C/r Persecution Complex Or Plain Vanilla Politics

12-06-2004, 06:26 AM

QUOTEAmiga Persecution Complex: n.

The disorder suffered by a particularly egregious variety of bigot, those who believe that the marginality of their preferred machine is the result of some kind of industry-wide conspiracy (for without a conspiracy of some kind, the eminent superiority of their beloved shining jewel of a platform would obviously win over all, market pressures be damned!) Those afflicted are prone to engaging in flame wars and calling for boycotts and mailbombings. Amiga Persecution Complex is by no means limited to Amiga users; NeXT, NeWS, OS/2, Macintosh, LISP, and GNU users are also common victims. Linux users used to display symptoms very frequently before Linux started winning; some still do. 

It is not an exaggeration if the above definition is read as

C/R Persecution Complex: n. 

The disorder suffered by a particularly egregious variety of bigot, those who believe that the marginality of their preferred machine is the result of some kind of country-wide upper-caste conspiracy (for without a conspiracy of some kind, the eminent superiority of their beloved shining jewel of pet platform would obviously win over all, reality and facts be damned!) Those afflicted are prone to engaging in flame wars and calling for boycotts and mailbombings. C/R Persecution Complex is by no means limited to usual suspects; Communists, Socialists, Professional Secularists, Media, Brown Sahib Elite, Pakistan/Bangladesh Lovers, and Tree Huggers are also common victims. Missionaries and Mullahs used to display symptoms very frequently before they started winning; and they still do. 

It is quite ironic that such leaders who extol the virtues of global democracy, global village, pluralism, understanding, brotherhood, universal values, multiculturalism (you get the picture) rarely put the same in practise on the home front. Rather, they gain mileage by misleading and dividing people based on "caste and/or religion" and impart C/R persecution complex to their beloved followers by fanning blind hatred.

For a society divided is a country divided; sane, rational and logical people would do well to eschew such politics and polemic of hate and see through their leaders' hypocrisy and work towards a united and stronger India.

This thread is meant to collect articles that highlight this complex in the so-called leaders who are actually doing a disservice to their followers, blatantly abusing them and harming the nation. This goes both ways - exposing such politics and hypocrisy, no matter who does it - Truly secular! Folks!.

12-06-2004, 06:38 AM

QUOTEStooping to Conquer

As Mayawati welcomes Brahmins into her essentially Dalit fold and blames a lawyer for her party's electoral disaster in Maharashtra, India Today's Farzand Ahmed looks at the changing contour of the Bahujan Samaj Party and its compulsions.

WEB EXCLUSIVE FEATURE
http://www.indiatoday.com/itoday/20041129/web2.shtml

Mayawati narrowly escaped from the judicial dragnet in connection with the much-talked-about Taj Heritage Corridor (THC) scam but the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo is nervous. Understandably so as she is yet to recover from the after-shocks of the recent Maharashtra assembly polls.

Weeks after the Supreme Court delinked her "world of wealth", estimated at Rs 350 crore, from the THC controversy, Mayawati filed a counter-affidavit in the Supreme Court holding former Uttar Pradesh Standing Counsel Ajay Agrawal responsible for the complete rout of her party. "Agrawal succeeded in causing irreparable damage to considerable votes of the BSP which drifted from it to other political parties causing damage and doubts in the eyes of public at large and especially the innocent and uneducated public," the affidavit said.

Agrawal had highlighted the THC controversy and then challenged the Allahabad High Court's blanket stay on Maywati's arrest in connection with the THC case. Later, during the polls he along with All India Republican Party leader Ram Das Athawale had held a press conference in Nagpur highlighting corruption. An anguished Mayawati in her counter-affidavit said "he (Agrawal) was indulging in all sorts of publicity stunts to defame and malign Mayawati who is a respected national leader".

The counter-affidavit blaming the former standing counsel coincided with murmurs within the BSP over the style of Mayawati's functioning. At a workers' rally in Lucknow recently, Mayawati offered a bouquet to Satish Chandra Mishra, a former advocate-general, who was earlier appointed national general secretary of the party. Not just this, she also publicly expressed her gratitude to him for conducting her corruption-related case sincerely and efficiently. None among the cadre believed that Mayawati could offer a bouquet to anyone publicly, not least a Brahmin.

Those who know her say that Mayawati seemed to have undergone a metamorphosis especially after the THC case surfaced and her resignation from the post of the chief minister. Mayawati reportedly does not allow anyone to sit on a chair nor raise any questions during inner party meetings. All party members are expected to sit on the floor during the meeting while Mayawati sits on a "throne-like chair" mounted on a high pedestal. Humiliated and hurt, several leaders and workers had left the BSP on this count. Mayawati, on her part, countered such moves by waging her "85 per cent bahujan vs 15 per cent upper castes" war which helped her expand her socio-political base in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere. This ensured that her party was a force to reckon with.

