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The coming islamic partition of India and what can be salvaged
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The high point of Census 2001 is the confirm- ation of the mass exodus from Bangladesh, and not the computation error, argues Sumit Mitra

In search of living space

Warnings about Muslim infiltration from Bangladesh being the cause of persistent demographic changes in eastern India have been voiced time and again, and not only by ?saffron propagandists?. One notable voice has been that of T.V. Rajeswar, Rajiv Gandhi?s favourite Intelligence Bureau chief and former West Bengal governor, whom the United Progressive Alliance appointed as the Uttar Pradesh governor in exemplary hurry. Rajeswar had forecast, as early as 1996, the rise of a ?third Islamic state? in the subcontinent due to infiltration from the east.

The evidence churned out in Census 2001 will surely not make the governor regret having made that forecast. For it is undeniable that a Muslim tidal wave is sweeping through the border districts of West Bengal and Assam, also inundating a few districts of east Bihar. The Muslim rate of growth here is more than twice the national one, and more than four times that in some cases.

Let?s begin at Murshidabad, which was in Pakistan for two days after Partition, till it was brought back to West Bengal through negotiation. Since then it has remained Bengal?s lone Muslim majority district, with little interference from the state in the lifestyle of the district?s majority community and its network of Gulf-funded madrassahs and the thriving border-smuggling business. After 9/11, the Centre and the state woke up to the soft border. The strength of the Border Security Force was increased. State intelligence was augmented. The feeling was that the Murshidabad Muslims had ?settled in?, and there could only be a marginal shift in the district?s relative Hindu and Muslim population shares.

Census 2001 shows that there are 825,380 additional Muslims in the districts over the 1991 figure ? a 28.5 per cent increase. The Hindu population increased by 15 per cent in the decade. The Muslim share in the district?s population has risen to 63.67 per cent, from 61.4 per cent in 1991. The decadal rise is 2.27 per cent, against the all-India increase in the Muslim population share of 0.79 per cent. It couldn?t be a natural growth.

The infiltration tide hit further up in Maldah, with the arrival of 383,879 new Muslims, a 30.7 per cent increase. The Hindu population rose by 17.68 per cent in that period. With a 49.27 per cent Muslim population share, Maldah has narrowly missed the distinction of being Bengal?s second Muslim-majority district.

But the case of the two Dinajpur districts has been instructive. The post-independence West Dinajpur district, with a 35.79 per cent Muslim population in the 1981 census, was subsequently split into North and South Dinajpur districts. North Dinajpur began with a high Muslim share (45.55 per cent in 1991). It has now reached 47.89 per cent and looks destined to become the state?s third district to become Muslim majority.

North Dinajpur is also a landmark in the immigration trail. Islampur, in that district, leads to Kishanganj in Bihar, much of which falls in the constituency that returned the?tainted? Taslimuddin to the Lok Sabha. In 1991-2001, the district?s Muslim population recorded a 1.58 per cent rise, from 66 per cent in 1991. That makes Kishanganj the fourth largest Muslim-inhabited district in the country (Jammu and Kashmir excluded), after Lakshadweep (95.47 per cent), Dhubri (74.29 per cent) in Assam, and Malappuram (68.53 per cent) in Kerala. From Kishanganj, the locus of migration is spreading to at least three other Bihar districts that have witnessed more than 2 per cent growth in the Muslim share: Katihar (42.5 per cent), Araria (42.85 per cent) and Purnia (36.8 per cent).

Curiously, the rise in Muslim population in most of south Bengal in the Nineties has been somewhat expected. In the Calcutta census district, the humungous net growth of 53.67 per cent in the Eighties quietened down to 20 per cent in the next decade. There are signs of the wave waning in Nadia and North 24 Parganas too, maybe due to the rising pressure of the resident population growth, extensive unbanization and spread of awareness. But South 24 Parganas, the district that elected Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to the state assembly, is showing a contrary trend. In the last census decade, it witnessed a net accretion of 34 per cent Muslims, taking their share from 29.94 per cent to 33.24 per cent. If a lesson has to be derived from south Bengal, it is that of all border sentinels, the best are urbanization and an aware populace.

