08-07-2007, 11:23 PM
<b>A case study of commercial television in India: assessing the organizational mechanisms of cultural imperialism</b>.
<i>by Robbin D. Crabtree , Sheena Malhotra </i>
Some might call it a satellite invasion. Others might conceptualize it as a groundswell. Either way, the commercialization of television in India is reality. The process through which entrepreneurs---on the ground and in the air--have created and capitalized on this trend is a remarkable story. The events associated illustrate a global trend in the commercialization of mass media and of cultures. While debated from many perspectives, the majority of scholarship about international communication and the effects of media across cultures operates at either the macro-structural level or at the individual/audience level. We present this case study as an opportunity to examine the processes of media and cultural imperialism (CI) at the organizational level.
It has become increasingly clear that world media relations have changed since the 1970s when the topic came to international prominence. Straubhaar (1991) asserted that while "the United States still dominates world media sales and flows, national and regional cultural industries are consolidating a relatively more interdependent position in the world television market" (p. 56). We position this article adjacent to Straubhaar's work on Brazilian television, as it may evidence his notions of asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity, though we continue to agree with Schiller (1991) that this is "not yet the post-imperialist era" (p.13). As this case study illustrates, "local media forms may be implicated in cultural imperialism through their roots in the Western cultural industries" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 69).
In this essay we seek to (1) relay the experiences of Indian broadcasters who are developing a new commercial television industry in India; (2) point out some of the antecedent influences--social, political, economic, and technological forces--which have precipitated this moment; (3) provide some initial insights into the possible cultural implications of commercial television in India; and (4) position this case study within the theoretical and empirical traditions of media/cultural imperialism, ascertaining the adequacy of this paradigm to the case of India.
<b>Media and Cultural Imperialism </b>
Media and cultural imperialism have been used to describe a modern manifestation of colonial and imperial relationships, whereby peripheral countries are turned into markets for the cultural products of dominant nations (Schiller, 1976, 1991). This, in turn, produces a market for the manufactured goods and cultural products of those exporting nations, as well as the accompanying beliefs, values, and ideologies. Cultural imperialism has been conceptualized variously as a strategy on the part of dominant countries, a local policy on the part of receiving countries, and an effect on the people and practices in the latter (Lee, 1979). Dominant nations have clear strategies concerning the export of cultural products. The profit margin of most Hollywood films (and increasingly television programming, as well), depends on the foreign market (Jowett & Linton, 1989; Wasko, 1982). Affected nations have policies whereby they adopt foreign technology, and with it the corresponding software or programming. These policies primarily benefit the elite (Roach, 1997; Schiller, 1991). Although not easy to measure, cultural imperialism is also an effect. While the degree of demonstrated effect on audiences may be small or indirect (Morgan & Shanahan, 1997; Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), it has been hypothesized that affected countries absorb values, working styles, consumption patterns, and so on, from the exporting nations (e.g., Beltran, 1978). What is most insidious about this process is that it tends to be unilateral. Dominant countries disseminate news, information, and entertainment, while affected nations receive and absorb it without a balancing two-way flow (e.g., Nordenstreng & Varis, 1974).
Globally, there are a small number of "source" countries with the ownership of local media organizations in the hands of, or operating in the interest of, multinational corporations. Even when media organizations are locally or nationally owned, the formal managerial control can be foreign or, with similar outcomes, controlled by national elites with strong foreign interests (Schiller, 1991). While some nations, like India, have a substantial media production infrastructure, a portion of programming may still be imported from extra-national sources. Also imported are the conceptual models of media scheduling (24-hour), formatting (news-entertainment-information), genre (sit-com, drama, etc.), and production techniques (slick and high-budget production values). Not surprisingly, professional ideologies (objectivism, commercialism) accompany the programming and technology (e.g., Beltran, 1978; Varis, 1984). More recently, the conceptualization of cultural imperialism has been expanded to include a milieu of other cultural enterprises such as theme parks, shopping malls, fast food dining, and professional sports (e.g., Schiller, 1991).
The actual effects of (primarily) Western media content on (primarily) "Third World" audiences has been of interest to scholars and policy-makers for almost half a century. It was the centerpiece of discussions in UNESCO in the 1970s (Masmoudi, 1979; McBride, 1984). While media and cultural imperialism have been conceptualized in great detail, and dozens of critical articles have been written on the topic, few studies have examined the degree to which the hypothesized effects are actually occurring, or detailing the specific individual and social processes through which such effects occur. The existing body of research on transcultural media effects on audiences has been inconclusive and often contradictory (e.g., Granzberg, 1982; Kang & Morgan, 1988; Liebes & Katz, 1990; Pingree & Hawkins, 1981; Salwen, 1991). Much of it has focused narrowly on educational and development project outcomes, especially in India (e.g., Agrawal & Rai, 1988; Rao, 1969; Shingi & Mody, 1976). Nevertheless, while much of this research suggests that "reductive theories which conflate economics and meaning, ownership and ideology, are outdated and invalid" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 78), they do not fundamentally undermine the cultural imperialism thesis that there is gross imbalance which has cultural, economic, and political consequences.
Media and cultural imperialism are problematic concepts for social scientific research, because they have been difficult to prove or disprove. Critical scholars generally describe media or cultural imperialism using a simple cause-effect model, focusing on the relationships between the United States' global media presence and its perceived influence on less powerful nations and cultures (Elliot, 1993; Salwen, 1991). This is ironic because research on media effects within the U.S. has long since abandoned the "magic bullet" or "hypodermic needle" mechanistic effects model.
Salwen (1991) argues that much of the critical scholarship has been ideological rather than empirical, though he cites several persuasive studies which have worked at the macro-societal level (e.g., Varis, 1974, on international news flows), and concedes that dependency theory was particularly well-suited to early explanations of the Latin American media landscape (e.g., Cardoso & Faleto, 1979). Like Salwen, Burrowes (1992) faults cultural imperialism theorists for failing to adequately examine the "Third World" audiences they vociferously defend, who instead present them as "passive, uncritical recipients of culture" (p. 7).
There is a growing body of research which suggests audiences make active choices in their viewing behavior (e.g., Brown, 1994; Fiske, 1986), and that, when given the choice, audiences prefer national or regional programming over international programming (e.g., Straubhaar, 1991; also see Roach, 1997; Tomlinson, 1991). This argument is particularly relevant to India, a nation that has one of the most prolific media production infrastructures in the world. Indian audiences have greater selection of regional and national programming than do audiences in most developing countries. Our research suggests that, while Indian audiences are presumed (by researchers, marketers, and programming executives alike) to prefer Indian or Asian programs, those programs are increasingly reminiscent of Western ones. The process whereby national television organizations can be "pressured" (Schiller, 1976) into correspondence with Western values, lifestyles, and production norms is illuminated in our analysis. While our critique of cultural imperialism is less passionate than those by the active/resistant audience theorists, this study works in the gap they identify by examining the organizational and programming decisions of a new Indian commercial television network, analyzing these processes and outcomes in relationship to the cultural imperialism debate. Whereas a meta-analysis of quantitative studies reveals negligible to small transborder media effects (Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), and critical studies posit tremendous effects (though no similar meta-analysis is available for comparison), our study works in the methodological gap of previous research. Case study research like this reveals some insidious and subtle intra-organizational mechanisms of cultural imperialism, which may not be measurable in audiences per se. It is important to reiterate that cultural imperialism does not concern effects on individuals or audience collectives alone; rather, it posits a multi-level socio-cultural impact.
Even though there is an ongoing national debate on its merits, Westernization is almost taken for granted in India these days. Nevertheless, the processes whereby foreign values emerge in a nation's culture are complex. Specifically, through the transfer of technology and professionalism, the presence of multinational advertising and the development of consumer culture, imbalances in news and information flows, and the import and influence of foreign programming, the observable effects of media and cultural imperialism are in evidence in India. Gigantic billboards for Nike loom above Bombay streets, middle-class youth clamor for Kentucky Fried Chicken in Bangalore, "Donahue" appears on television in New Delhi, and there is a rise in eating disorders among Indian women (also see Frith, 1988). Our research program has attempted to understand several of these processes (e.g., Crabtree, 1995; Malhotra, 1993; Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; Malhotra, Lowry, & Shatzer, 1994). This essay foregrounds organizational processes rather than macro-societal relationships or individual audience effects. This study also presents signs that the Indian broadcasting systems, audiences, and larger culture attempt to resist some of the so-called negative effects of media and cultural imperialism.
<b>Method </b>
Case study research examines phenomena within a real-life context, recognizes that the boundaries between the phenomenon and its context are not always clear, and encourages the use of multiple sources of evidence (Yin, 1984). The use of a variety of sources allows the research to maximize the strengths and minimize the weaknesses of each (Lindlof, 1995). The specific research techniques employed during this investigation include: (1) interviews with business India Television (BiTV) personnel, (2) observations of several departments and practices within BiTV (the organization) and TVI (the network name, a-la ABC, CBS, etc.), (3) monitoring of proposed and actual programming for TVI and, (4) analysis of organizational documents.
A prominent concern about case study research is that it provides little basis for generalization. Using only one case study is a limitation we acknowledge. As Straubhaar's (1991) work demonstrates, two or more cases used comparatively can build more persuasive evidence for stronger arguments. However, the time needed to conduct a case study makes comparative work relatively rare (for a noteworthy exception, see Browne, 1989). Case study research is, however, generalizable to theoretical propositions.
A brief discussion of the 11 interviewees is warranted (in alphabetical order). Ashok Advani (m/49), whose family has been in publishing for generations, is the Chairman of the Board of the Business India Publishing Group and Vice Chairman of BiTV. Pheroza Bilimoria (f/44) is the Marketing Director of the Business India Group (where she has been for 17 years) which includes BiTV. Ritu Godika (f/24) is the Deputy Advertising Manager of BiTV. Monica Kapila (f/late 30s), who has a masters degree in Industrial Relations and Management from the London School of Economics, is a consultant in Marketing Research and International Sales for BiTV. Shekar Kapur (m/50), a world-famous director and filmmaker (Bandit Queen, Elizabeth), is a member of BiTV's board of directors, as well as being in charge of the entertainment channel. Ilham Khan (f/25) is a Programme Executive for BiTV's entertainment division. Angana Nanavaty (f/24), who received her B.A. in Communication at the Annenberg School at The University of Pennsylvania, is BiTV Communications Manager. Anjum Rajabali (m/37) has a background in Freudian psychology and economics and serves as an executive producer for BiTV, which means he develops, selects, and oversees programs. Reagan Ramsey (m/early 40s) is a consultant with Frank Magid Associates, the U.S.-based consulting firm that has been working in India since 1994. Anike Ranat "Badshah" Sen (m/46) is the Head of BiTV's News/Current Affairs Channel. He has a B.A. in history, a master's degree in economics, and has worked in newspaper and broadcast journalism since 1973, including 2 years as the Resident Editor of the New Delhi edition of The Times of India. Malavika Singh (f/early 50s), who has a background in theater and whose father had a case in the Supreme Court regarding the government monopoly of broadcasting, is the Chair and co-Founder (along with Advani and Bilimoria) of BiTV. These individuals are typical of the gender, age, and educational background of BiTV personnel generally (not including clerical and technical staff), and represent both the business and creative sides of the organization, as well as several administrative levels of the organization. Sheena Malhotra, the second author of this essay, was a Program Executive at BiTV from 1994 until mid-1996.