Now, a BSP MLA alleges that that the party has become a "Manuvadi" party like the Congress or BJP where only the Brahmins or upper caste leaders dominate. Observers point out that a Brahmin (Mishra) has occupied the No: 2 position in a party formed to champion the cause of the Bahujans. Though Mayawati's aides argue that by honouring Mishra, a Brahmin, she had sent a message to all that those who sincerely and honestly worked for the party would be honoured and rewarded, few are convinced.

For Mayawati though, there were other underlying reasons to "honour" Mishra. When the THC controversy broke out, it was Mishra who had advised her to resign and who had given the case a political twist. She was so impressed by his advice and his ability to contest her case in the court that she immediately got him elected to the Rajya Sabha and named him as national general secretary. When speculation arose about her likely arrest by the CBI, she declared that even if she was jailed, Mishra would continue handling her case. Sure enough, Mishra bailed her out.

Having won her confidence, Mishra became the first Brahmin in the history of the BSP tp occupy the No. 2 position and also serve as member of all the three decision-making bodies --Election Committee, National Executive and Central Committee.

Mishra's rise to power within the organisation is also being seen as part of Mayawati's strategy to widen her party's social base. To achieve this, she is said to have even forgotten her famous slogan "Tilak (Brahmin), Tarazu (Bania) aur Talwar (Thakurs), Inko maro chuta chaar" and instead started befriending them. In the last Lok Sabha polls in Uttar Pradesh, she allotted tickets to six Brahmins, five Thakurs and three Bhumihars. In other states, she put up 435 candidates of whom 135 were backward castes, 39 upper castes and 55 Muslims. Likewise, in the state assembly polls in 2002, she had fielded 91 upper caste candidates, including 37 Brahmins and 36 Thakurs.

Leaders like R.K. Choudhary, however, who had rebelled against Mayawati and formed the BS-4 (Bahujan Samaj Swabhiman Sangharsh Samiti) on the pattern of Kanshi Ram's DS-4, are not surprised with Mayawati's latest moves. "When Lord Buddha challenged the Brahnimical orders Brahmins quickly declared him as a Bhagwan neutralized his philosophy and movement," goes one historical analogy.

Choudhary also says that at a time when the BSP started championing the cause of Bahujans forcefully, she succumbed to the temptation of the "birthday culture" and started receiving precious gifts. Since the upper castes were in a better position to please her in this regard, they managed to capture the party which was formed against them.

Lost in her world of wealth, Mayawati did not realise that it was the Thakurs, Brahmins and Muslim leaders who were the first to desert her when Mulayam Singh Yadav formed his government. In all, 37 BSP MLAs, including 19 Thakurs, four Brahmins and nine Muslim MLAs walked out of the BSP and formed the Loktantrik BSP which aligned with Mulayam.

Yet, unmindful of such developments she had announced that if she was jailed in connection with THC case, Gandhi Azad, a Rajya Sabha member belonging to the Backward Class would succeed her. This was another surprise for the Dalit cadre. After the High Court granted her anticipatory bail, she made Azad incharge of South Indian states. With a Brahmin and a backward at the helm along with her, it is little wonder that there is so much talk about the Mayawati brand of Manuvad.

<img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/blink.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='blink.gif' /> No word about 350 Crores fortune and how it helped dalits, from the so called "Dalit Savers", but hatered spews forth!! Media ofcourse peddling in the "legalized upper caste hatred", that is quite unique to India - Legalized Hatred.

12-06-2004, 07:26 AM

QUOTENone among the cadre believed that Mayawati could offer a bouquet to anyone publicly, not least a Brahmin.
This statement will not be considered as discrimination. Don't you think it is a time to call Brahmin as lower caste or untouchables in India?

QUOTE350 Crores fortune 
Her retirement plan. <!--emo& Big Grin

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' />

12-06-2004, 08:14 AM

QUOTE(Mudy @ Dec 6 2004, 07:26 AM) <div class='quotetop'>QUOTENone among the cadre believed that Mayawati could offer a bouquet to anyone publicly, not least a Brahmin.
This statement will not be considered as discrimination. Don't you think it is a time to call Brahmin as lower caste or untouchables in India?

QUOTE350 Crores fortune 
Her retirement plan. <!--emo& Big Grin

--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /> </div>
Even that won't help. Ultimately hinduism's extermination is what they are after. Till then, keep the hatred alive, the fire burning, and get a good retirement package while at it <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/laugh.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='laugh.gif' />

12-06-2004, 03:11 PM

Thanks for starting this Ram. I think we should make a list of people who think they are persecuted. Lets see..

