09-11-2007, 09:08 AM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>The meltdown of Musharraf </b>
By Mirza Aslam Beg
Deccan Chronicle, 11 Sept 2007
Within three hours of General Ziaul Haqâs death, on August 17, 1988, Pakistanâs three services chiefs restored the 1973 Constitution, ensuring fair and free elections under the leadership of the Senate chairman, Mr Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Democracy thus restored lasted for over ten years, and was struck down on October 12, 1999. The law of necessity provided legitimacy to military rule, which, as the fourth military takeover, added up to 33 years of dictatorship out of 60 years of our independence. This is a misfortune that has struck Pakistan, and continues to debase the face of democracy and free society.
The bold decision of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, on March 9, 2007, to challenge the ill-conceived Presidential Reference, has unleashed forces that want to break the shackles of dictatorial power. Now, after a long period of deprivation and denial, a visible change is in the offing which augurs well for democracy. Weakened from inside, General Musharraf often covers up this fact through the overt threat of delivering knock-out punches in the political arena, trying to drag the Saudi monarch into our internal matters. This is quite unethical. General Musharraf should show courage and rise to the occasion to take a bold decision. The decision to shed his uniform as part of a deal with Benazir Bhutto, has deprived him of political grace. If he had decided this on his own, he would have gained politically. He has few options left and is now asking the mainstream political parties to grant him a five-year lease of life.
What followed after the March 9 Presidential Reference were cataclysmic events â the Lal Masjid carnage, the July 20 judgment of the Supreme Court, the London Declaration of Democratic Movement (APDM), and the Supreme Court judgment of August 23, clearing the way for Nawaz Sharifâs return to Pakistan. All these events taken together have served as catalysts for a new political paradigm emerging in the country. Benazir Bhutto is trying to upgrade the deal with Gen. Musharraf who desperately needs a political anchor. In return, Bhutto wants the corruption cases pending against her dropped and wants to become the Prime Minister for a third time. If these conditions are accepted, she would be prepared to support the President for a further term in office.
Instead of following the Constitutional path, a deal is being forced on a wretched Pakistani nation. It is no democracy where issues are settled without the consent and involvement of the people. The tall claims of accountability made by Gen. Musharraf as a justification for dismantling the civilian political order, and the contrived arrangement with Bhutto come hardly within the pale of democratic polity. Yet there is a silver lining: the hope that the counter-forces shall deliver a respectable political system.
The recent political polarisation is a positive development. The emergence of APDM will create a political balance against the status-quo group comprising PPP, MQM and Muslim League (Q), who are disposed towards the United States and the Army. Benazir Bhutto and Gen. Musharraf are giving final touches to the deal, but the mood of the people is different. The Constitutional movement has freed the country from apathy and indifference, and therefore, the change in the political landscape will occur under a new ethos. The judiciary is independent and is expected to pronounce judgments of far reaching consequences. The August 23 judgment has given a new boost to Nawaz Sharif and the APDM. The government is in a state of panic, resisting Nawaz Sharifâs return to Pakistan. Sharifâs popularity has unnerved the establishment. He is not likely to strike a deal, because he knows that the tide has turned in his favour. He also enjoys the confidence of the die-hard nationalists such as PONM, who were heard saying: "We hated Punjabis for what the Army has done to us, but now we have found a saviour in a Punjabi â Nawaz Sharif. We expected so much from the Daughter of the East, but she has failed."
The US favours Bhutto because of her flexibility. Sharif is defiant and responsible for the atomic explosions of 1998, despite the US persuasions to the contrary. In this moment of truth, the USâ personal preferences may not be the best option. US interests would be better served if the elections in Pakistan are absolutely free, fair and transparent. Whichever political party comes to power, the US should learn to engage with the true representatives of the people. This is the essential feature of the emerging political paradigm in the country. Nations who proclaim to be the champions of democracy must honour its principles in Pakistan as well.
The prevailing conditions resemble that of 1988 to some extent, when the Russians were routed at the hands of the Afghan Mujahideen. Gen. Ziaul Haq outlived his utility for the Americans when they demanded that Pakistan should not press for transfer of power to the Mujahideen and must sign the Geneva Accord, but Gen. Zia was opposed to these demands. He was therefore removed from the scene, because had he lived, there would have been no civil war in Afghanistan and power would have been smoothly transferred to the Mujahideen. This is how the US deals with its benefactors.