Relying primarily on interview transcripts, we use the perspectives and experiences of BiTV personnel to describe how and why satellite television emerged in India (also see Crabtree & Malhotra, 1996). These accounts impart the genesis and evolution of one commercial television network, BiTV/TVI, and the rationale behind the programming choices it has made. The additional sources of data corroborate and/or challenge the account of those interviewed. We also utilize relevant literature to explicate our findings. In our analysis, we consider the theoretical implications of one emergent Indian commercial television network in order to generalize from the case study to the conceptual and empirical concerns of cultural imperialism. Conclusions are drawn regarding both the adequacies and inadequacies of the CI paradigm for the case of commercial television in India.
<b>The Genesis of Commercial Television: A Satellite Invasion? </b>
It was the introduction and increased use of color television by Indira Ghandi in the mid-1980s that Pheroza Bilimoria, Marketing Director of Business Indian Television, credits with whetting the appetites of Indians for better television software. At that point, as much as 80% of the Indian population had access to television, but the state-controlled Doordarshan (DD) network was the only viewing option. Then, during the Gulf War when the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay put a satellite dish on its roof to catch CNN's signal, the satellite invasion of India began (also see Contractor, Singhal, & Rogers, 1988). According to BiTV Chairwoman Malavika Singh, this was also the first time would-be Indian broadcasters had hope, saying, "Regulation has been defeated by technology."
Then, in 1991, Satellite Television for the Asian Region (hereafter STAR-TV) was established in Hong Kong. It started as a five-channel network carrying the BBC and MTV (later renamed Channel V) in addition to a Chinese channel, entertainment channel, and a sports channel. This represented a sudden influx of Western programming into India, particularly to the urban areas where it is most easily available (Malhotra, 1993). In response, Indians challenged the government's monopoly of broadcasting without waiting for the courts to rule. BiTV co-founder, Ashok Advani, was one of the pioneers of commercial television in India:
Until 1995, Indian law prohibited non-governmental uplinking to Indian satellites. While the Indian government had moved quickly to put up satellites, they monopolized their use for governmental entities. A ruling by the Supreme Court has overturned the monopoly (Agarwal, 1995), although Indian broadcasters did not begin uplinking from India until months later (most channels now buy uplink time from the government facility). The use of satellite technology in Indian broadcasting has facilitated an increasing battle for advertising revenue in India and, with this competition, an increasing reliance on aggressive American-style marketing methods, thus exacerbating a situation which began earlier (Kumar, 1989). Even casual observation of Indian mass media (particularly television and billboards), makes obvious the growing presence and influence of Western products and marketing. Many of our interviewees take a technological-determinist perspective, that technology itself was the determining influence on why and how commercial television is evolving in India. However, BiTV Executive Producer Anjum Rajabali cites additional factors that influenced the emergence of commercial television in India at this time. Articulating the links between technological and market forces, Rajabali refers to a drastic change in Indian economic policy over the past several years:
A liberalizing of the economy has put fewer restrictions on multinational corporations. Concurrently, a growing middle class seems to be striving to break out of traditional frameworks, while also manifesting an increasing consumerist mentality (see Roy & Shekar, 1995). This resonates with recent focus group research we conducted with middle-class Indian youth, who claimed that preference for Indian folk forms, such as Hindi films or Karnatic music, was "uncool" when compared to the latest American movies and pop music (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994). The Groundswell in Ground Distribution
While external satellite services seemed to be proliferating over Asian skies, small-time cable operators were developing an extensive ground distribution network. In many ways, satellite television simply expanded an already prolific video market facilitated by local video/cable networks. The influence of videocassette recorders in India has been well-documented (Boyd, 1988; Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Video channels played rented movies and various series from private video libraries in basement control rooms and with "cable" running to the apartments of "subscribers." While forming cable networks was not illegal, many of the programs shown were pirated copies of foreign programming. Then, before commercial television operations were initiated in India, local entrepreneurs found they could purchase a small satellite dish and charge their neighbors for additional hook-ups. They would catch the signals of CNN and STAR-TV and charge a small fee, 100-150 rupees (about $3-5 U.S.) per month, for providing access. These cable networks grew naturally out of the already-established video networks. Over time, these cable networks multiplied until most major cities and many villages were wired to receive satellite television. While there is no formal government regulation of these cable operations, each operator must now register with the state and pay a 40% entertainment tax on receipts. Several interviewees speculated that most of them under-report the number of their subscribers by as much as half in order to mitigate the effect of the tax.
While satellite technology may have been the overriding impetus for commercial television to emerge at this time in India, we cannot ignore the significance of local video/cable operators in facilitating its viability and growth. And while we may become more aware of the presence of Western programming in India as a result of satellite/commercial broadcasting, we cannot forget that it was the diffusion of the videocassette recorder, years earlier, which inaugurated this presence in earnest (Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Additionally, it seems clear that evolving economic and social trends converged with the technological factors.
At present, there are between 30 and 45 channels in India (depending on the location and individual cable distribution network). The selection includes the different regional channels launched by the government network Doordarshan, or DD, in addition to Western channels, such as CNN, the STAR network, Discovery, ABN, MTV, NBC, and ESPN all of which began broadcasting in India since 1991. However, it is the private, Indian commercial television networks that represent the phenomenal boom this industry has experienced. For example, ZEE was the first private Indian network and was started in 1992 with an original entertainment channel and a pay-per-view movie channel. SONY, a general entertainment channel, was launched in October, 1995, and has proven to be ZEE's closest competitor. There are also several city-specific and regional language channels. This remains a constantly shifting constellation, as new channels are announced and other channels go off the air on almost a monthly basis.
Business India Television, launched on July 2, 1995, with a combined news and entertainment channel ("BiTV launched after," 1995; "GE American, BiTV," 1995). The original intention was to split into 2 channels, TVI News and TVI Prime (entertainment) in 1996, though this never happened. The idea behind the network was to provide quality Indian entertainment programming (compared to the cheaper, film-based programs which were the mainstay of the other commercial channels at the time), and independent news from an Indian perspective (in contrast to state-run DD or foreign BBC and CNN). The entire South Asian region is the target audience for this programming. STAR, ZEE, and SONY are BiTV's primary competition in the entertainment niche (E Times, 1995). The story of BiTV illustrates the pressures on new Indian broadcasters, which can be understood, in part, by the cultural imperialism framework.
<b>Business India: The First Commercial Television "Network" and Independent News</b>
Early in 1993, a small group of people associated with the Business India Group, one of the most reputable publishing houses in India, decided to enter television (King, 1994). Rather than being just a software house, BiTV Chairperson Malavika Singh explains why they wanted to set up the first independent television network in India:
The lure of commercial broadcasting was more than just economic, according to several of those we interviewed. For the founders of BiTV, having an independent television news operation was a natural and necessary eventuality of a "free press" system. Ashok Advani explains:
At the top of the BiTV organizational structure is the board of directors. The network is divided into news (located in New Delhi) and entertainment (located in Bombay) divisions. In the news division, a series of producers manage a variety of current affairs programs. Several interns from Indian universities also work in news. Renowned Indian film director, Shekar Kapur, was the ostensible head of entertainment, sharing his small Bombay offices with the BiTV programming staff. A head of programming was hired (away from one of the other commercial channels) after BiTV began production. Most of the programming executives work in a cooperative environment, sharing ideas and troubleshooting programming problems at weekly meetings and daily bull sessions. This non-bureaucratic decision making structure sets BiTV apart from the other channels, but it also tends to be chaotic, lacking the quality control of a monolithic commissioning authority. The business offices of BiTV are also in Bombay, adjacent to the Business India Publishing Group offices. The marketing division generates weekly marketing reports, including research on the viewing habits and patterns in India, and focus groups on program pilots. Business India Television expects to earn its prominence based on its programming. Adjectives used by BiTV programmers to describe the new programming are: intelligent, innovative, imaginative, ground breaking, touching, classy, energetic, young, wacky, bright, and independent. However, some of those working at BiTV see little difference between their own new programming and that available on ZEE or DD Metro. The critics and industry insiders were initially impressed; several BiTV programs were nominated for the Indian equivalent of the Emmy during their first year.
Unlike commercial television services in many developing countries, BiTV expected to have only a small percentage of imported programming. Local production is approximately five times more expensive than importing other programs, and it was the original position of the network to emphasize Indian programming. Like many of the interviewees, Malavika Singh believes that Indian programs will be preferred by Indian audiences:
The means by which Western stories (and production norms) nevertheless work their way into new Indian programs will be discussed further in the analysis. As the first independent television news channel in India, TVI expected to give news a primacy that is unprecedented even on Doordarshan. However, BiTV/TVI has faced substantial challenges in constructing a news organization. There is no reservoir of television news personnel in India. Mostly coming from print, personnel have had to learn a new set of news values, as well as managing resources in a much more expensive endeavor than print. Now that BiTV is able to uplink its news programs from Delhi, the expense has multiplied.
Head of News and Current Affairs, "Badshah" Sen believes that television news can have a significant impact in a country where most people do not read the newspaper (due to high illiteracy rates). Catering to this audience will be challenging, because the staff has experience communicating to an educated audience (the literate, urban readership of major metropolitan dailies), and because the impact of independent (from government) news is unknown. The news pilots we viewed had the look and feel of CNN's international news, but with a distinctly local, regional, and subcontinental focus.
Particularly as related to the transfer of professionalism, the role of foreign consultants is a key aspect of cultural imperialism that must be addressed. Frank Magid and Associates, one of the most ubiquitous consultant groups in world broadcasting, worked with BiTV for over two years. The personnel of BiTV have diverse views on the value and contributions of Magid consultants. The board members tend to praise them, whereas entertainment programming staff tend to criticize them. The BiTV personnel report that this is the first time foreign consultants have worked in Indian broadcasting.