- women
- sc/st/sebc/obc/dalit
- muslims
- xtians
- sikhs
- south indian states
- bimaru states
- northeast states
- kashmiris
- poor

So who is left ? wealthy, brahmin, male - right ? well think again..

http://www.hindu.com/2004/04/05/stories/...810500.htm
http://www.hvk.org/articles/0203/92.html
http://us.rediff.com/election/2003/nov/27akd.htm
http://www.greatreporter.com/modules.php?n...=article&sid=80

Are we in a race to prove ourselves more persecuted then the next guy ? Is that what it has come down to ? A sad situation really where one uses all tools at one's disposal to prove that one is more persecuted then the next guy and hence needs to be taken care of..

12-06-2004, 03:50 PM

The fact that you may be paranoid does not mean that nobody is after you. This is a grand natak or Shivas cosmic dance where societies, nations , civilizatons will engage in various forms of aggression, one upmanship in their quest for the survivaL OF their community/religion/civilization. There is nothing sinister about this. It has happened since time immemorial. Those who pretend and engage in wishful thinking that it is otherwise, wil pay the penalty - failure to survive. Our ancients recognized the reality of this eternal conflict . It is only the Macaulayized segment of our society that refuses to see the world in realist and pragmatic terms.

One other point - to complain that you are being persecuted is not a necessary condition for being diagnosed that you have a persecution complex. One could complainall day long about being persecuted without necessarily believing it to be true.

12-07-2004, 05:02 PM

I think one more thing needs to be studied which is the process of problematization in today's world. There has to be some set processes, procedures and design patterns in such problematizations. We should probably take up a couple of case studies and try to see if we can generalize that to the general process of problematization ?

12-08-2004, 07:28 AM

QUOTE(rajesh_g @ Dec 7 2004, 05:02 PM) I think one more thing needs to be studied which is the process of problematization in today's world. There has to be some set processes, procedures and design patterns in such problematizations. We should probably take up a couple of case studies and try to see if we can generalize that to the general process of problematization ? 
problematization of ?????

12-08-2004, 08:25 AM

Ram,

imho persecution complex and the politics follow a body of work that gives people to build the complex on. methinks there might be patterns in this just like s/w design patterns and if we know what a particular complex is based on we could probably have boiler plate patterns to counter it ?

i will just give you an example (prob not appropriate) - in the US a few years ago there was an event in columbine where a couple of kids laced with guns went and shot down other kids in the school (dont remember the exact count). I thought it was a pretty sad incident but you should have seen TV at that time. All kinds of experts came out of the woodwork and tried to structure the response in much broader sense. I have seen this a few times.

Need to think about this some more..

12-08-2004, 07:01 PM

Gotcha

IMO, Paranoia, a healthy one is necessary for survival. However once this fine line is crossed there are two outcomes - victim(s) of persecution complex OR of illusions of grandeur. Politics come into play to keep shifting and shaping that fine line to control people.

Illusions of grandeur lulls one into sumgness and complacency and while the other pits them into an open ended fight for their perceived rights (that were wronged) and society is in turmoil.

The tragic outcome of this is, the genuine and real grievances on both sides go unaddressed and unanswered, while the vested interests make hay.

ANy further thoughts?

12-09-2004, 02:06 PM

Ram, maybe in a few days..

In the meantime here is an old Rajiv Malhotra article..

Human Rights' Other Face

QUOTEIn the absence of open debate on these issues and in the absence of transparent controls, a nexus of foreign agencies with funding power is playing a role in determining a. the definition of human rights, b. the choice of whose rights are to be fought for according to political calculations, and c. the culprits who are to be blamed. Selective outrage about human rights violations seems to conveniently match an institution's geopolitical interests, lending a moral gloss to amoral pursuits.

12-09-2004, 02:10 PM

Somehow I think this "persecution complex" has its root in jesus's story -> Jesus died/suffered to absolve everyone who becomes xtian. This has led to the current state where the human-rights/persecution marketplace has now become extremely competitive - every one wants to shout louder about how he is more persecuted then the next guy.

Sometimes I find it surprising that it has actually become fashionable to show how one is soft and tender only to be persecuted by wolves waiting around the corner.

In another context on Sulekha Rajiv Malhotra mentioned Rhetorical Ethics which might be applicable in this case. In one of the comments to his column "Myth of Hindu Sameness" he said..

QUOTERhetorical Ethics:

In my previous column on Whiteness, I reference the book by Marimba Ani. One of the core characteristics she describes about Western culture is what she calls 'rhetorical ethics.' This means the ethics that is projected outwardly but not intended to be practiced internally. It is a sort of hypocrisy or PR for others to believe. Ani claims that most Western ethics is simply rhetorical and not sincere ethics.