It is a different story in Assam, though. In 1991, Assam accounted for four of the nine districts with a Muslim majority. In all the four districts, the Muslim share has gone up ? Dhubri (70 per cent to 74.29 per cent), Barpeta (56 per cent to 59.3 per cent), Hailakandi (55 per cent to 57.6 per cent) and Goalpara (50 per cent to 53.71 per cent). Besides, two new districts have joined the list: Nagaon (50.99 per cent) and Karimganj (52.3 per cent). The immigration is two-pronged: a northward thrust across Dhubri to the northern bank of the Brahmaputra, and then further up, across Nalbari and Darrang to the thickly forested slopes of the Bhutan hills; and an eastern thrust through Karimganj and Hailakandi towards the Bengali-speaking Cachar district.

It?s pointless to argue if this phenomenal surge in the Muslim population is caused by the community?s religious practices, including neglect of family planning. It is clear that Bangladesh, with its population growing at 2.8 million per year, is experiencing a demographic explosion. After saturating the lower basin areas of the Brahmaputra and the Ganga at the Farakka point, the men in search of ?living space? are looking further north to the Nepal terai. The more adventurous among them are heading west in search of a living, to Delhi and Mumbai, and with some luck, to the Gulf. Mumbai has recorded an all-time high Muslim share of 21.96 per cent and Delhi a 82.3 per cent decadal growth of Muslims. Increase in the Muslim population in Surat, the brassware centre of Moradabad, or even the stone quarries of Gurgaon cannot be explained as generational growth. The train from Bangladesh seems to be chugging along.

The high point of Census 2001 is confirmation of the phenomenon of mass exodus from Bangladesh, not the computation mistake by the census commissioner. In the emotional frenzy of the Bangladesh war in 1971, the long-term effect of an unviable nation emerging across India?s door was neither understood nor acknowledged. But Henry Kissinger wrote with remarkable prescience: ?It (Bangladesh) might set a precedent for the creation of other Moslem States, carved this time out of India.? Kissinger?s forecast hasn?t been proved yet, but the changing population trends are clearly on his side.
I shall now explain why the Ayodhya movement was a serious tactical mistake

You need to fight the close enemy before you fight the far enemy

This was the mistake of the Indian freedom fight,

They fought with the far enemy, the british and ignored the close enemy, the muslim, leading to Partition

Savarkar and Hegdewar, Both of whom started out as anti-british freedom fighters, by 1922, Khilafat riots had recognised that the muslim was the bigger enemy

By 1986, Ayodhya was a fully functional Hindu temple, with idols and daily pujas , while still enclosed in a mosque exo-skeleton

Demolishing the domes, while praiseworthy, could have waited while more immediate concerns are fixed

The sangh did not and even now does not realise how most Hindus are passive, de-racinated, traitorous ( deals with EJ and mullahs for vote ). Why else is the BJP not winning 80% of seats

Ram temple is very important in the Hindi belt, but once outside the Hindi belt, say South India, or East India, Ram temple is something nice to have, but not critical

Hindus respond to national desecration - arresting mullahs who desecrate Amar Jawan, rather than mullahs who desecrate local temple

One of the main issues with demolishing of Babri is coping with Muslim riots

First step should be to organise Hindus to defang muslim rioters AND THEN to liberate 33000 temples

45% of Muslims live in muslim concentration districts, 75% of muslims live in muslim concentration towns

In these islam infested areas, Hindus should have been organised and armed

Sending Pandits back to Kashmir valley is more important than Ayodhya

Organising Hindus in West bengal, Assam and Kerala and Harit Pradesh and Seemanchal is more important than Ayodhya

The psec media has managed to demonise Hindus as aggressors. due to Ayodhya, while in reality Hindu groups should be shown as defenders of national and Hindu interest in stopping mini-pakistans and enforcing rule of law
The main chickens neck is in north-east bihar and west bengal