At the time of this writing, BiTV faces a significant financial crisis that has been intensifying for close to four years. The "combined channel" that was launched in 1995 carried both entertainment and news. Detailed negotiations with foreign networks to buy into BiTV attempted to secure the cash flow needed to "re-launch" as a two-channel network, as originally intended. At this time, however, it is barely managing to survive in
the midst of all the competing channels and has even considered selling off its interest in the cable/distribution networks. While BiTV is the "first homegrown, independent satellite television network--dedicated exclusively to the people of the Indian sub-continent" (Business Indian Television International Ltd., n.d.), BiTV remains a work in progress. The genesis and evolution of BiTV--its innovations, shortcomings, and crises--are illustrative of a dynamic and evolving new industry in India.
<b>Cultural Imperialism and Commercial Television in India </b>
In order to analyze the genesis and evolution of commercial television in India within the discursive framework of cultural imperialism, we have chosen five mechanisms of cultural imperialism: the transfer of technology, the transfer of professionalism, imbalances in news and information flows, the import and influence of foreign programming, and the presence of multinational advertising (for alternative frameworks, see Boyd-Barrett, 1977). Our analysis suggests there is a complex array of factors operating within these categories and an interplay among national, regional, and international forces.
<b>Transfer of Technology</b>
Indian broadcasters attribute the birth of commercial television in India to a technologically-driven process. The presence of a new satellite dish on the Taj Mahal Hotel was seen as the precipitating moment. This was concurrent to the launch of STAR-TV. Of course, the ground distribution system, which preceded this moment by at least 10 years (perhaps longer for Indian elites), is the result of the interplay between technology and grass roots entrepreneurship. Thus, we can see a tripartite relationship between external forces (the novel presence of CNN, for example), regional forces (Asian regional satellite broadcasting out of Hong Kong, but now owned primarily by Rupert Murdoch), and local initiative (cable networks and Indian broadcast hopefuls). While the presence of VCR technology has been of concern to development communication scholars for over a decade, the move to commercial television is likely to have a more devastating impact on the development communication efforts of the Indian government and international NGOs. It would be reductionist to consider the transfer of technology as the primary vehicle of cultural imperialism in India, but it is clear that specific technologies have had measurable impact, both in positive and negative ways (also see Goodwin & Gore, 1990).
The Diffusion of Innovations approach to international communication study is an alternative explanation for the "satellite invasion" and development of distribution systems in India that must be considered, as well. While we did not study the patterns of technological adoption in India, it is understandable that, as a developing nation, India would be in the late majority (urban, middle-class) or laggard (rural, poor) positions in the S-curve of adoption described by Rogers (1995). Further, Rogers reminds us that diffusion takes place within a social system, and the story of commercial television in India reveals many of the social factors which precipitated the diffusion of satellite and Western-style, commercial television at this particular moment. We can see that factors such as the liberalization of the Indian economy, the novel presence of multinational corporations, and the growing middle class, as well as external forces such as the Gulf War, are all factors that have facilitated the diffusion process. Those interviewed identified and stressed the importance of these. Future research should address the relevance of Rogers' diffusion model to the case of India, with particular attention to the "communications effects gap" that will certainly be visible (and exacerbated) in rural areas and among the poor.
<b>Transfer of Professionalism </b>
The transfer of Western modes of professionalism is much in evidence in Indian commercial television, but there are dialectics in the professional values of Indian broadcasters. For instance, those interviewed avowed a distinctively Indian identity. Their goals were to construct a television network that both reinforced and perpetuated the same. Nevertheless, many of them were Western educated, either in the United States or Great Britain (or both). This identity dialectic pervades the decision-making processes of Indian broadcasters, who constantly evoke Western ideas, organizations, and programs in their talk, while also resolving to create "innovative" and distinctly Indian programming.
The second professional dialectic concerns the migration of Indian film and press personnel into broadcasting versus the use of foreign (American) consultants. On the one hand, many of the personnel at BiTV/TVI have years of experience in Indian print media and/or the film industry. These individuals bring their own modes of work, professional values, and programming ideas to the new commercial television industry (the degree to which the press model in India has been shaped by British colonialism is another story). On the other hand, consultants from Frank Magid & Associates have had a powerful impact on the evolution of this new medium, particularly in news.
Not surprisingly, the consultants themselves seem naive, though not completely uncritical, of this influence. They seem to feel that only content can be imperialistic, but that production values, news values, and managerial practices are simply universal, as this excerpt from consultant Reagan Ramsey indicates:
Further, given the fact that local production is five times more expensive than importing, the impetus to rely on imported programming is not likely to wane. Locally-produced programs are forced to compete against imported ones, and the motivation to mimic Western production values will persist. Imbalances in News and Information Flows
As others have pointed out (e.g., Schiller, 1991; Straubhaar, 1991), there still exists a gross imbalance in information flows worldwide. In the case of present-day India, however, we can see evidence of what Straubhaar (1991) calls asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity. BiTV's TVI is potentially the first independent television network in India. It stands in contrast to CNN, which has an international, yet still distinctly American viewpoint, and to Doordarshan, which remains the official voice of the Indian government. The presence of these three news sources suggests a growing diversity in news and information in India. Of course, a comparative critique of the journalistic values of these three news sources would likely reveal little diversity. In terms of asymmetric interdependence, we can see that commercial television is providing another vehicle for news that is produced in and disseminated from India, and which has an Indian (and South Asian) perspective. The previously unmitigated dominance of Western news agencies is thus tempered. Further, given the prominence of India in South Asia, and its ability to produce and disseminate news in the region, the notion of cultural proximity can operate for other countries in the region, which may choose Indian news over CNN or BBC. When a developing nation is not merely an importer of news, information, and entertainment, but becomes an exporter as well, there is a shift in the balance of global media flows. As will be seen in the next section, however, the new Indian programming may be reminiscent of Western programming through the processes of recombination and mimicry.
<b>Import and Influence of Foreign Programming </b>
One way foreign programming influences a nation is through the imbalanced flow of imports into the country versus the amount of reciprocal exporting. In India, this occurs in two ways. First, foreign and international satellite services broadcast foreign programming. Then, new Indian commercial television services also offer foreign programming. BiTV imports roughly 30% of its programs from Britain (primarily), the United States (through an agreement with American Fremantle International), and Australia. Language is the most significant factor in these choices, but this does not seem to illustrate Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity since the old colonial relationships are re-inscribed through the "official" language of the former British colony. Cultural proximity would necessitate that nations such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal have similarly functional production infrastructures (political tensions in the region notwithstanding). India's position in the region and its production capacity do mean that those surrounding nations may have culturally proxemic program choices.
Despite BiTV's stated goals of having uniquely Indian programming for Indian audiences, this ideal has been difficult to achieve. By contrast, ZEE and SONY have very few Western programs, and most of those tend to appear outside of prime time. As Straubhaar (1991) and our interviewees have strongly asserted, imported programming has not been as successful as Indian programming. The television rating points (TRPs) confirm that Indian audiences do indeed prefer Indian-made programs. For example, the top 10 programs on DD 2 and ZEE routinely receive 20-45 TRPs, whereas STAR-TV programs receive 3-5 TRPs (Marketing research, 1994, 1995). These facts challenge the mechanistic model of cultural imperialism, supporting instead Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity. However, the process whereby Western programming seeps into Indian culture is not a mechanistic one, as the following discussion illustrates.
More insidious than imported or satellite-fed programming is the influence of foreign programming on the domestic television production industries, as comments made about BiTV programming meetings clearly indicate:
The influences of Western programming need not be mechanistic and direct. Discussion in production and programming meetings reveal a tendency to mimic American series by merely substituting names and dialogue and making minor plot adjustments. The following example of one proposed program illustrates how difficult it is to create innovative and progressive programming that does not imitate Western programming, especially if all personnel do not share a similar vision. While BiTV never had any formal policy about avoiding Western copies or sexist programming, many among the programming personnel shared this vision informally. Most of the programming decisions were left to the discretion of individual programme executives. In February, 1995, BiTV head of programming felt the network did not have enough "skin" or "glamour" and therefore helped conceive a show based on ABC's 1970s hit "Charlie's Angles." The show was to have four "girls," wearing minimal clothing, and fighting crime while performing in a rock group as a cover. According to the executive, this program would help to glamorize the network as well as to create marketing and merchandising opportunities (such as a sound track recording).
Most of the programming staff were appalled at this suggestion and felt the executive had sidestepped the commissioning procedure (of group discussion and decision-making). When some colleagues brought their concerns to the Board, the show was temporarily stopped. When presented again, with the argument that all objections had been taken into consideration and all sexist connotations removed, the show was commissioned without seeing a pilot. Ultimately, BiTV's financial problems halted production, and the show was never made. Nevertheless, given the rush for programming in India at this time, and the commissioning system that had evolved, there were insufficient "checks and balances" and unclear policies in place to keep (even a watered-down) copy of "Charlie's Angels" from moving through the pipeline. In such an atmosphere, and particularly given the commercial pressures on the networks, it was difficult for the "innovative" and "India-centric" BiTV personnel to keep their original vision.
As we can see from the experiences of BiTV programming executives, the tendency toward "Western recombination" (see Gitlin, 1983) is strong. A recombinant discourse dominates many production and programming meetings, with the language of (particularly) American television genre, character, setting, and story line shaping program conceptualization. Further, the presence of slickly-produced Western programming serves as a standard-setting pressure for production values and program styles of locally-produced programs. This may be of less concern in India because of its production infrastructure, but it is evident that these pressures are coming to bear on the new commercial television services.
Already the impact of commercial television in India can be seen on Doordarshan. DD Metro bears marks of influence from STAR-TV and the commercial stations in its slick new programming and attempts to appeal to a young, urban, middle-class audience. Increasingly, DD is commercially financed and has juggled its schedule "so frequently [to make room for new sponsored programs] that often the producers themselves could barely keep track," ("A slew of new," 1995, p. 3).
In its drive to compete in the new market-driven television sector, Doordarshan signed a deal to carry CNN as a 24-hour DD channel on which DD has a 2-hour slot ("24-hour CNN," 1995). This deal also afforded DD access to other programming owned by Turner Incorporated. It will be interesting to follow Doordarshan's evolution in conjunction with the proliferation of its competition. Development communication scholars should be particularly interested in how the multiple commercial entertainment options impact the form, content, popularity, and impact of Doordarshan's educational and development programming.