Gen. Musharraf has accomplished what the US desired of him. He has outlived his utility, therefore the financial aid bill has been signed by President George W. Bush imposing tough conditions on Gen. Musharraf, as well as warning future governments that in order to maintain cordial relations with the US, the new government would have to eliminate extremist elements from Pakistan and Afghanistan. In other words, what US and Nato forces could not accomplish, Pakistan will have to do.
If history is any guide, peace will return to Afghanistan and Pakistan as soon as the occupation forces leave, because there is no other alternative of ensuring peace and stability in the region. The US must also realise that the regional environment has changed drastically. In Pakistan, the middle class has brought about a silent revolution of far-reaching consequences. It would be wise on the part of the US to enter into a dialogue with the democratic forces, and the new elected government after the 2007 elections. They should foster better ties and relations with the masses rather than the dictator for a more meaningful relationship between the two countries.
The gathering storm on the Pakistani horizon has elicited mixed reactions. Some see the possibility of the President taking a brute hold of power through unconstitutional measures. But there is light at the end of the tunnel.
The battle lines between the two opposing political forces have been drawn. The presidential coalition â PPP, PML(Q) and MQM â is desperately trying to steal a march on the APDM by striking a deal with the government. APDM enjoys the strategic advantage of public support. The people are opposed to any kind of deal with the establishment and the US. APDM also enjoys the support of the bar, the bench and the media and will play a decisive role in the coming elections.
This is the rising tide, the political tectonic shift which has lifted Nawaz Sharif to new heights and brought about a sudden change of political fortune.
The meltdown has started. Regime change has become inevitable. The military bondage will be broken, thus paving the way for a peaceful transition to the rule of law and peoplesâ power.
Military takeover is a contrived power, whereas real power emerges from the trust people bestow upon their representatives.Â
Thomas Paine said it very aptly: "All delegated power is trust and all assumed power is usurpation."
General Mirza Aslam Beg is a former Army chief of Pakistan and chairman of FRIENDS (Foundation for Research on International Environment National Development and Security) <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
By Mirza Aslam Beg
Deccan Chronicle, 11 Sept 2007
Within three hours of General Ziaul Haqâs death, on August 17, 1988, Pakistanâs three services chiefs restored the 1973 Constitution, ensuring fair and free elections under the leadership of the Senate chairman, Mr Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Democracy thus restored lasted for over ten years, and was struck down on October 12, 1999. The law of necessity provided legitimacy to military rule, which, as the fourth military takeover, added up to 33 years of dictatorship out of 60 years of our independence. This is a misfortune that has struck Pakistan, and continues to debase the face of democracy and free society.
The bold decision of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, on March 9, 2007, to challenge the ill-conceived Presidential Reference, has unleashed forces that want to break the shackles of dictatorial power. Now, after a long period of deprivation and denial, a visible change is in the offing which augurs well for democracy. Weakened from inside, General Musharraf often covers up this fact through the overt threat of delivering knock-out punches in the political arena, trying to drag the Saudi monarch into our internal matters. This is quite unethical. General Musharraf should show courage and rise to the occasion to take a bold decision. The decision to shed his uniform as part of a deal with Benazir Bhutto, has deprived him of political grace. If he had decided this on his own, he would have gained politically. He has few options left and is now asking the mainstream political parties to grant him a five-year lease of life.
What followed after the March 9 Presidential Reference were cataclysmic events â the Lal Masjid carnage, the July 20 judgment of the Supreme Court, the London Declaration of Democratic Movement (APDM), and the Supreme Court judgment of August 23, clearing the way for Nawaz Sharifâs return to Pakistan. All these events taken together have served as catalysts for a new political paradigm emerging in the country. Benazir Bhutto is trying to upgrade the deal with Gen. Musharraf who desperately needs a political anchor. In return, Bhutto wants the corruption cases pending against her dropped and wants to become the Prime Minister for a third time. If these conditions are accepted, she would be prepared to support the President for a further term in office.