Kishengunj, Total 1.3 mil, muslim 0.9 mil

Purnea, Total 2.5 mil, muslim 0.9 mil

Araria, Total 2.2 mil, muslim 0.9 mil

Katihar, Total 2.4 mil, muslim 1 mil

Total Bihar portion, Total 8.4 mil, muslim 3.7 mil, 44%

West Bengal

Uttar Dinajpur, Total 2.4 mil, muslim 1.2 mil, 50%

Dakshin Dinajpur, Total 1.6 mil, muslim 0.4 mil, 50%

Malda, Total 3.2 mil, muslim 1.6 mil, 50%

Murshidabad, Total 5.9 mil, muslim 3.7 mil. 64%

Birbhum, Total 3 mil, muslim 1 mil, 33%

Nadia, Total 4.6 mil, muslim 1.2 mil, 25%

North 24 Parganas, Total 8.9 mil, muslim 2.2 mil, 25%

South 24 Parganas, Total 6.9 mil, muslim 2.3 mil, 33%

Total West Bengal portion, Total 36.5 mil, muslim 13.6 mil, 37%


Sahibganj, Total 0.9 mil, muslim 0.3 mil

Pakaur, Total 0.7 mil, muslim 0.2 mil

Total Jharkand portion, Total 1.6 mil, muslim 0.5 mil, 31%

Overall Chickens Neck

Total 46.5 mil, muslim 17.8 mil, 38%
If you look at Bijnor, the demographics are as follows

muslim = 40%

Hindus = 60%, of which 15% are jats

Jats form the core of Hindu resistance and while the core , 15% is less than the 40% muslim, the presence of a martial Hindu core, allows Hindus to coalesce around the Jats
There is a migration of Nepalese to Assam and North bengal

This should be encouraged because the Nepalese would provide a martial core around which anti-mullah resistance can be organised

Similarly, Nepalese should be encouraged to settle inside India along the Nepal border, to dilute the Mughalstan corridor
Before you can fight an enemy, you have to name the enemy,

Even RSS does not name the enemy, it is like Lord Voldemort, or he who cant be named

The enemy is mainstream islamic doctrine and the prophet as a model for all time

If you cant name the enemy , you have been terrorised and have lost half the battle

As Tapan Ghosh says, the 2 nation theory is valid, any follower of islam ( not necessarily all muslims ) with theories of Kafir vs Momin, Darul-Harb vs Darul-Islam, invokes the 2 nation theory

The dumb RSS pins it all on Jinnah. Jinnah was simply a vessel for the doctrine
65 years after partition, muslims have not yet returned to Haryana

We have the curious fact of Harit pradesh districts with 40% muslim, next to Haryana districts with 2% muslim

The cleansing of Haryana was done by Jat Hindus, not Sikhs

We need to have flag marches of Haryanvi Jats into Harit Pradesh to cow down the mullahs
Indiatoday - post Babri riots

Ayodhya</A> went onto the streets to protest. Finding, in several states, that the police were using considerable force against them, they felt even more indignant. As Saeed Hameed, editor of Tanveer Weekly in Bombay, said: "The feeling was that the police didn't even raise a lathi when kar sevaks demolished the mosque but are shooting us when we protest against the destruction." An analysis of what happened and the reasons for some unpredictable developments, such as the staggeringly high death toll in Maharashtra and the comparative calm in Bihar.</P>

<P>GUJARAT: 246 DEAD. The police collude and the administration sits idle. The violence which exploded in a state known to be a communal tinder-box shocked even thick-skinned residents hardened to atrocities and provided employment to ironsmiths who were asked by Hindu fanatics to work round the clock making sharp weapons. A majority of those who died were Muslims who had come out on the streets in cities such as Ahmedabad and Surat to protest against the demolition and succumbed to Hindu mobs or trigger-happy policemen. In Ahmedabad alone, 28 of the 3 7 Muslims who died were killed by police bullets. The administration lurked in the shadows, showing no will to stop the carnage. Five days after it began, the army had to be called in. When the police were not firing, they were passive. InSuratlSS peopledied, largely because the police appeared to be in league with Hindu communalists.</P>