Gandhi's satyagraha was constantly provoking the British to expose that their 'civilizing mission' was rhetorical and not sincere. His objective was not to change the British (because he knew they were stuck in their ways) but to arouse the Indians' awareness that British ethics was largely rhetorical.

Sabena's latest comment is claiming that the external projection of sameness by many Christian leaders in dealing with Hindus is insincere and hence merely rhetorical. There is much merit in this charge.

It is the Hindus who get taken by this rhetoric and they start to preach AND PRACTICE sameness. Hence there is one-sided disarmament. Hindus are told to become same as Christians, but Christians are internally preached to remain exclusive while being politically correct externally.

Many academic scholars of Hinduism practice rhetorical ethics when they say that ad hominem attacks are not allowed, because RISA engages in such attacks against outsiders.

When they claim that their scholarship is free from 'insider bias' because they are not practicing Hindus, they cover up that they are Judeo-Christian 'insiders' and hence biased.

Cynthia Humes' recent personal attack on me at DANAM, which was supposed to be a 'response' to my paper on the Sameness Myth, was a clear example of the academy blatantly violating its own advertised standards of scholarship and conduct. Yet the system sustains on cronyism, contacts, power, etc. It was tragic to see Rita Sherma get compromised as the panel chair - which some speculated was because of her own career conflicts of interest.

We should discuss rhetorical ethics as a category, as it exposes the mindset which (according to Marimba Ani) is the central reason for the West's success in conquering others. Truth does NOT prevail, hypocrisy does, as per her thesis. The Robert Clives and Jaichands were not trading on truth but rhetorical ethics. Much rhetorical ethics was deployed to separate the native Americans from their land and gold, and eventuallly they had to be eradicated by holocaust. The moral is to challenge the other's ethical claims and never take them at face value.

12-09-2004, 10:58 PM

A boilerplate whine on "persecution politics" (exploitation angle), and not so much on "persecution complex" itself (which is inward). Ofcourse Human Rights etc is another whine with a different shade, ultimately they are all cogs in the same wheel - discredit Hindus and India, along the way, no legitimate issues are addressed.

-------------------

The politics of persecution
November 03, 2004

By Erich Bridges

Pride goeth before a fall.

Indiaâs ruling Hindu nationalists tasted the bitter truth of Solomonâs warning earlier this year. Popular, confident and riding a wave of economic expansion, then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee called early parliamentary elections. He fully expected the nationalist alliance dominated by his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to win.

He was wrong.

The nationâs voters, though overwhelmingly Hindu, soundly defeated the BJP alliance. The secular-minded Congress Party swept back into power, led by Sonia Gandhi (widow of the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, assassinated in 1991).

Why the stunning result?

Why the stunning election result â and why should Christians care? 

Political analysts say the main reason for Congressâ victory was the anger millions of rural poor and low-caste Hindus took to the polling stations. They rebelled against the whole idea of âIndia Shiningâ â the BJP slogan for the nationâs rapid economic progress â while they see little except poverty and corruption at the local level.

Now the pressure is on Congress Party leaders to help deliver prosperity to the villages. If they donât, theyâll be the ones turned out next time. Indiaâs Muslims and Christians, however, hope to be major beneficiaries of the vote. 

Minorities hope to benefit

âJustice has shined over the peoples in India,â an elated Christian leader said after the defeat of the Hindu coalition. âChristians, Muslims and the poor have suffered (under BJP rule). We lost lives, property, the right to worship and to proclaim the gospel. Now is the time to praise our Savior and proclaim the good news.â 

Both minorities have endured persecution by Hindu militants who believe âIndia is for Hindus.â Thousands of Muslims have died in anti-Islamic riots. Christians in several states have been vilified, attacked â and in some cases, killed â in dozens of incidents over the last decade. 

Indiaâs 130 million-plus Muslims remain by far the biggest and most despised âenemyâ for Hindu extremists. But Christians, at less than 3 percent of the population, present an easier target. And their evangelistic success â particularly among responsive low-caste Hindus, Dalits (âuntouchablesâ) and tribal peoples â infuriates the radicals. Some Hindu groups carry out regular campaigns to âreconvertâ new Christians by force.

Christian leaders say the radicalsâ real agenda is to defend the economic status quo of the outlawed (but still widespread) Hindu caste system, which relegates lower castes â the great majority of Indian Hindus â to servant status.

National BJP officials consistently downplayed or denied the involvement of radical Hindus in the persecution of Christians and Muslims. That may well have contributed to their election loss.

