantrums thrown by leaders like Jaffer Sharief, who almost walked out of the party because his grandson was denied a ticket to contest. It is now common understanding that had Krishna not forced his way back to state politics there would have been more cohesion in the state unit of the party.
The results have also shown Krishna's waning clout among voters. He was primarily brought in to stand tall among the Vokkaliga voters, one of the two largest communities in the state, and was expected to use his charm on the urban voters. But he managed to achieve neither. His home district Mandya has been convincingly won by the JD(S) and his own Maddur seat has been taken by a JD(S) novice called Siddaraju. Some people in the Congress believe that if Krishna had contested the Maddur seat perhaps there would have been a positive ripple effect for the party in and around Mandya district and perhaps the Congress would have secured a few more seats in the region. But Krishna was not willing to take the risk. Even in 2004 he had, in the last minute, shifted out of the Maddur seat to contest a safe Bangalore seat. But there are also some in the Congress who believe that Krishna would have lost had he contested.
In this election the Congress would have improved its tally by at least six seats had it not witnessed some major upsets. <b>Unexpectedly, some of its big leaders like Dharam Singh, Ambarish, R V Deshpande, M P Prakash, Ramesh Kumar and Basavaraj Rayareddy lost by small margins. </b>If these six seats had been taken, the BJP would have still crossed the 100-mark, but its chances of forming a government would have been reduced. The Congress also miscalculated the transfer of secular votes. It assumed what would not go to the JD(S) would return to its fold. That clearly has not been the case. The plummeting of the JD(S) stock to 28 has also come as a shock to the Congress. Although the pollsters were squabbling about the numbers the Congress and BJP would get, they were pretty unanimous about the JD(S) show. They put their numbers anywhere between 35 and 40. But the bluff of their rare unanimity has been called by the voter.
B S Yediyurappa is all poised to become CM. He was the preferred choice right since day one. One has to see whom the Congress will pick to counter him in the Assembly. Since the Congress has lost and the Dalit vote base has been conceded, KPCC president and also Dalit leader Kharge may take moral responsibility and make way for a new face. In all likelihood the new face may be Siddaramaiah, who has delivered a landslide victory for the Congress in Mysore and Chamarajanagar districts. He also hails from the third largest Kuruba community and is a veteran parliamentarian. There is also a choice in Dr. G Parameshwar, a Dalit leader and CWC member. If any of these two competent leaders get picked Congress would have seen a generation change in the state.
Even as the BJP savours its victory, the big question already being asked in Bangalore is will the Congress and the JD(S) stick together to fight the parliament polls or will the Congress quietly hope for the disintegration of the JD(S) hoping to consolidate the secular vote in the future?
Euphoria at BJP HQs, gloom at Congress office
Updated: Sunday , May 25, 2008 at 02:17:28
New Delhi, May 25: It was pure euphoria at the BJP headquarters here as the saffron party on Sunday made its southern foray in Karnataka, completely in contrast to the palpable gloom at the Congress office not far away.
The 11, Ashoka Road office of the BJP witnessed scenes of jubilation as party workers burst crackers and distributed sweets to celebrate the electoral victory in Karnataka, the first southern state to be won by the saffron outfit.
Party workers also celebrated the victory by dancing to the tune of drum beats.
BJP leaders made a beeline to the party office, where mediapersons were also present in large numbers to take sound bytes.
Among the leaders who went to the BJP headquarters were party chief Rajnath Singh, spokespersons Ravishankar Prasad, Prakash Javadekar and Rajeev Pratap Rudy as also senior leaders Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj.
Promptly declaring the party's victory in Karnataka, the BJP president held a press conference in which he stated that the party was now a front-runner in the Lok Sabha polls.
The press conference also saw the presence of a large number of senior leaders.
Quite in contrast to the scene at the BJP office, the Congress headquarters at 24, Akbar Road as well as the 10, Janpath residence of party president Sonia Gandhi.
Party leaders chose to stay away from the AICC headquarters, which wore a deserted look as the results came in, heralding the foray of the BJP in Southern India.
How B.S. Yeddyurappa contrasts US President George Bush?
Tara Mahoni
May 25, 2008
US president George Bush is exactly opposite in characteristics and performance when compared with Indian rising star politician B.S. Yeddyurappa, the new chief Minister of Karnataka.
Bush never worked at the grass roots level. His family connections and money got him into Ivy League schools. He is a failed businessman with Harvard MBA â a shame in the highest category. He became president of US stealing election with the help o0f his brother, another Bush in Florida. His reelection was helped by vote controversies. All that he did in his tenure in the last eight year is shameful. He lied to the world about weapons of mass destruction. He invaded a country killing millions. He cut tax for the reach while US middle class went down into poverty. He is the failed oilman from Texas. The Iraq war provides hundreds of billions of dollars to his friends who own or associate with Halliburton or similar companies. Bushâs Administration is probably the most controversial ever.
Compare that with Indian rising star politician B.S. Yeddyurappa, the new chief Minister of Karnataka. His political career started as an active member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) at the age of 23 years.
Known to be a strict disciplinarian and man of short-temper, Yeddyurappa was born to Siddalingappa and Puttathayamma in Bookanakere in Mandya district, about 100 km from Bangalore, Feb 27, 1943. He lost his mother when he was just four years old. Although born in Mandya district, Yeddyurappa made Shikaripura in Shimoga district, about 300 km from Bangalore, his political base. He entered active politics in 1972 when he was elected president of the Shikaripura Taluk Jana Sangh. Yeddyurappa shot into statewide fame soon after he took up the cause of landless farmers and bonded laborers in the state, particularly in Shimoga district.
He was detained for a brief period during the internal emergency then prime minister Indira Gandhi imposed in 1975. He was appointed the state Janata Party secretary in 1977. While Yeddyurappa worked for the common people, Bush came from a rich family deceiving the common people. He ruled for the rich supported by the rich and made sure the US is of the rich.
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Yeddyurappa came from the grass root level. George Bush came from the world of deception encapsulated brain washing politics. Spin in the trait of Bush type politicians. Even he and his right hand Karl Rove made jokes of those helped him get elected and reelected â the evangelical Christians.
Yeddyurappa represents common people of India. George Bush represents the rich and dishonest of America. </b>
Tara Mahoni article is just ridiculous, full of stupidity. Bush is one of the smartest person. He was multi-millionaire before he became President, he was owner of baseball game, ran companies. Slam-duck President had made Democrat Congress as a loony congress with lowest rating. Congress rating is lower than President. He is able to push his agenda. Twice elected. Middle East mess will be best thing happened under his watch. History will give better rating.
There is not a single terrorist attack on US soil which itself is a biggest achievement, compare this with India.
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