<P>There is no evidence to show that political parties were involved. Lumpen elements were, though, particularly in areas where prosperous Muslim traders lived. Hundreds of shops were looted or torched under the police' s gaze. The end result was greater polarisation. One sign of this was the behaviour of Hindus who attacked a group of intellectuals protesting against the demolition, shouting: "Where were you when Hindu temples were demolished in Kashmir?" MADHYA PRADESH: 120 DEAD. Hindu fanatics and the press inflame passions. It was party time in Bhopal. As the news of the demolition arrived, Bajrang Dal and VHP workers celebrated by bursting crackers and distributing sweets. The police remained silent spectators. By the next morning, the bloodletting had begun. By December 12, the escalating violence had already taken 95 lives in Bhopal and 2 5 in other towns in the state. The stormtroopers of the Sangh brotherhood provided plenty of encouragement for the rioters by openly brandishing weapons while BJP MLA Shailendra Pradhan fuelled the hatred, saying: "In Bhopal, the minority community broke all limits of demonic barbarism."</P>

<P>Chief Minister Sunderlal Patwa did little by way of damage control. It was only when it became clear that the Centre might dismiss his Government that the state police got a handle on the situation. Nor were matters helped by unsubstantiated reports in Bhopal dailies such as the Madhya Pradesh Chronicle and the Navbharat that about 70 girls had been abducted from the city and then gangraped publicly. The reports were denied by the administration but it was too late. Bhopal was already burning.</P>

<P>MAHARASHTRA: 259 DEAD. Numerous Muslims killed in police firing. Most of the people waiting outside the overcrowded morgue at J.J. Hospital in Bombay to identify their loved ones were Muslims. They all had a similar story to tell. Of a male relative being shot by the police. Nissar Ahmed spoke of how his brother Races Ahmed, 28, had gone out of their hut near the Bandra railway station to see a clash between two groups. The police opened fire, and Races was hit in the leg. As he hobbled back home, two constables shot him in the chest. The vast majority of deaths in Bombay were from police bullets as policemen, armed with handguns, rifles and sten guns, fired straight into Muslim crowds. Bombay Police Commissioner S.K. Bapat admitted that most of the deaths were caused by police firing.</P>

<P>What started off as a clash between Muslim youths and armed police trying to protect public property turned communal as the riots spread from the densely-populated Muslim areas of south and central Bombay to the huge slums of Dharavi, Deonar and Ghatkopar. And a new weapon appeared: a tyre tube stretched between two poles used to direct quarter liquor bottles filled with acid at targets. Estimated range: 500-750 metres. A helping hand was provided by the assiduously inflammatory Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray who said the Government was harassing Hindus just to keep Muslims happy. The Muslim League also swung into action, putting up posters urging Muslims to make their anger known-and they did, galvanised into further protests by images they kept seeing of the demolition on satellite television. After a week's madness, however, Bombay was limping back to normalcy.</P>

<P>ASSAM: 100 DEAD. Bangladeshi immigrants add a new dimension. The epicentre may have been in Ayodhya but the tremors were felt in Assam as though it were just next door. As the news spread like a raging prairie fire, furious Muslims went on the rampage killing Hindus and destroying temples. The worst affected were the districts dominated by immigrant Muslims. The state Government says only 68 persons died in the week of massacres but local newspapers put the figure much higher. The political ramifications of the violence are alarming. Since the Muslims who went on the offensive were largely immigrants from Bangladesh, the ethnic divide in the state now has religious overtones. Anintelligence official from Assam cautions: "The Assamese did not endorse the demolition of the masjid. But the violence unleashed by the immigrants will only harden attitudes towards them."</P>

<P>Critics blamed the Congress(I) for the violence. Former chief minister Prafulla Mahanta said ruling MLAs had been engineering riots. Chief Minister Hiteshwar Saikia said he could not control the outburst because: "I have only 62 companies of paramilitary forces while Punjab has 444."</P>