âWe expect changeâ

Christian persecution âwill continue and perhaps increaseâ in states where Hindu fundamentalists still rule, cautioned Joseph DâSouza, president of the All India Christian Council. âBut at the national level, we expect change â¦. We expect the freedom to exercise all our spiritual and social rights.â

A proposed national âanti-conversionâ law aimed at stopping Christian evangelism is now âout of the question,â DâSouza added.

More than an economic referendum, the election was âa mandate to renew secular democracy in India,â declared Ipe Joseph, another national Christian leader. âMost of the voters have shown that they reject (Hindu) fundamentalism.â

Democracy thatâs endured

Indians donât claim to have a perfect democracy. Their brand is huge (675 million eligible voters this year), unwieldy, dangerous, often corrupt. But it has stood the test of nearly six tumultuous decades.

Since gaining independence from Great Britain in 1947, Indiaâs democracy has survived the bloodbath of partition, multiple wars with Pakistan, disastrous economic policies and â at least so far â the extremist Hindu nationalism of recent times. 

âIndians are no longer prepared to endure the injustices of the past,â says writer Gita Mehta. âAnd living in a democracy, they are prepared to do something about it.â

That kind of atmosphere has created a robust marketplace of ideas â and perhaps an irresistible momentum not only for political and economic freedom, but freedom of the spirit.

E-mail the writer.

Read a Baptist Press update on the political climate in India:Indiaâs Bharatiya Janata Party, after defeat at polls, renews push for Hindu nationalism.

12-10-2004, 01:18 AM

x-posting link and relevant portion ..

Academic Researchers Versus Hindu Civilisation

QUOTEThe intellectual entrepreneur

The growing numbers in contemporary society engaged in intellectual endeavour and the resulting institutionalisation of their work underlines the role of the modern intellectual entrepreneur. This class of entrepreneurs operates in an intellectual marketplace that ultimately serves the needs of the prevailing order, i.e. groups and/or powerful societies and states. They are profoundly dependent for material rewards and status on established institutions. Such entrepreneurs display a superficial restlessness and rootlessness that may suggest cosmopolitan allegiances, but they are in fact firmly anchored to the prevailing structures of political, economic and social power. That has of course always been true to some degree in all societies. The hallmark of such a social class is necessarily opportunism and the few 'virtuous' dissidents that undoubtedly exist among them have a circumscribed impact. One should not therefore be unduly awe-struck by the views and postures adopted by this intellectual social class or impute excessively durable significance to its cogitation.

In this context, the production of intellectual output is much like any other modern economic activity. The isolated lone entrepreneur engaged in a small-scale cottage industry, operating at some remove from formal institutions and somewhat alienated from the prevailing order, owing to intermittent direct interaction with society, is now exceptional. The comprehensive institutionalisation of paid intellectual labour and the system of regulation, vetting by the peer review system of journal editorial boards and the editors of major publishing houses (and increasingly television) have seen off and/or constrained the upstart autodidact. These channels are the unavoidable conduits through which 'quality control' is exercised (as the famous intellectual Theodor W. Adorno himself discovered).

The scale of the complicity of intellectual entrepreneurs in the sordid purposes of the State is a little hard to believe because intellectual life is wrongly associated with probity and openness. There is also a tendency to accept the conventional account of past events offered in standard textbooks and journals. The best test for evaluating the extent of deception and lies is to judge the veracity of accounts about contemporary issues, since one is more likely to be aware of the truth. Such an exercise makes clear that dishonesty is the name of the game and the scale of the lies, by acts of commission and omission, are simply huge. How many people, for example, realise that the British and French governments were assiduous supporters of the Milosevic regime in Yugoslavia while it was engaged in genocide? Such historical facts simply disappear from view because intellectual entrepreneurs comply with the injunctions of State policy.

The specific forces that govern the individual intellectual entrepreneur's output of analyses and ideas are a combination of the subjective (i.e. personal) and the dominant objective forces in society, beyond his control. The subjective motive is a curious amalgam of socialisation, transparently evident in the conformist similarities of common genres, and shared ideas, underpinned by an inter-subjective 'language'. But any subjective freedom that apparently exists is embedded within the imperatives of the political power and purposes of society. The subjectivity of the intellectual entrepreneur is subordinated and unceremoniously impaled on the logic of society's power political structures, by the mundane imperatives of access to funding and rules for achieving status. It scripts creativity and imposes conformity. Such subjective and objective stimuli also create strong competitive pressures to succeed that intensify conformist behaviour.