Instead of following the Constitutional path, a deal is being forced on a wretched Pakistani nation. It is no democracy where issues are settled without the consent and involvement of the people. The tall claims of accountability made by Gen. Musharraf as a justification for dismantling the civilian political order, and the contrived arrangement with Bhutto come hardly within the pale of democratic polity. Yet there is a silver lining: the hope that the counter-forces shall deliver a respectable political system.
The recent political polarisation is a positive development. The emergence of APDM will create a political balance against the status-quo group comprising PPP, MQM and Muslim League (Q), who are disposed towards the United States and the Army. Benazir Bhutto and Gen. Musharraf are giving final touches to the deal, but the mood of the people is different. The Constitutional movement has freed the country from apathy and indifference, and therefore, the change in the political landscape will occur under a new ethos. The judiciary is independent and is expected to pronounce judgments of far reaching consequences. The August 23 judgment has given a new boost to Nawaz Sharif and the APDM. The government is in a state of panic, resisting Nawaz Sharifâs return to Pakistan. Sharifâs popularity has unnerved the establishment. He is not likely to strike a deal, because he knows that the tide has turned in his favour. He also enjoys the confidence of the die-hard nationalists such as PONM, who were heard saying: "We hated Punjabis for what the Army has done to us, but now we have found a saviour in a Punjabi â Nawaz Sharif. We expected so much from the Daughter of the East, but she has failed."
The US favours Bhutto because of her flexibility. Sharif is defiant and responsible for the atomic explosions of 1998, despite the US persuasions to the contrary. In this moment of truth, the USâ personal preferences may not be the best option. US interests would be better served if the elections in Pakistan are absolutely free, fair and transparent. Whichever political party comes to power, the US should learn to engage with the true representatives of the people. This is the essential feature of the emerging political paradigm in the country. Nations who proclaim to be the champions of democracy must honour its principles in Pakistan as well.
The prevailing conditions resemble that of 1988 to some extent, when the Russians were routed at the hands of the Afghan Mujahideen. Gen. Ziaul Haq outlived his utility for the Americans when they demanded that Pakistan should not press for transfer of power to the Mujahideen and must sign the Geneva Accord, but Gen. Zia was opposed to these demands. He was therefore removed from the scene, because had he lived, there would have been no civil war in Afghanistan and power would have been smoothly transferred to the Mujahideen. This is how the US deals with its benefactors.
Gen. Musharraf has accomplished what the US desired of him. He has outlived his utility, therefore the financial aid bill has been signed by President George W. Bush imposing tough conditions on Gen. Musharraf, as well as warning future governments that in order to maintain cordial relations with the US, the new government would have to eliminate extremist elements from Pakistan and Afghanistan. In other words, what US and Nato forces could not accomplish, Pakistan will have to do.
If history is any guide, peace will return to Afghanistan and Pakistan as soon as the occupation forces leave, because there is no other alternative of ensuring peace and stability in the region. The US must also realise that the regional environment has changed drastically. In Pakistan, the middle class has brought about a silent revolution of far-reaching consequences. It would be wise on the part of the US to enter into a dialogue with the democratic forces, and the new elected government after the 2007 elections. They should foster better ties and relations with the masses rather than the dictator for a more meaningful relationship between the two countries.
The gathering storm on the Pakistani horizon has elicited mixed reactions. Some see the possibility of the President taking a brute hold of power through unconstitutional measures. But there is light at the end of the tunnel.
The battle lines between the two opposing political forces have been drawn. The presidential coalition â PPP, PML(Q) and MQM â is desperately trying to steal a march on the APDM by striking a deal with the government. APDM enjoys the strategic advantage of public support. The people are opposed to any kind of deal with the establishment and the US. APDM also enjoys the support of the bar, the bench and the media and will play a decisive role in the coming elections.
This is the rising tide, the political tectonic shift which has lifted Nawaz Sharif to new heights and brought about a sudden change of political fortune.
The meltdown has started. Regime change has become inevitable. The military bondage will be broken, thus paving the way for a peaceful transition to the rule of law and peoplesâ power.
Military takeover is a contrived power, whereas real power emerges from the trust people bestow upon their representatives.Â
Thomas Paine said it very aptly: "All delegated power is trust and all assumed power is usurpation."
General Mirza Aslam Beg is a former Army chief of Pakistan and chairman of FRIENDS (Foundation for Research on International Environment National Development and Security) <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->