<P>WEST BENGAL: 32 DEAD. Marxist smugness exacerbates the violence. Last rocked by communal violence in 1946, the mayhem this time was far worse. The orgy of unreason not only drove the two communities apart, it also punctured the Marxist Government's cockiness that it could nip any communal trouble in the bud. This cockiness had caused complacency-one of the main reasons why Calcutta was so badly affected. The administration's responses were ludicrously slow. Even when police stations were half a kilometre away from trouble spots, help took ages to arrive. Ram Chandra Kashyapi, 63, rang up the police eight times but nobody came: "I have lived through the 1946 riots. What happened this time is infinitely worse.'' Said an army officer: "It was not a very bad situation but a badly managed one." The Marxists' optimistic decision to lift the curfew on December 9 helped the mobs regroup and reorganise and led to the second round of rioting.</P>

<P>UTTAR PRADESH: 201 DEAD. Bad, but not as bad as expected. It was the one place that everybody expected to go up in flames but, oddly enough, while sensitive towns such as Kanpur and Varanasi were gripped by the nationwide frenzy, other towns were relatively calm. The reason being that most people had had their fill of Ayodhya-related violence in 1990 under Mulayam Singh Yadav. But no thanks to the state Government. Most districts hardly had enough forces to cope with large-scale rioting. Anxious to pre-empt a Hindu attack, many Muslims went on the offensive. For all the tension, however, it was back to business as usual after a few days.</P>

<P>RAJASTHAN: 48 DEAD. Swift police action minimises deaths. The death toll in this Bjp-ruled state could have been colossal. What prevented catastrophe was the prompt reaction of the police. On the morning of December 7, as soon as a violent mob had gathered near a place of worship in Jaipur, the police opened fire, killing 15 people. But, in police parlance, it was "effective firing". Its impact was felt almost immediately. The situation was under control within two hours. Chief Minister Bhairon Singh -Shekhawat also called in the army in seven towns immediately. And eight towns were placed under curfew. Yet, the. toll stood at 48.</P>

<P>BIHAR: 24 DEAD. Muslims listen to Laloo. As soon as the first dome of the Babri Masjid collapsed under the kar sevaks' onslaught, Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav swivelled around in his chair, picked up the telephone and dialled the district magistrates and police chiefs one by one: "Shoot whoever foments communal violence. Deal with the situation ruthlessly, otherwise you know how I will deal with you." Before the incendiary news could get around, the police and paramilitary forces had moved into communally sensitive areas. The army was standing by too. Laloo's directives initially helped contain violence but pent-up emotions finally erupted in towns like Ranchi, Jamshedpur and Munger. However, the toll-24 dead-was among the lowest in the country. Of these, nine people died in police firing. One reason for the muted backlash was Laloo's nurturing of Muslim-Yadav unity. He was able to persuade Muslim leaders to influence their flock to maintain sanity in return for promise of protection. Laloo also went round the state appealing to both sides to keep calm. To beef up security, he even ordered the withdrawal of 82 sections of armed securitymen on VTP duties.</P>

<P>KERALA: 12 DEAD. ISS keeps mum but police firing takes heavy toll. The Muslim League issued R c SAI a strike call the moment it heard the news. By early evening, everybody knew about the demolition. Students preparing for exams closed their books and sat glued before TV sets. Panic spread. In a pleasant surprise, the Government and the police swung into action immediately. Prohibitory orders were declared in all sensitive areas. And the Government announced that severe action would be taken against trouble-makers. Leaders of both communities urged restraint.</P>

<P>The violence began with a bomb blast in a autorickshaw in Trivandrum and exploded into an uncontrollable riot in Kasargode. Railway stations and Central Government offices were attacked. The police were clearly out of their depth and the army had to be flown in to Kasargode and Malappuram from Trivandrum. More troops were requested for from Hyderabad as the BJP called for a bandh on December 9.</P>

<P>The bandh evoked little response, yet it extracted a toll of four lives. The only redemption: no place of worship was attacked. Malappuram temple came pretty close but its priests managed to dissuade the rampaging mob. The rabid iss maintained a low profile. The Government too did not provoke it by making pre-emptive arrests of its activists. In fact, iss chief Abdul Nasser Mahdhani. who had reason to feel vindicated after the Ayodhya incident, remained silent, even in the face of reports about the ban on the ISS.</P>