Private, sentimental attachments have but a precarious place in such endeavours. It often entails the sacrifice of family life and friendships, which highlight some advantages for the unencumbered single entrepreneur, with a tenuous stake in the future. He may therefore turn out to be the most reliable archetype for achieving institutional political objectives. As a result, such intellectual endeavours exhibit, in sublimated form, the profile of successful criminality: keen awareness of and responsiveness to external stimuli and the capacity for instrumental ruthlessness because the type of work involved nurtures foresight and manipulative skills.

This is the key to understanding the relationship between the individual intellectual entrepreneur and their object of investigation. Any display of sentimental attachment to the object of enquiry is highly conditional, though some mutability in loyalties presumably exists, qualified by the imperatives of political necessity that cannot be disregarded by the entrepreneur. The study of language, literature and the humanities enjoys a measure of immunity from explicit political sanction that subjects like international relations and anthropology are unable to escape. The origin of international relations as a subject was functional to great power politics after WWII and anthropology began as a colonial and imperial venture to investigate and thereby control subject peoples.

India as an object of entrepreneurial enquiry

It may be innocently imagined that an intellectual entrepreneur engaged in sustained study of a particular society or country must have empathy for it. On the contrary, such enquiry can take the shape of reconnoitring an enemy and indeed compound the distaste for the culture in question, which I imagine is the case with a majority of Western scholars of India. Critiques of the foundational ideas of a society and culture indicate, ipso facto, distaste for it. A society will always be vulnerable to the scurrilous deconstruction of its primordial beliefs because they are historical in character. Arbitrary first principles, usually mythical, are the basis for all human existence. Thus, pitiless scrutiny, without respect or empathy, of the deeply held sacred beliefs of others, which defines their very humanity, is a sure sign of utter disregard.

'Scorched earth' techniques of 'academic' investigation are typified by the disgraceful and (as it also happens) dubious scholarly methods employed by an American academic, who engaged in gross abuse of the Indian saint Ramakrishna. This arrogance originates in the mindset of a slave-owning culture, which devoted its ingenuity to digging holes in the ground to bury an unborn child in her pregnant black mother's swelling stomach, before whipping her bare buttocks. Some morally bankrupt Hindu psychoanalyst (the closest modern social science gets to witchcraft) supported this author deviously, though without the courage to do so explicitly. He took out political insurance for himself by confessing that he had portrayed a fictional character inspired by Ramakrishna sympathetically, in a novel. Such scholarly discourse is equivalent to stripping someone's mother naked in public because it merely violates the taboo of shame and causes no actual bodily injury.

12-10-2004, 01:26 AM

Very broadly speaking, there are perhaps many parts/stages/phases that go towards a build up of persecution complex..

1. data collection
2. data reconstruction
3. institutional support
4. some triggering event
5. actionable items.

In no particular order. There is a complex interplay of things.. In some cases a evangelical foundation (#3) whose only purpose is to devour other civilzations would commission a study (#4) asking a loaded question "how many times does a typical hindu burn his wife" followed by statistical whizkids who will go after 'data' (#1) followed by appropriate stories planted in appropriate places (#2) culminating in protest by feminist groups that demand to stop "genocide of women" by stupid hindus of India, for example.

Similarly there might be other combinations too. <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/unsure.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='unsure.gif' />

ramana · 12-10-2004, 03:53 AM

Here is a link to our own <img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/n3.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='n3.gif' /> bhai's writings on similar topics.

Protestant Pedagogues Peeved at Protest Against Porn-Peddling

12-14-2004, 09:24 AM

Who persecutes who and who gets blamed ??

Corruption with a human face

12-14-2004, 05:03 PM

xposted
----

The Brahmin and the Hindu
Sandhya Jain
The Pioneer
Dec. 14, 2004

As Swami Jayendra Saraswati stoically braves the onslaught of secular oppression unleashed by an unholy alliance of Government and media, it is clear that his tormentors have no case, have failed hopelessly in their nation-wide fishing expedition, but are nonetheless determined to keep him incarcerated. Nothing the judiciary has done so far gives ground for hope, so Swamigalâs devotees may well prepare for a long eclipse of justice.

There is no legitimate cause to believe that the Kanchi Peethamâs lawyers are not up to the mark, as was initially feared when bail did not materialize on the first day, as it should have. The Mathamâs meticulously drafted public statement, which appeared in select newspapers on <?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn Confused

chemas-microsoft-com:office Confused

marttags" />7 December 2004, reflects the professional skill of those engaged in defending the Swami. We must, therefore, take it in the spirit that the scales are tilted against us.

The Hindu-hating media has noted with satisfaction that adherents of sannatan dharma lack the terrorizing talents of Abrahamic faiths, and we may concede this. We have tolerated blasphemies such as the Shankaracharyaâs âplansâ to flee to Nepal, but we have not asked how the Snam Progetti employee who became a political embarrassment to Signora Sonia Gandhi successfully escaped from the capital in a most timely fashion.