Effects of the new commercial television industry may also be noted in India's film industry, the largest in the world. While its production infrastructure puts India in a unique position to produce a substantial portion of the programming for these new commercial broadcast outlets, box office attendance may wane as it has elsewhere (as in the U.S., Jowett & Linton, 1989) under similar circumstances. Middle class, urban youth already indicate they may be embarrassed to say they went to a traditional Hindi film (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994), a reminder that cultural imperialism often focuses on youth. Petras (1993) argues that the mass media are particularly manipulative of adolescent rebelliousness "by appropriating the language of the left and channeling discontent into consumer extravagances" (p. 139). While adolescent rebellion, per se, may not be a culturally generalizable phenomenon, marketing to youth has both economic and political consequences. Consumerism and individualism may undercut collective political responses to economic and cultural control.
The effects of commercial television in India will be difficult to measure, as has been the case around the world. Early indications suggest that the presence of Western programming via satellite has had some influence on the social agenda, with discussions centering around previously-taboo subjects such as spousal abuse, incest, and homosexuality (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; also see Chandra, 1995). We recognize that the cultural impact of foreign programming may have some interesting "positive" effects, as well. As Kang and Morgan (1988) noted in Korea, and not completely unlike some effects of domestic American programming (Meyrowitz, 1985), Western images of women may serve a simultaneously liberatory function--particularly for upper- and middle-class women (Crabtree, 1995). Of course, even the so-called positive effects of foreign programming may not be equally distributed across India's diverse population.
Here, again, the diffusion of innovations model has some relevance. The "communication effects gap," indifferent to the diffusion of positive or negative effects of television programming, may reveal an increasing cultural divide between those who identify with Western/consumerist values and lifestyles, and those who adhere to traditional beliefs and values. This chasm is likely to reflect--and exacerbate--divisions in class (perhaps more applicable now than caste), as well as the urban/rural dichotomy that is already striking in India (also see Schiller, 1991).
<b>Multinational Advertising</b>
The influence of the commercialization of broadcasting may be more far-reaching than the values and beliefs of the programming itself. On one level, there are anticipated effects on the configuration of the Indian economy. In Nicaragua, for example, the presence of multinational companies (and presence of commercial media) since the end of the Sandinista period causes local shoemakers to compete with Nike and Reebok (Shriver, 1997). In India, middle-class Indian youth are already enamored of Levi's, Ray-Ban's, and Kentucky Fried Chicken, all introduced about the same time as commercial television. And, as previously mentioned, many of the changes in Indian broadcasting seem to be as much driven by economic and market forces as by technological ones.
In a country where disparities between the "haves" and the "have nots" seems to be increasing, the cultivation of a consumerist ideology implies grave consequences:
Thus, one of the dangers of commercial television in India seems to be the commodification of experience. Tomlinson (1991) argued that this phenomenon is one where consumerism colonizes "a moral-cultural space left by other developments in modernity" (p. 136). In this sense, the effects of globalization weaken dominated and dominating cultures alike. Signs of Resistance
Despite all the evidence of cultural imperialism (and problematic diffusion) evident in our research, we must consider the specific culture(s) being affected when hypothesizing the effects that commercial/satellite television may have on Indian society. Tomlinson (1991) problematizes the very notion of indigenous culture that implies something both natural and belonging to a geographical area, rather than a view of culture which is historical India's history is illustrative of his point. While India is a traditional society that dates back 5000 years, we recognize two interesting characteristics of India that may mitigate the hypothesized effects of cultural imperialism. First, there are very few traditions in existence in India today that have remained unchanged or that can be traced back directly to the Indus Valley or the Aryan Civilizations (see Burrow, 1975). Second, with a history of being invaded many times, India is an extremely diverse culture in languages, customs, and so on. This may allow for a unique flexibility in absorbing new ideas and adapting/adopting traditions that a more homogeneous culture might have trouble assimilating.
Already there are some signs of resistance to the cultural effects of Western and commercial television in India. Among BiTV personnel, for example, there is open criticism of the tendency to imitate Western television programs:
One Indian broadcaster is also quite aware of the concerns and processes of cultural imperialism itself:
Thus, there are dialectical processes of cultural imperialism and resistance taking place in at least one new commercial television service. BiTV personnel are conscious and articulate about their struggle between acquiescence to formulaic Western-style programs and resistance to reproducing ideologically problematic genres and series. A detailed description and analysis of actual commercial television programming in India--the values and lifestyles depicted, the production techniques and their significations--are logical avenues for future research (see, for example, Malhotra, 1997, 1998, 1999a, 1999b). There is early evidence of resistance among Indian television viewers, as well. As early as 1994, over a thousand Bombay residents hurled their television sets out the windows of their homes to protest the growing prevalence of sex and violence on Indian TV ("Bombay turnoffs," 1994). Clearly, "third world" cultures and peoples are not merely passive receivers. As Tomlinson (1991) has argued, "extravagant claims [of] media power seem to arise where theorists come to see the media as determining rather than as mediating cultural experience" (p. 63). Nevertheless, providing a model of the global audience as active and resistant falls short of ascertaining what that means politically. As Goodwin and Gore so succinctly asserted, "Audiences will not be made counter-hegemonic by scholarly or devotional fiat" (p. 79).
<b>Discussion </b>
Commercial broadcasting has proliferated in India, first via foreign satellite services, and now through Indian endeavors. The institution of several new private and commercial television services in India represents an end to the long-standing government monopoly on Indian broadcasting and marks a dramatic change in the structure of media communications with momentous implications for Indian culture. This moment presents an exceptional opportunity to observe the development of a new media industry and its effects on a developing nation, as well as to advance many of our theoretical traditions. The processes of cultural imperialism are indeed longitudinal, and a single case study cannot illuminate the compelling historical presence of Western culture in India. The story of BiTV/TVI does, however, illustrate some of the features of cultural imperialism as it is materializing in India today. In a developing country of 900 million people who speak many different languages and adhere to distinct cultural traditions, most of whom live in rural areas with few services and many deficiencies, it is difficult to speculate about the impact of this new industry. Few would argue, however, that it will be substantial.
If we refrain from distilling the theory down to its predictions of mechanistic audience effects alone, cultural imperialism remains a useful framework for the analysis of global media trends. Our research demonstrates that effects are often subtle and insidious; broadcasting personnel (and probably audiences, as well) are subject to complex processes of both absorption and resistance (also see Olson, 1999). Our research also illustrates ways that Roger's Diffusion of Innovations framework may be more relevant to understanding the technological dimensions of the Indian television landscape, with some application to the effects of programming, as well (communication effects gap). Straubhaar's model of Asymmetric Interdependence and Cultural Proximity may explain the news flow question more adequately, and is also important for a complete understanding of the emerging entertainment programming landscape of South Asia. Nevertheless, Cultural Imperialism is the most (de)constructive for understanding the emerging professionalism of Indian commercial broadcasting personnel and practices; the effects of foreign programming, especially on local media industries; as well as the presence of multinational advertising and the commercialization of culture (also see Schiller, 1991). In sum, these three theories together provide a serviceable constellation of analytical frameworks and explanatory principles for the case of India at this particular moment in their broadcasting history.
In order to chart the effects of satellite and commercial television on Indian (and other) cultures, broad-based and longitudinal audience analysis using Cultivation Theory, would seem appropriate at this time (cf. Morgan & Signorelli, 1990 on recommendations for future cultivation research). It will be critical to examine gender and class differences in the use and sense-making of the new (imported and locally-produced) television programming. Meanwhile, an examination of multinational advertising, marketing, programming imports, and international co-production would prove fruitful for related research, as well as a study of emerging Indian media education programs (i.e., are media criticism and global communication theory included?). As the world media order evolves, long-standing theories such as Cultural Imperialism and Diffusion of Innovations remain useful, while newer perspectives such as Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity are likely to become increasingly relevant.
Tomlinson (1991) insists that what is really at stake here is "the capacity of a collectivity to generate any satisfying narratives of cultural meaning in the conditions of modernity" (p. 24). While from quite a different ideological position, Petras (1993) argued that "cultural imperialism promotes the cult of 'modernity' as conformity with external symbols ... a false intimacy and an imaginary link is established between the successful subjects of the media and the impoverished spectators in the `barrios'" (pp. 141-142). The consequences of the growing commercialization and globalization of television will be significant for the largely rural poor of India, and of most countries.
Reductionist notions of cultural imperialism predicted a global monoculture would inevitably result from global media dominance. While ample evidence demonstrates such a prediction is preposterous, more thorough exploration of the multi-faceted processes of cultural imperialism allow for more interesting--though less conclusive--analyses. American cultural products are only becoming more popular and more globally dominant (Olson, 1999), even if our research methods and analytical frameworks continue to fall short of revealing the complexities of how and to what extent. Global media effects are neither universal nor predictable, as our research confirms, thus it is important that scholars of all ideological leanings and theoretical perspectives remain open to conflicting, contradictory, dialectical, and nuanced findings.
Preliminary reports of this research have been presented at annual meetings of the International Communication Association (1995, 1996), Western States Communication Association (1996), and (then) Speech Communication Association (1995). This research was partially funded by the College of Arts and Sciences of New Mexico State University and the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of New Mexico.
<i>by Robbin D. Crabtree , Sheena Malhotra </i>
Some might call it a satellite invasion. Others might conceptualize it as a groundswell. Either way, the commercialization of television in India is reality. The process through which entrepreneurs---on the ground and in the air--have created and capitalized on this trend is a remarkable story. The events associated illustrate a global trend in the commercialization of mass media and of cultures. While debated from many perspectives, the majority of scholarship about international communication and the effects of media across cultures operates at either the macro-structural level or at the individual/audience level. We present this case study as an opportunity to examine the processes of media and cultural imperialism (CI) at the organizational level.
It has become increasingly clear that world media relations have changed since the 1970s when the topic came to international prominence. Straubhaar (1991) asserted that while "the United States still dominates world media sales and flows, national and regional cultural industries are consolidating a relatively more interdependent position in the world television market" (p. 56). We position this article adjacent to Straubhaar's work on Brazilian television, as it may evidence his notions of asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity, though we continue to agree with Schiller (1991) that this is "not yet the post-imperialist era" (p.13). As this case study illustrates, "local media forms may be implicated in cultural imperialism through their roots in the Western cultural industries" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 69).
In this essay we seek to (1) relay the experiences of Indian broadcasters who are developing a new commercial television industry in India; (2) point out some of the antecedent influences--social, political, economic, and technological forces--which have precipitated this moment; (3) provide some initial insights into the possible cultural implications of commercial television in India; and (4) position this case study within the theoretical and empirical traditions of media/cultural imperialism, ascertaining the adequacy of this paradigm to the case of India.