<P>ANDHRA PRADESH: 12 DEAD. Police firmness keeps the hatred within bounds. Few cities in the country anticipated violence as well as Hyderabad, which has been a communal trouble-spot since the early '80s. But when trouble broke out, its scale was far less than expected. This was mostly because the police had made many preventive arrests and Chief Minister K. Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy had given the force a free hand. The carte blanche to the police turned out to be a mixed blessing. Expecting a long spell of curfew, the police did not impose one in the sensitive old city area till rioting actually started. Then, when faced with riotous mobs, instead of first trying to disperse them by using lathis, the police fired, causing many of the deaths. KARNATAKA: 60 DEAD. Muslim mobs outnumber the police. The moment the news about the mosque began circulating, furious Muslim mobs began gathering in the Muslim-dominated area of Shivajinagar of Bangalore looking for a confrontation. Half-a-dozen districts in the state were affected. The basic cause of bloodshed was that the police were hopelessly outnumbered everywhere as mobs, armed with broken tubelights, iron rods and cycle chains, took to the streets. The state's three CRPF companies had been posted at Ayodhya. As DGP A.J. Anandan said: "Our plight is pathetic. Most of my men haven't slept for a week since they came on duty on December 5." The Government desperately sought additional forces but the Centre, inundated with similar requests, was unable to help.</P>

<P>TAMIL NADU: 2 DEAD. All quiet on the southern front. While the rest of the country was exploding with fury, Tamil Nadu appeared to be an oasis of peace. Madras was particularly quiet. The only aberration was a few stray incidents in the southern districts such as Tirunelveli where two people died in police firing when a mob attempted to set fire to a police station. Even the reaction of the political parties seemed muted in comparison with other states. The DMK and the AIADMK decided to observe a bandh on December 9 but it was incident-free, thanks to the Government and the police who had' been on red alert as early as December 5. The relative calm can be attributed to the remarkable restraint shown by Muslims. All they did was stage a few demonstrations and close down businesses. The BJP'S limited base in the state was another reason for the relative calm. PUNJAB and HARYANA, Two towns affected, put under curfew. These two states were spared the carnage, though a curfew was imposed for the first time since 1947 in the Muslim majority town of Malerkotla in Punjab on December 7 when some people tried to take out processions and damage a temple. Haryana's Gurgaon district, with a sizeable Muslim population, was also put under curfew.</P>
Above url

PUNJAB and HARYANA, Two towns affected, put under curfew. These two states were spared the carnage, though a curfew was imposed for the first time since 1947 in the Muslim majority town of Malerkotla in Punjab on December 7 when some people tried to take out processions and damage a temple. Haryana's Gurgaon district, with a sizeable Muslim population, was also put under curfew.</P>

Muslims in Malerkotla and Meo muslims in Gurgaon rioted

Meo muslims have been rewarded with Mewat district
We should analyse from above, how to limit muslim rioting

It turns out that police willingness to shoot rioting muslims stops muslim rioting

The VHP was dumb in that it relied on govt to protect Hindus from rioting muslims and had no plan to stop muslim mobs
Sikh reprisals in 1947 east Punjab - what it takes to make a state free of muslims


The younger group wanted to kick out the Muslims and

usurp their property, but the elders came out with a solution. They

said they would advise the Muslims to embrace the Sikh religion, or

else they would be helpless when the attack came from outside. Mirasi

Muslims (singers and entertainers) readily agreed to become Sikhs.

They said their ancestor, Mardana, was a companion of Guru Nanak.

Seeing a danger to their lives, others too agreed to adopt the Sikh

faith. The younger and the irresponsible elements among our people

still had reservations. They alleged the Muslims would go back to their

faith once the situation became normal. So they must be made to eat

pork at the baptizing ceremony, as that would make them leave their

religion for good. A Muslim was asked to kill and cut up a pig, and the

meat was cooked and served. When offered the pork, some of the

Muslims vomited. I am not sure if any of them ate the pork. It was a

most loathsome sight to see.