Meanwhile, Brahmin-bashers have rushed to fish in troubled waters. It is being said that Ms. Jayalalithaa ordered the action against the Shankaracharya because she needed to shed her pro-Brahmin image and curry favour with the Dravidian masses. It is being insinuated that the Brahmin community is an ogre that has been sucking the blood of the Hindu people for centuries. As the attempt to de-link the Hindu community from the Brahmin preceptor who preserved Dharma through a thousand years of oppression instantly reminds one of the mischief of the British Raj, it is worth scrutinizing the language of its modern advocates.

The Aryan Invasion Theory, raison dâetre for the north-south divide, has been debunked internationally. Brahmin-bashing, however, is one of the corrosive legacies of the Raj that has not been challenged head-on. It is therefore instructive to ask if Brahmins truly monopolized all access to education in the pre-British era, and thus cornered all avenues of employment. What kind of access did non-Brahmin castes have to education in south India before the British liberated them (sic) from the stranglehold of Brahmin control?

Dharampal (The Beautiful Tree) has effectively debunked the myth that Dalits had no place in the indigenous system of education. Sir Thomas Munro, Governor of Madras, ordered a mammoth survey in June 1822, whereby the district collectors furnished the caste-wise division of students in four categories, viz., Brahmins, Vysyas (Vaishyas), Shoodras (Shudras) and other castes (broadly the modern scheduled castes). While the percentages of the different castes varied in each district, the results were revealing to the extent that they showed an impressive presence of the so-called lower castes in the school system. 

Thus, in Vizagapatam, Brahmins and Vaishyas together accounted for 47% of the students, Shudras comprised 21% and the other castes (scheduled) were 20%; the remaining 12% were Muslims. In Tinnevelly, Brahmins were 21.8% of the total number of students, Shudras were 31.2% and other castes 38.4% (by no means a low figure). In South Arcot, Shudras and other castes together comprised more than 84% of the students!

In the realm of higher education as well, there were regional variations. Brahmins appear to have dominated in the Andhra and Tamil Nadu regions, but in the Malabar area, theology and law were Brahmin preserves, but astronomy and medicine were dominated by Shudras and other castes. Thus, of a total of 808 students in astronomy, only 78 were Brahmins, while 195 were Shudras and 510 belonged to the other castes (scheduled). In medicine, out of a total of 194 students, only 31 were Brahmins, 59 were Shudras and 100 belonged to the other castes. Even subjects like metaphysics and ethics that we generally associate with Brahmin supremacy, were dominated by the other castes (62) as opposed to merely 56 Brahmin students. It bears mentioning that this higher education was in the form of private tuition (or education at home), and to that extent also reflects the near equal economic power of the concerned groups.

As a concerned reader informed me, the âSurvey of Indigenous Education in the Province of Bombay (1820-1830)â showed that Brahmins were only 30% of the total students there. What is more, when William Adam surveyed Bengal and Bihar, he found that Brahmins and Kayasthas together comprised less than 40% of the total students, and that forty castes like Tanti, Teli, Napit, Sadgop, Tamli etc. were well represented in the student body. The Adam report mentions that in Burdwan district, while native schools had 674 students from the lowest thirty castes, the 13 missionary schools in the district together had only 86 students from those castes. Coming to teachers, Kayasthas triumphed with about 50% of the jobs and there were only six Chandal teachers; but Rajputs, Kshatriyas and Chattris (Khatris) together had only five teachers.

Even Dalit intellectuals have questioned what the British meant when they spoke of âeducationâ and âlearningâ. Dr. D.R. Nagaraj, a leading Dalit leader of Karnataka, wrote that it was the British, particularly Lord Wellesley, who declared the Vedantic Hinduism of the Brahmins of Benares and Navadweep as âthe standard Hinduism,â because they realized that the vitality of the Hindu dharma of the lower castes was a threat to the empire. Fort William College, founded by Wellesley in 1800, played a major role in investing Vedantic learning with a prominence it probably hadn't had for centuries. In the process, the cultural heritage of the lower castes was successfully marginalized, and this remains an enduring legacy of colonialism. 
Examining Dharampal's âIndian science and technology in the eighteenth century,â Nagaraj observed that most of the native skills and technologies that perished as a result of British policies were those of the Dalit and artisan castes. This effectively debunks the fiction of Hindu-hating secularists that the so-called lower castes made no contribution to India's cultural heritage and needed deliverance from wily Brahmins.