<b>Media and Cultural Imperialism </b>
Media and cultural imperialism have been used to describe a modern manifestation of colonial and imperial relationships, whereby peripheral countries are turned into markets for the cultural products of dominant nations (Schiller, 1976, 1991). This, in turn, produces a market for the manufactured goods and cultural products of those exporting nations, as well as the accompanying beliefs, values, and ideologies. Cultural imperialism has been conceptualized variously as a strategy on the part of dominant countries, a local policy on the part of receiving countries, and an effect on the people and practices in the latter (Lee, 1979). Dominant nations have clear strategies concerning the export of cultural products. The profit margin of most Hollywood films (and increasingly television programming, as well), depends on the foreign market (Jowett & Linton, 1989; Wasko, 1982). Affected nations have policies whereby they adopt foreign technology, and with it the corresponding software or programming. These policies primarily benefit the elite (Roach, 1997; Schiller, 1991). Although not easy to measure, cultural imperialism is also an effect. While the degree of demonstrated effect on audiences may be small or indirect (Morgan & Shanahan, 1997; Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), it has been hypothesized that affected countries absorb values, working styles, consumption patterns, and so on, from the exporting nations (e.g., Beltran, 1978). What is most insidious about this process is that it tends to be unilateral. Dominant countries disseminate news, information, and entertainment, while affected nations receive and absorb it without a balancing two-way flow (e.g., Nordenstreng & Varis, 1974).
Globally, there are a small number of "source" countries with the ownership of local media organizations in the hands of, or operating in the interest of, multinational corporations. Even when media organizations are locally or nationally owned, the formal managerial control can be foreign or, with similar outcomes, controlled by national elites with strong foreign interests (Schiller, 1991). While some nations, like India, have a substantial media production infrastructure, a portion of programming may still be imported from extra-national sources. Also imported are the conceptual models of media scheduling (24-hour), formatting (news-entertainment-information), genre (sit-com, drama, etc.), and production techniques (slick and high-budget production values). Not surprisingly, professional ideologies (objectivism, commercialism) accompany the programming and technology (e.g., Beltran, 1978; Varis, 1984). More recently, the conceptualization of cultural imperialism has been expanded to include a milieu of other cultural enterprises such as theme parks, shopping malls, fast food dining, and professional sports (e.g., Schiller, 1991).
The actual effects of (primarily) Western media content on (primarily) "Third World" audiences has been of interest to scholars and policy-makers for almost half a century. It was the centerpiece of discussions in UNESCO in the 1970s (Masmoudi, 1979; McBride, 1984). While media and cultural imperialism have been conceptualized in great detail, and dozens of critical articles have been written on the topic, few studies have examined the degree to which the hypothesized effects are actually occurring, or detailing the specific individual and social processes through which such effects occur. The existing body of research on transcultural media effects on audiences has been inconclusive and often contradictory (e.g., Granzberg, 1982; Kang & Morgan, 1988; Liebes & Katz, 1990; Pingree & Hawkins, 1981; Salwen, 1991). Much of it has focused narrowly on educational and development project outcomes, especially in India (e.g., Agrawal & Rai, 1988; Rao, 1969; Shingi & Mody, 1976). Nevertheless, while much of this research suggests that "reductive theories which conflate economics and meaning, ownership and ideology, are outdated and invalid" (Goodwin & Gore, 1990, p. 78), they do not fundamentally undermine the cultural imperialism thesis that there is gross imbalance which has cultural, economic, and political consequences.
Media and cultural imperialism are problematic concepts for social scientific research, because they have been difficult to prove or disprove. Critical scholars generally describe media or cultural imperialism using a simple cause-effect model, focusing on the relationships between the United States' global media presence and its perceived influence on less powerful nations and cultures (Elliot, 1993; Salwen, 1991). This is ironic because research on media effects within the U.S. has long since abandoned the "magic bullet" or "hypodermic needle" mechanistic effects model.
Salwen (1991) argues that much of the critical scholarship has been ideological rather than empirical, though he cites several persuasive studies which have worked at the macro-societal level (e.g., Varis, 1974, on international news flows), and concedes that dependency theory was particularly well-suited to early explanations of the Latin American media landscape (e.g., Cardoso & Faleto, 1979). Like Salwen, Burrowes (1992) faults cultural imperialism theorists for failing to adequately examine the "Third World" audiences they vociferously defend, who instead present them as "passive, uncritical recipients of culture" (p. 7).
There is a growing body of research which suggests audiences make active choices in their viewing behavior (e.g., Brown, 1994; Fiske, 1986), and that, when given the choice, audiences prefer national or regional programming over international programming (e.g., Straubhaar, 1991; also see Roach, 1997; Tomlinson, 1991). This argument is particularly relevant to India, a nation that has one of the most prolific media production infrastructures in the world. Indian audiences have greater selection of regional and national programming than do audiences in most developing countries. Our research suggests that, while Indian audiences are presumed (by researchers, marketers, and programming executives alike) to prefer Indian or Asian programs, those programs are increasingly reminiscent of Western ones. The process whereby national television organizations can be "pressured" (Schiller, 1976) into correspondence with Western values, lifestyles, and production norms is illuminated in our analysis. While our critique of cultural imperialism is less passionate than those by the active/resistant audience theorists, this study works in the gap they identify by examining the organizational and programming decisions of a new Indian commercial television network, analyzing these processes and outcomes in relationship to the cultural imperialism debate. Whereas a meta-analysis of quantitative studies reveals negligible to small transborder media effects (Elasmar & Hunter, 1997), and critical studies posit tremendous effects (though no similar meta-analysis is available for comparison), our study works in the methodological gap of previous research. Case study research like this reveals some insidious and subtle intra-organizational mechanisms of cultural imperialism, which may not be measurable in audiences per se. It is important to reiterate that cultural imperialism does not concern effects on individuals or audience collectives alone; rather, it posits a multi-level socio-cultural impact.
Even though there is an ongoing national debate on its merits, Westernization is almost taken for granted in India these days. Nevertheless, the processes whereby foreign values emerge in a nation's culture are complex. Specifically, through the transfer of technology and professionalism, the presence of multinational advertising and the development of consumer culture, imbalances in news and information flows, and the import and influence of foreign programming, the observable effects of media and cultural imperialism are in evidence in India. Gigantic billboards for Nike loom above Bombay streets, middle-class youth clamor for Kentucky Fried Chicken in Bangalore, "Donahue" appears on television in New Delhi, and there is a rise in eating disorders among Indian women (also see Frith, 1988). Our research program has attempted to understand several of these processes (e.g., Crabtree, 1995; Malhotra, 1993; Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; Malhotra, Lowry, & Shatzer, 1994). This essay foregrounds organizational processes rather than macro-societal relationships or individual audience effects. This study also presents signs that the Indian broadcasting systems, audiences, and larger culture attempt to resist some of the so-called negative effects of media and cultural imperialism.
<b>Method </b>
Case study research examines phenomena within a real-life context, recognizes that the boundaries between the phenomenon and its context are not always clear, and encourages the use of multiple sources of evidence (Yin, 1984). The use of a variety of sources allows the research to maximize the strengths and minimize the weaknesses of each (Lindlof, 1995). The specific research techniques employed during this investigation include: (1) interviews with business India Television (BiTV) personnel, (2) observations of several departments and practices within BiTV (the organization) and TVI (the network name, a-la ABC, CBS, etc.), (3) monitoring of proposed and actual programming for TVI and, (4) analysis of organizational documents.
A prominent concern about case study research is that it provides little basis for generalization. Using only one case study is a limitation we acknowledge. As Straubhaar's (1991) work demonstrates, two or more cases used comparatively can build more persuasive evidence for stronger arguments. However, the time needed to conduct a case study makes comparative work relatively rare (for a noteworthy exception, see Browne, 1989). Case study research is, however, generalizable to theoretical propositions.
A brief discussion of the 11 interviewees is warranted (in alphabetical order). Ashok Advani (m/49), whose family has been in publishing for generations, is the Chairman of the Board of the Business India Publishing Group and Vice Chairman of BiTV. Pheroza Bilimoria (f/44) is the Marketing Director of the Business India Group (where she has been for 17 years) which includes BiTV. Ritu Godika (f/24) is the Deputy Advertising Manager of BiTV. Monica Kapila (f/late 30s), who has a masters degree in Industrial Relations and Management from the London School of Economics, is a consultant in Marketing Research and International Sales for BiTV. Shekar Kapur (m/50), a world-famous director and filmmaker (Bandit Queen, Elizabeth), is a member of BiTV's board of directors, as well as being in charge of the entertainment channel. Ilham Khan (f/25) is a Programme Executive for BiTV's entertainment division. Angana Nanavaty (f/24), who received her B.A. in Communication at the Annenberg School at The University of Pennsylvania, is BiTV Communications Manager. Anjum Rajabali (m/37) has a background in Freudian psychology and economics and serves as an executive producer for BiTV, which means he develops, selects, and oversees programs. Reagan Ramsey (m/early 40s) is a consultant with Frank Magid Associates, the U.S.-based consulting firm that has been working in India since 1994. Anike Ranat "Badshah" Sen (m/46) is the Head of BiTV's News/Current Affairs Channel. He has a B.A. in history, a master's degree in economics, and has worked in newspaper and broadcast journalism since 1973, including 2 years as the Resident Editor of the New Delhi edition of The Times of India. Malavika Singh (f/early 50s), who has a background in theater and whose father had a case in the Supreme Court regarding the government monopoly of broadcasting, is the Chair and co-Founder (along with Advani and Bilimoria) of BiTV. These individuals are typical of the gender, age, and educational background of BiTV personnel generally (not including clerical and technical staff), and represent both the business and creative sides of the organization, as well as several administrative levels of the organization. Sheena Malhotra, the second author of this essay, was a Program Executive at BiTV from 1994 until mid-1996.
Relying primarily on interview transcripts, we use the perspectives and experiences of BiTV personnel to describe how and why satellite television emerged in India (also see Crabtree & Malhotra, 1996). These accounts impart the genesis and evolution of one commercial television network, BiTV/TVI, and the rationale behind the programming choices it has made. The additional sources of data corroborate and/or challenge the account of those interviewed. We also utilize relevant literature to explicate our findings. In our analysis, we consider the theoretical implications of one emergent Indian commercial television network in order to generalize from the case study to the conceptual and empirical concerns of cultural imperialism. Conclusions are drawn regarding both the adequacies and inadequacies of the CI paradigm for the case of commercial television in India.