'As the news spread in the neighborhood that at village Chinarthal the

Muslims were safe if they adopted Sikhism, several Muslims came out

of their hiding places. One poor fellow had not eaten for three days; he

was hiding in a sugarcane field. Our gurdwara became a small relief


"Nobody was killed. Fateh Muhammad became Fateh Singh, and

Fakiria was Fakir Singh now. They wore blue turbans and carried a

small kirpan slung from their shoulders. One day we heard that Fateh

Singh was seen in a barber's shop getting his beard trimmed. Both

Fateh Singh and the Hindu barber were summoned to a meeting at the

gurdwara. They accepted their fault. The Sikh priest announced the

punishment. They were to pay a small fine, clean shoes and dishes,

and attend the gurdwara for seven mornings to listen to Gurbani

(recitation of Sikh scriptures). We were told that it was a mild

punishment as the Sikh priest was a pious man.

Then after a week we heard that some Muslims with loads of their

valuable belongings had slipped out of the village at midnight and

joined the Muslim camp at Rouza Sharif near the Sirhind shrine. [This

was the same camp where Chaudhri Roshan Din sought refuge -

Author] This incensed the young ruffians, who shouted at the elderly

village folk: "Didn't we warn you not to trust Mulims? "They hatched a

plan to teach the Muslims a lesson. They advised the Muslims not to

sneak out of the village but if they did not wish to stay on as Sikhs,

they would escort them to the camp. A few Muslims accepted the offer

which they found to be too tempting. One night they left the village to

join the camp at Rouza Sharif under the protection of some young

Sikhs. On the way, there was a thick jungle near village Pandrali where

their bullock carts were stopped. The Muslims were told to surrender

all their jewelry and cash. Then the daughters and daughters-in-law

were separated. Daughters (being Tiwana blood) were spared, but

daughters-in-law were pulled into the nearby bushes and raped.
In the Rudrapur riots of Uttaranchal, the cops were helped by the Hindu public

The Hindu public needs to come to the help of the cops whenever the jihadists riot
In the post Ayodhya riots, per the article above

In Gujurat and Bhopal, the jihadi rioters were beaten back by Hindu mobs supporting the police

In Rajasthan and Mumbai, prompt shooting of muslim mobs by cops rolled back the jihad
Among the total number of 593 districts across India, 49 districts account for substantive Muslim population (SMP), which is above 35 per cent. Uttar Pradesh has 10 such districts and these account for 39 per cent of the Muslim population. Five such districts in West Bengal have 45.9 per cent of the population. Four SMP districts in Bihar have 44.3 per cent of Muslims. Kerala and Jammu & Kashmir have three and 10 SMP districts accounting 41.2 per cent and 90.3 per cent of the Muslim population respectively.
Uttar Pradesh

Total 166 mil. muslim 30.7 mil, 18.5 %

Muslim infested ( > 35% )

Total 27.5 mil. muslim, 10.7 mil, 39%

Non-muslim infested

Total 138.5 mil, muslim 20 mil, 14%
West Bengal

Total 80.2 mil. muslim 20.2 mil. 25%

Muslim infested ( > 35% )

Total 21.5 mil, muslim 9.9 mil, 46%

Non muslim infested

Total 58.7 mil. 10.3 mil, 17.5%

Total 83 mil. muslim 13.7 mil, 16.5%

Muslim infested

Total 8.4 mil. muslim 3.7 mil, 44%

Non-muslim infested

Total 74.6 mil, muslim 10 mil, 13.4%

Total 26.7 mil, muslim 8.2 mil, 30.7%

Muslim infested

Total 12.6 mil, muslim 6.4 mil. 51%

Non-muslim infested

Total 14.1 mil, muslim 1.8 mil, 12.8%

Total 31.8 mil, muslim 7.9 mil, 24.8%

Muslim infested

Total 7.7 mil, muslim 4 mil, 52%

Non-muslim infested

Total 24.1 mil, muslim 3.9 mil, 16.2%

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