Indeed, given the desperate manner in which the British vilified the Brahmin, it is worth examining what so annoyed them. As early as 1871-72, Sir John Campbell objected to Brahmins facilitating upward mobility: ââ¦the Brahmans are always ready to receive all who will submit to themâ¦ The process of manufacturing Rajputs from ambitious aborigines (tribals) goes on before our eyes.â

Sir Alfred Lyall was unhappy that ââ¦more persons in India become every year Brahmanists than all the converts to all the other religions in India put together... these teachers address themselves to every one without distinction of caste or of creed; they preach to low-caste men and to the aboriginal tribesâ¦ in fact, they succeed largely in those ranks of the population which would lean towards Christianity and Mohammedanism if they were not drawn into Brahmanismâ¦â So much for the British public denunciation of the exclusion practiced by Brahmins! 

Swami Jayendra Saraswati belonged to this league of Brahmin preceptor so hated by proselytizers. He even rebelled against Paramacharya Chandrashekharendra Saraswati in order to serve the Dalits. He became vulnerable to the present conspiracy because of the liberal access he permitted to himself.

12-19-2004, 08:53 AM

Indian Churches Launch Dalit Liberation Program

http://www.wfn.org/2004/12/msg00137.html

The United Evangelical Lutheran Church in India (UELCI) has launched
the "UELCI Dalit Liberation Movement," a program that affirms the
churches' commitment to the liberation of Dalits' from all forms of
oppressive structures and forces.

Speaking at the November 11 launching ceremony in Tamil Nadu, UELCI
Executive Secretary, Rev. Dr Chandran Paul Martin commended the Lutheran churches for their leading role in the introduction of theological reflection on Dalit theology in the country, especially the inclusion of related studies at the Gurukul Theological College in Chennai. A significant part of the ceremony was the symbolic lighting of five traditional lamps representing the major areas of work - advocacy, education, economic development, political action and networking. The cutting of a rope "tied to the Dalits" depicted the liberation of individuals belonging to India's lowest caste. The UELCI president, Bishop Lawrence G. Rao urged member churches to exercise full ownership of the new program through active participation in the respective work areas.

Leaders of the eleven UELCI member churches, representing over 1.7
million Lutherans attended the ceremony. Other participants included the organization's former executive secretaries, Dr Kunchala Rajaratnam and Rev. Dr Prasanna Kumari, vice-president of the Lutheran World Federation (LWF) Asian region, 1997-2003.

The LWF supports the new Dalit program through its Department for
Mission and Development (DMD). Ms Margret Stasius, project coordination and administration, and Mr Jacob K. Schep, project implementation and monitoring in DMD, represented the LWF secretariat. (244 words) (UELCI News)

12-19-2004, 09:01 AM

Battle for Akbarpur: Caste's the key

Statesman News Service
LUCKNOW, Dec. 17. Ã¢â¬â
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?...sess=1&id=63239

The stakes are high for both the BSP and the SP in the 20 December
by-election for the Akbarpur Lok Sabha constituency in Uttar Pradesh.
The Bahujan Samaj Party has won the last four times with Miss Mayawati
winning by a margin of nearly 55,000 in May. This time, however, the
chief minister, Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, has been campaigning
aggressively for the by-election on 20 December.

The Samajwadi Party has fielded Mr Shanklal Manjhi, a minister, who
had lost to Miss Mayawati in the May election. The BSP's candidate is
Mr Tribhuvan Dutt, a former MP. The Congress, playing on the caste
equations in the constituency, has fielded Mr Ummed Singh Nishad,
husband of Phoolan Devi. The BJP has nominated Mr Rajendra Choudhry, a
new face.

The SP supporters are declaring that the birthplace of the Socialist
leader Ram Manohar Lohia would no longer be in the hands of the
follower of Baba Saheb Ambedkar. There was an eight per cent gap
between the BSP and the ruling SP in this constituency at the last
election.

Like last time, the BSP has raked up the issue of scrapping of
Ambedkarnagar district (Akbarpur falls in the district) by Mr Yadav.
Miss Mayawati has said that the district was formed during her regime
and Mr Yadav deliberately scrapped it. The BSP allege that Mr Yadav
abolished the district because it was "named after Ambedkar and it
betrayed his anti-Dalit feelings" even though he claims to be a
socialist and a follower of Lohia Miss Mayawati raised the issue to her advantage in May and the angered voters voted against the SP. However, the situation has changed since, because the High Court has now reinstated the district,
Akbarpur goes to polls because Miss Mayawati, in a surprise move, quit
the seat to become a Rajya Sabha member. The polling was to be held in
October but the Election Commission scrapped the notification as it
was issued in an "unauthorised" manner.

The Congress, which polled only 3.8 per cent votes in May, is hoping
to make it a triangular contest. It hopes to cut into the BSP's Dalit
base. Phoolan's mother hopes to provide an emotional touch by voicing
her support for Ummed.

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