<b>The Genesis of Commercial Television: A Satellite Invasion? </b>
It was the introduction and increased use of color television by Indira Ghandi in the mid-1980s that Pheroza Bilimoria, Marketing Director of Business Indian Television, credits with whetting the appetites of Indians for better television software. At that point, as much as 80% of the Indian population had access to television, but the state-controlled Doordarshan (DD) network was the only viewing option. Then, during the Gulf War when the Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay put a satellite dish on its roof to catch CNN's signal, the satellite invasion of India began (also see Contractor, Singhal, & Rogers, 1988). According to BiTV Chairwoman Malavika Singh, this was also the first time would-be Indian broadcasters had hope, saying, "Regulation has been defeated by technology."
Then, in 1991, Satellite Television for the Asian Region (hereafter STAR-TV) was established in Hong Kong. It started as a five-channel network carrying the BBC and MTV (later renamed Channel V) in addition to a Chinese channel, entertainment channel, and a sports channel. This represented a sudden influx of Western programming into India, particularly to the urban areas where it is most easily available (Malhotra, 1993). In response, Indians challenged the government's monopoly of broadcasting without waiting for the courts to rule. BiTV co-founder, Ashok Advani, was one of the pioneers of commercial television in India:
Quote:We told the Information Broadcasting Ministry, "for God's sake, don't you understand that the Chinese government is determining what your people watch?" It was ironic that everyone could shower down their signals and the government has no control, which is a good thing. But on the other hand, they prohibit Indians from sending up signals.
Until 1995, Indian law prohibited non-governmental uplinking to Indian satellites. While the Indian government had moved quickly to put up satellites, they monopolized their use for governmental entities. A ruling by the Supreme Court has overturned the monopoly (Agarwal, 1995), although Indian broadcasters did not begin uplinking from India until months later (most channels now buy uplink time from the government facility). The use of satellite technology in Indian broadcasting has facilitated an increasing battle for advertising revenue in India and, with this competition, an increasing reliance on aggressive American-style marketing methods, thus exacerbating a situation which began earlier (Kumar, 1989). Even casual observation of Indian mass media (particularly television and billboards), makes obvious the growing presence and influence of Western products and marketing. Many of our interviewees take a technological-determinist perspective, that technology itself was the determining influence on why and how commercial television is evolving in India. However, BiTV Executive Producer Anjum Rajabali cites additional factors that influenced the emergence of commercial television in India at this time. Articulating the links between technological and market forces, Rajabali refers to a drastic change in Indian economic policy over the past several years:
Quote:What is ordinarily called "globalization" has become one of the driving keywords of the Indian middle class. Therefore, the slickly-presented Hollywood fare, or foreign films and television programs, are craved by the middle classes.
A liberalizing of the economy has put fewer restrictions on multinational corporations. Concurrently, a growing middle class seems to be striving to break out of traditional frameworks, while also manifesting an increasing consumerist mentality (see Roy & Shekar, 1995). This resonates with recent focus group research we conducted with middle-class Indian youth, who claimed that preference for Indian folk forms, such as Hindi films or Karnatic music, was "uncool" when compared to the latest American movies and pop music (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994). The Groundswell in Ground Distribution
While external satellite services seemed to be proliferating over Asian skies, small-time cable operators were developing an extensive ground distribution network. In many ways, satellite television simply expanded an already prolific video market facilitated by local video/cable networks. The influence of videocassette recorders in India has been well-documented (Boyd, 1988; Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Video channels played rented movies and various series from private video libraries in basement control rooms and with "cable" running to the apartments of "subscribers." While forming cable networks was not illegal, many of the programs shown were pirated copies of foreign programming. Then, before commercial television operations were initiated in India, local entrepreneurs found they could purchase a small satellite dish and charge their neighbors for additional hook-ups. They would catch the signals of CNN and STAR-TV and charge a small fee, 100-150 rupees (about $3-5 U.S.) per month, for providing access. These cable networks grew naturally out of the already-established video networks. Over time, these cable networks multiplied until most major cities and many villages were wired to receive satellite television. While there is no formal government regulation of these cable operations, each operator must now register with the state and pay a 40% entertainment tax on receipts. Several interviewees speculated that most of them under-report the number of their subscribers by as much as half in order to mitigate the effect of the tax.
While satellite technology may have been the overriding impetus for commercial television to emerge at this time in India, we cannot ignore the significance of local video/cable operators in facilitating its viability and growth. And while we may become more aware of the presence of Western programming in India as a result of satellite/commercial broadcasting, we cannot forget that it was the diffusion of the videocassette recorder, years earlier, which inaugurated this presence in earnest (Boyd & Straubhaar, 1985). Additionally, it seems clear that evolving economic and social trends converged with the technological factors.
At present, there are between 30 and 45 channels in India (depending on the location and individual cable distribution network). The selection includes the different regional channels launched by the government network Doordarshan, or DD, in addition to Western channels, such as CNN, the STAR network, Discovery, ABN, MTV, NBC, and ESPN all of which began broadcasting in India since 1991. However, it is the private, Indian commercial television networks that represent the phenomenal boom this industry has experienced. For example, ZEE was the first private Indian network and was started in 1992 with an original entertainment channel and a pay-per-view movie channel. SONY, a general entertainment channel, was launched in October, 1995, and has proven to be ZEE's closest competitor. There are also several city-specific and regional language channels. This remains a constantly shifting constellation, as new channels are announced and other channels go off the air on almost a monthly basis.
Business India Television, launched on July 2, 1995, with a combined news and entertainment channel ("BiTV launched after," 1995; "GE American, BiTV," 1995). The original intention was to split into 2 channels, TVI News and TVI Prime (entertainment) in 1996, though this never happened. The idea behind the network was to provide quality Indian entertainment programming (compared to the cheaper, film-based programs which were the mainstay of the other commercial channels at the time), and independent news from an Indian perspective (in contrast to state-run DD or foreign BBC and CNN). The entire South Asian region is the target audience for this programming. STAR, ZEE, and SONY are BiTV's primary competition in the entertainment niche (E Times, 1995). The story of BiTV illustrates the pressures on new Indian broadcasters, which can be understood, in part, by the cultural imperialism framework.
<b>Business India: The First Commercial Television "Network" and Independent News</b>
Early in 1993, a small group of people associated with the Business India Group, one of the most reputable publishing houses in India, decided to enter television (King, 1994). Rather than being just a software house, BiTV Chairperson Malavika Singh explains why they wanted to set up the first independent television network in India:
Quote: The idea was to pattern a channel very much like the channels are patternedin the West. So we decided we'd start with a news and current affairs channel, pretty much like BBC was, as well as an entertainment channel.
The lure of commercial broadcasting was more than just economic, according to several of those we interviewed. For the founders of BiTV, having an independent television news operation was a natural and necessary eventuality of a "free press" system. Ashok Advani explains:
Quote: The number of newspapers we have rivals the number anywhere else in the world. In every remote part of the country we have a weekly, a monthly, or a daily, with all shades of public opinion reflected ... Against that background, you look at the electronic media and you suddenly find there is no free electronic media in India.
At the top of the BiTV organizational structure is the board of directors. The network is divided into news (located in New Delhi) and entertainment (located in Bombay) divisions. In the news division, a series of producers manage a variety of current affairs programs. Several interns from Indian universities also work in news. Renowned Indian film director, Shekar Kapur, was the ostensible head of entertainment, sharing his small Bombay offices with the BiTV programming staff. A head of programming was hired (away from one of the other commercial channels) after BiTV began production. Most of the programming executives work in a cooperative environment, sharing ideas and troubleshooting programming problems at weekly meetings and daily bull sessions. This non-bureaucratic decision making structure sets BiTV apart from the other channels, but it also tends to be chaotic, lacking the quality control of a monolithic commissioning authority. The business offices of BiTV are also in Bombay, adjacent to the Business India Publishing Group offices. The marketing division generates weekly marketing reports, including research on the viewing habits and patterns in India, and focus groups on program pilots. Business India Television expects to earn its prominence based on its programming. Adjectives used by BiTV programmers to describe the new programming are: intelligent, innovative, imaginative, ground breaking, touching, classy, energetic, young, wacky, bright, and independent. However, some of those working at BiTV see little difference between their own new programming and that available on ZEE or DD Metro. The critics and industry insiders were initially impressed; several BiTV programs were nominated for the Indian equivalent of the Emmy during their first year.
Unlike commercial television services in many developing countries, BiTV expected to have only a small percentage of imported programming. Local production is approximately five times more expensive than importing other programs, and it was the original position of the network to emphasize Indian programming. Like many of the interviewees, Malavika Singh believes that Indian programs will be preferred by Indian audiences:
Quote: Do they want to see Indian programming, or do they want to see "The Bold and the Beautiful" [available on STAR]? I'm willing to wager a bet that people aren't going to watch that if they can see a show about what happens inside a joint family [in-laws sharing a residence, a common practice in India]. All this alien influence is not something that people necessarily identify with.
The means by which Western stories (and production norms) nevertheless work their way into new Indian programs will be discussed further in the analysis. As the first independent television news channel in India, TVI expected to give news a primacy that is unprecedented even on Doordarshan. However, BiTV/TVI has faced substantial challenges in constructing a news organization. There is no reservoir of television news personnel in India. Mostly coming from print, personnel have had to learn a new set of news values, as well as managing resources in a much more expensive endeavor than print. Now that BiTV is able to uplink its news programs from Delhi, the expense has multiplied.
Head of News and Current Affairs, "Badshah" Sen believes that television news can have a significant impact in a country where most people do not read the newspaper (due to high illiteracy rates). Catering to this audience will be challenging, because the staff has experience communicating to an educated audience (the literate, urban readership of major metropolitan dailies), and because the impact of independent (from government) news is unknown. The news pilots we viewed had the look and feel of CNN's international news, but with a distinctly local, regional, and subcontinental focus.
Particularly as related to the transfer of professionalism, the role of foreign consultants is a key aspect of cultural imperialism that must be addressed. Frank Magid and Associates, one of the most ubiquitous consultant groups in world broadcasting, worked with BiTV for over two years. The personnel of BiTV have diverse views on the value and contributions of Magid consultants. The board members tend to praise them, whereas entertainment programming staff tend to criticize them. The BiTV personnel report that this is the first time foreign consultants have worked in Indian broadcasting.
At the time of this writing, BiTV faces a significant financial crisis that has been intensifying for close to four years. The "combined channel" that was launched in 1995 carried both entertainment and news. Detailed negotiations with foreign networks to buy into BiTV attempted to secure the cash flow needed to "re-launch" as a two-channel network, as originally intended. At this time, however, it is barely managing to survive in
the midst of all the competing channels and has even considered selling off its interest in the cable/distribution networks. While BiTV is the "first homegrown, independent satellite television network--dedicated exclusively to the people of the Indian sub-continent" (Business Indian Television International Ltd., n.d.), BiTV remains a work in progress. The genesis and evolution of BiTV--its innovations, shortcomings, and crises--are illustrative of a dynamic and evolving new industry in India.
<b>Cultural Imperialism and Commercial Television in India </b>
In order to analyze the genesis and evolution of commercial television in India within the discursive framework of cultural imperialism, we have chosen five mechanisms of cultural imperialism: the transfer of technology, the transfer of professionalism, imbalances in news and information flows, the import and influence of foreign programming, and the presence of multinational advertising (for alternative frameworks, see Boyd-Barrett, 1977). Our analysis suggests there is a complex array of factors operating within these categories and an interplay among national, regional, and international forces.
<b>Transfer of Technology</b>
Indian broadcasters attribute the birth of commercial television in India to a technologically-driven process. The presence of a new satellite dish on the Taj Mahal Hotel was seen as the precipitating moment. This was concurrent to the launch of STAR-TV. Of course, the ground distribution system, which preceded this moment by at least 10 years (perhaps longer for Indian elites), is the result of the interplay between technology and grass roots entrepreneurship. Thus, we can see a tripartite relationship between external forces (the novel presence of CNN, for example), regional forces (Asian regional satellite broadcasting out of Hong Kong, but now owned primarily by Rupert Murdoch), and local initiative (cable networks and Indian broadcast hopefuls). While the presence of VCR technology has been of concern to development communication scholars for over a decade, the move to commercial television is likely to have a more devastating impact on the development communication efforts of the Indian government and international NGOs. It would be reductionist to consider the transfer of technology as the primary vehicle of cultural imperialism in India, but it is clear that specific technologies have had measurable impact, both in positive and negative ways (also see Goodwin & Gore, 1990).
The Diffusion of Innovations approach to international communication study is an alternative explanation for the "satellite invasion" and development of distribution systems in India that must be considered, as well. While we did not study the patterns of technological adoption in India, it is understandable that, as a developing nation, India would be in the late majority (urban, middle-class) or laggard (rural, poor) positions in the S-curve of adoption described by Rogers (1995). Further, Rogers reminds us that diffusion takes place within a social system, and the story of commercial television in India reveals many of the social factors which precipitated the diffusion of satellite and Western-style, commercial television at this particular moment. We can see that factors such as the liberalization of the Indian economy, the novel presence of multinational corporations, and the growing middle class, as well as external forces such as the Gulf War, are all factors that have facilitated the diffusion process. Those interviewed identified and stressed the importance of these. Future research should address the relevance of Rogers' diffusion model to the case of India, with particular attention to the "communications effects gap" that will certainly be visible (and exacerbated) in rural areas and among the poor.
<b>Transfer of Professionalism </b>
The transfer of Western modes of professionalism is much in evidence in Indian commercial television, but there are dialectics in the professional values of Indian broadcasters. For instance, those interviewed avowed a distinctively Indian identity. Their goals were to construct a television network that both reinforced and perpetuated the same. Nevertheless, many of them were Western educated, either in the United States or Great Britain (or both). This identity dialectic pervades the decision-making processes of Indian broadcasters, who constantly evoke Western ideas, organizations, and programs in their talk, while also resolving to create "innovative" and distinctly Indian programming.
The second professional dialectic concerns the migration of Indian film and press personnel into broadcasting versus the use of foreign (American) consultants. On the one hand, many of the personnel at BiTV/TVI have years of experience in Indian print media and/or the film industry. These individuals bring their own modes of work, professional values, and programming ideas to the new commercial television industry (the degree to which the press model in India has been shaped by British colonialism is another story). On the other hand, consultants from Frank Magid & Associates have had a powerful impact on the evolution of this new medium, particularly in news.
Not surprisingly, the consultants themselves seem naive, though not completely uncritical, of this influence. They seem to feel that only content can be imperialistic, but that production values, news values, and managerial practices are simply universal, as this excerpt from consultant Reagan Ramsey indicates:
Quote: My job is not to bring American television or British television to India. My job is to help [them] make TV for India be the best TV for [their] society, and what [they] want it to be. We know certain production techniques, we know certain presentation techniques that work. We'll show [them] how to do those, and we'll certainly help [them] avoid a lot of the learning curve.
Further, given the fact that local production is five times more expensive than importing, the impetus to rely on imported programming is not likely to wane. Locally-produced programs are forced to compete against imported ones, and the motivation to mimic Western production values will persist. Imbalances in News and Information Flows
As others have pointed out (e.g., Schiller, 1991; Straubhaar, 1991), there still exists a gross imbalance in information flows worldwide. In the case of present-day India, however, we can see evidence of what Straubhaar (1991) calls asymmetrical interdependence and cultural proximity. BiTV's TVI is potentially the first independent television network in India. It stands in contrast to CNN, which has an international, yet still distinctly American viewpoint, and to Doordarshan, which remains the official voice of the Indian government. The presence of these three news sources suggests a growing diversity in news and information in India. Of course, a comparative critique of the journalistic values of these three news sources would likely reveal little diversity. In terms of asymmetric interdependence, we can see that commercial television is providing another vehicle for news that is produced in and disseminated from India, and which has an Indian (and South Asian) perspective. The previously unmitigated dominance of Western news agencies is thus tempered. Further, given the prominence of India in South Asia, and its ability to produce and disseminate news in the region, the notion of cultural proximity can operate for other countries in the region, which may choose Indian news over CNN or BBC. When a developing nation is not merely an importer of news, information, and entertainment, but becomes an exporter as well, there is a shift in the balance of global media flows. As will be seen in the next section, however, the new Indian programming may be reminiscent of Western programming through the processes of recombination and mimicry.
<b>Import and Influence of Foreign Programming </b>
One way foreign programming influences a nation is through the imbalanced flow of imports into the country versus the amount of reciprocal exporting. In India, this occurs in two ways. First, foreign and international satellite services broadcast foreign programming. Then, new Indian commercial television services also offer foreign programming. BiTV imports roughly 30% of its programs from Britain (primarily), the United States (through an agreement with American Fremantle International), and Australia. Language is the most significant factor in these choices, but this does not seem to illustrate Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity since the old colonial relationships are re-inscribed through the "official" language of the former British colony. Cultural proximity would necessitate that nations such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal have similarly functional production infrastructures (political tensions in the region notwithstanding). India's position in the region and its production capacity do mean that those surrounding nations may have culturally proxemic program choices.
Despite BiTV's stated goals of having uniquely Indian programming for Indian audiences, this ideal has been difficult to achieve. By contrast, ZEE and SONY have very few Western programs, and most of those tend to appear outside of prime time. As Straubhaar (1991) and our interviewees have strongly asserted, imported programming has not been as successful as Indian programming. The television rating points (TRPs) confirm that Indian audiences do indeed prefer Indian-made programs. For example, the top 10 programs on DD 2 and ZEE routinely receive 20-45 TRPs, whereas STAR-TV programs receive 3-5 TRPs (Marketing research, 1994, 1995). These facts challenge the mechanistic model of cultural imperialism, supporting instead Straubhaar's notion of cultural proximity. However, the process whereby Western programming seeps into Indian culture is not a mechanistic one, as the following discussion illustrates.
More insidious than imported or satellite-fed programming is the influence of foreign programming on the domestic television production industries, as comments made about BiTV programming meetings clearly indicate:
Quote:
Every time you give an idea for a show, if he's undecided about it, [BiTV Vice-Chair] Ashok says, "is there a precedence in the West?" That's exactly how he asks--in plain terms, unabashedly. Because he feels that's what we should be doing. And he says, "can that just be dubbed into Hindi? Why do we need to go through the whole experience of creating something else?"(Rajabali)
The influences of Western programming need not be mechanistic and direct. Discussion in production and programming meetings reveal a tendency to mimic American series by merely substituting names and dialogue and making minor plot adjustments. The following example of one proposed program illustrates how difficult it is to create innovative and progressive programming that does not imitate Western programming, especially if all personnel do not share a similar vision. While BiTV never had any formal policy about avoiding Western copies or sexist programming, many among the programming personnel shared this vision informally. Most of the programming decisions were left to the discretion of individual programme executives. In February, 1995, BiTV head of programming felt the network did not have enough "skin" or "glamour" and therefore helped conceive a show based on ABC's 1970s hit "Charlie's Angles." The show was to have four "girls," wearing minimal clothing, and fighting crime while performing in a rock group as a cover. According to the executive, this program would help to glamorize the network as well as to create marketing and merchandising opportunities (such as a sound track recording).
Most of the programming staff were appalled at this suggestion and felt the executive had sidestepped the commissioning procedure (of group discussion and decision-making). When some colleagues brought their concerns to the Board, the show was temporarily stopped. When presented again, with the argument that all objections had been taken into consideration and all sexist connotations removed, the show was commissioned without seeing a pilot. Ultimately, BiTV's financial problems halted production, and the show was never made. Nevertheless, given the rush for programming in India at this time, and the commissioning system that had evolved, there were insufficient "checks and balances" and unclear policies in place to keep (even a watered-down) copy of "Charlie's Angels" from moving through the pipeline. In such an atmosphere, and particularly given the commercial pressures on the networks, it was difficult for the "innovative" and "India-centric" BiTV personnel to keep their original vision.
As we can see from the experiences of BiTV programming executives, the tendency toward "Western recombination" (see Gitlin, 1983) is strong. A recombinant discourse dominates many production and programming meetings, with the language of (particularly) American television genre, character, setting, and story line shaping program conceptualization. Further, the presence of slickly-produced Western programming serves as a standard-setting pressure for production values and program styles of locally-produced programs. This may be of less concern in India because of its production infrastructure, but it is evident that these pressures are coming to bear on the new commercial television services.
Already the impact of commercial television in India can be seen on Doordarshan. DD Metro bears marks of influence from STAR-TV and the commercial stations in its slick new programming and attempts to appeal to a young, urban, middle-class audience. Increasingly, DD is commercially financed and has juggled its schedule "so frequently [to make room for new sponsored programs] that often the producers themselves could barely keep track," ("A slew of new," 1995, p. 3).
In its drive to compete in the new market-driven television sector, Doordarshan signed a deal to carry CNN as a 24-hour DD channel on which DD has a 2-hour slot ("24-hour CNN," 1995). This deal also afforded DD access to other programming owned by Turner Incorporated. It will be interesting to follow Doordarshan's evolution in conjunction with the proliferation of its competition. Development communication scholars should be particularly interested in how the multiple commercial entertainment options impact the form, content, popularity, and impact of Doordarshan's educational and development programming.
Effects of the new commercial television industry may also be noted in India's film industry, the largest in the world. While its production infrastructure puts India in a unique position to produce a substantial portion of the programming for these new commercial broadcast outlets, box office attendance may wane as it has elsewhere (as in the U.S., Jowett & Linton, 1989) under similar circumstances. Middle class, urban youth already indicate they may be embarrassed to say they went to a traditional Hindi film (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994), a reminder that cultural imperialism often focuses on youth. Petras (1993) argues that the mass media are particularly manipulative of adolescent rebelliousness "by appropriating the language of the left and channeling discontent into consumer extravagances" (p. 139). While adolescent rebellion, per se, may not be a culturally generalizable phenomenon, marketing to youth has both economic and political consequences. Consumerism and individualism may undercut collective political responses to economic and cultural control.
The effects of commercial television in India will be difficult to measure, as has been the case around the world. Early indications suggest that the presence of Western programming via satellite has had some influence on the social agenda, with discussions centering around previously-taboo subjects such as spousal abuse, incest, and homosexuality (Malhotra & Crabtree, 1994; also see Chandra, 1995). We recognize that the cultural impact of foreign programming may have some interesting "positive" effects, as well. As Kang and Morgan (1988) noted in Korea, and not completely unlike some effects of domestic American programming (Meyrowitz, 1985), Western images of women may serve a simultaneously liberatory function--particularly for upper- and middle-class women (Crabtree, 1995). Of course, even the so-called positive effects of foreign programming may not be equally distributed across India's diverse population.
Here, again, the diffusion of innovations model has some relevance. The "communication effects gap," indifferent to the diffusion of positive or negative effects of television programming, may reveal an increasing cultural divide between those who identify with Western/consumerist values and lifestyles, and those who adhere to traditional beliefs and values. This chasm is likely to reflect--and exacerbate--divisions in class (perhaps more applicable now than caste), as well as the urban/rural dichotomy that is already striking in India (also see Schiller, 1991).
<b>Multinational Advertising</b>
The influence of the commercialization of broadcasting may be more far-reaching than the values and beliefs of the programming itself. On one level, there are anticipated effects on the configuration of the Indian economy. In Nicaragua, for example, the presence of multinational companies (and presence of commercial media) since the end of the Sandinista period causes local shoemakers to compete with Nike and Reebok (Shriver, 1997). In India, middle-class Indian youth are already enamored of Levi's, Ray-Ban's, and Kentucky Fried Chicken, all introduced about the same time as commercial television. And, as previously mentioned, many of the changes in Indian broadcasting seem to be as much driven by economic and market forces as by technological ones.
In a country where disparities between the "haves" and the "have nots" seems to be increasing, the cultivation of a consumerist ideology implies grave consequences:
Quote:The TV "table of plenty" contrasts with the experience of the empty kitchen; the amorous escapades of media personalities crash against a house full of crawling, crying hungry children.... The promise of affluence becomes an affront to those who are perpetually denied (Petras, 1993, p. 147).Ironically, some of the BiTV staff are well aware of this problem:
Quote:
The sinister thing is that advertising is really aimed at trying to change your psychology.... What is a kid in a village going to do, or even a kid that's watching television here [in Bombay]? Let's take a bar of chocolate. It costs 10 rupees. He's never going to be able to buy a bar of chocolate in his whole life. But the commercial is telling him that if his parents love him, they'll buy him that bar of chocolate. And he's going to feel seriously left out of this world. And he, or she, is probably going to resent the fact that his parents never bought that bar of chocolate. This is the kind of thing the ethics of television has to look at. (Kapur)
Thus, one of the dangers of commercial television in India seems to be the commodification of experience. Tomlinson (1991) argued that this phenomenon is one where consumerism colonizes "a moral-cultural space left by other developments in modernity" (p. 136). In this sense, the effects of globalization weaken dominated and dominating cultures alike. Signs of Resistance
Despite all the evidence of cultural imperialism (and problematic diffusion) evident in our research, we must consider the specific culture(s) being affected when hypothesizing the effects that commercial/satellite television may have on Indian society. Tomlinson (1991) problematizes the very notion of indigenous culture that implies something both natural and belonging to a geographical area, rather than a view of culture which is historical India's history is illustrative of his point. While India is a traditional society that dates back 5000 years, we recognize two interesting characteristics of India that may mitigate the hypothesized effects of cultural imperialism. First, there are very few traditions in existence in India today that have remained unchanged or that can be traced back directly to the Indus Valley or the Aryan Civilizations (see Burrow, 1975). Second, with a history of being invaded many times, India is an extremely diverse culture in languages, customs, and so on. This may allow for a unique flexibility in absorbing new ideas and adapting/adopting traditions that a more homogeneous culture might have trouble assimilating.
Already there are some signs of resistance to the cultural effects of Western and commercial television in India. Among BiTV personnel, for example, there is open criticism of the tendency to imitate Western television programs:
Quote: I think that we shouldn't hold the West as some kind of ideal. India's a crazy place, and it has its own personality, no matter what else can be said of us. We're a mad bunch. And we have our own sort of problems. We should just pick up our own flavor and stick to it instead of trying to see what the West is doing and then zeroing in on those programs. (Khan)
One Indian broadcaster is also quite aware of the concerns and processes of cultural imperialism itself:
Quote: I don't believe that cultural imperialism, whether from inside or from outside, can eventually destroy a race. I think that there are also deeperinstincts which are more innate. Self-preserving sorts of mechanisms which we have. [These] will seek out their own levels and own forms of expression. (Rajabali)
Thus, there are dialectical processes of cultural imperialism and resistance taking place in at least one new commercial television service. BiTV personnel are conscious and articulate about their struggle between acquiescence to formulaic Western-style programs and resistance to reproducing ideologically problematic genres and series. A detailed description and analysis of actual commercial television programming in India--the values and lifestyles depicted, the production techniques and their significations--are logical avenues for future research (see, for example, Malhotra, 1997, 1998, 1999a, 1999b). There is early evidence of resistance among Indian television viewers, as well. As early as 1994, over a thousand Bombay residents hurled their television sets out the windows of their homes to protest the growing prevalence of sex and violence on Indian TV ("Bombay turnoffs," 1994). Clearly, "third world" cultures and peoples are not merely passive receivers. As Tomlinson (1991) has argued, "extravagant claims [of] media power seem to arise where theorists come to see the media as determining rather than as mediating cultural experience" (p. 63). Nevertheless, providing a model of the global audience as active and resistant falls short of ascertaining what that means politically. As Goodwin and Gore so succinctly asserted, "Audiences will not be made counter-hegemonic by scholarly or devotional fiat" (p. 79).
<b>Discussion </b>
Commercial broadcasting has proliferated in India, first via foreign satellite services, and now through Indian endeavors. The institution of several new private and commercial television services in India represents an end to the long-standing government monopoly on Indian broadcasting and marks a dramatic change in the structure of media communications with momentous implications for Indian culture. This moment presents an exceptional opportunity to observe the development of a new media industry and its effects on a developing nation, as well as to advance many of our theoretical traditions. The processes of cultural imperialism are indeed longitudinal, and a single case study cannot illuminate the compelling historical presence of Western culture in India. The story of BiTV/TVI does, however, illustrate some of the features of cultural imperialism as it is materializing in India today. In a developing country of 900 million people who speak many different languages and adhere to distinct cultural traditions, most of whom live in rural areas with few services and many deficiencies, it is difficult to speculate about the impact of this new industry. Few would argue, however, that it will be substantial.
If we refrain from distilling the theory down to its predictions of mechanistic audience effects alone, cultural imperialism remains a useful framework for the analysis of global media trends. Our research demonstrates that effects are often subtle and insidious; broadcasting personnel (and probably audiences, as well) are subject to complex processes of both absorption and resistance (also see Olson, 1999). Our research also illustrates ways that Roger's Diffusion of Innovations framework may be more relevant to understanding the technological dimensions of the Indian television landscape, with some application to the effects of programming, as well (communication effects gap). Straubhaar's model of Asymmetric Interdependence and Cultural Proximity may explain the news flow question more adequately, and is also important for a complete understanding of the emerging entertainment programming landscape of South Asia. Nevertheless, Cultural Imperialism is the most (de)constructive for understanding the emerging professionalism of Indian commercial broadcasting personnel and practices; the effects of foreign programming, especially on local media industries; as well as the presence of multinational advertising and the commercialization of culture (also see Schiller, 1991). In sum, these three theories together provide a serviceable constellation of analytical frameworks and explanatory principles for the case of India at this particular moment in their broadcasting history.
In order to chart the effects of satellite and commercial television on Indian (and other) cultures, broad-based and longitudinal audience analysis using Cultivation Theory, would seem appropriate at this time (cf. Morgan & Signorelli, 1990 on recommendations for future cultivation research). It will be critical to examine gender and class differences in the use and sense-making of the new (imported and locally-produced) television programming. Meanwhile, an examination of multinational advertising, marketing, programming imports, and international co-production would prove fruitful for related research, as well as a study of emerging Indian media education programs (i.e., are media criticism and global communication theory included?). As the world media order evolves, long-standing theories such as Cultural Imperialism and Diffusion of Innovations remain useful, while newer perspectives such as Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity are likely to become increasingly relevant.
Tomlinson (1991) insists that what is really at stake here is "the capacity of a collectivity to generate any satisfying narratives of cultural meaning in the conditions of modernity" (p. 24). While from quite a different ideological position, Petras (1993) argued that "cultural imperialism promotes the cult of 'modernity' as conformity with external symbols ... a false intimacy and an imaginary link is established between the successful subjects of the media and the impoverished spectators in the `barrios'" (pp. 141-142). The consequences of the growing commercialization and globalization of television will be significant for the largely rural poor of India, and of most countries.
Reductionist notions of cultural imperialism predicted a global monoculture would inevitably result from global media dominance. While ample evidence demonstrates such a prediction is preposterous, more thorough exploration of the multi-faceted processes of cultural imperialism allow for more interesting--though less conclusive--analyses. American cultural products are only becoming more popular and more globally dominant (Olson, 1999), even if our research methods and analytical frameworks continue to fall short of revealing the complexities of how and to what extent. Global media effects are neither universal nor predictable, as our research confirms, thus it is important that scholars of all ideological leanings and theoretical perspectives remain open to conflicting, contradictory, dialectical, and nuanced findings.
Preliminary reports of this research have been presented at annual meetings of the International Communication Association (1995, 1996), Western States Communication Association (1996), and (then) Speech Communication Association (1995). This research was partially funded by the College of Arts and Sciences of New Mexico State University and the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of New Mexico.
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