• 0 Vote(s) - 0 Average
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • 4
  • 5
Radicalisation Of Indian Muslims
can you name those forums??

would like to keep an eye on them.

i keep track of racist neo nazi forums - you wont believe what a valuable source of info they are.
<!--QuoteBegin-G.Subramaniam+Mar 11 2006, 10:40 AM-->QUOTE(G.Subramaniam @ Mar 11 2006, 10:40 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->As early as 1350, in the hindu kingdom of kerala, with 2% muslims,
per Ibn Batuta, muslims were rioting often

GS, could you please give exact reference for this? book/page# etc.
Andre Wink, Al Hind vol 2
and R.C.Majumdar vol on Delhi Sultanate has this data
More on Israel civil marraige
While it is true that a marraige with a non-jew is not recognised in Israel, if they get married outside Israel, Israeli courts recognise this

Wealthy jews go to Cyprus for this
Muslims take their new jewish girl friend to Jordan for these quickie marraiges
The seculars and muslim leaders constantly raise the specter of civil war

They constantly claim that if India cannot handle the alienated kashmiri muslims, how can the Indian govt handle an all India situation

Let us analyse this in detail

The Indian govt is handling the kashmiri muslims with kid gloves
While 4 million kashmiri muslims are pro-jihadist, only 4000 are active jihadists
Meaning less than 1 in 1000 actually indulges in jihad
Extrapolating this to an all India situation we can expect a total of less than 2 lakh active jihadists all over India

By comparison, the Nizam in 1948 fielded 2 lakh jihadist razakars

As we are well aware the so called secularism of Indian muslims is a mask to shield them until they breed to critical mass, as such anything that makes them drop the mask prematurely is from a strategic point helpful to hindus
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Secular India, Muslim veto </b>
A Surya Prakash
<b>The sudden escalation in Muslim communal politics over the past couple of months leading up to attacks on Hindu congregations and shrines has brought back memories of the extremely divisive rhetoric of the 1940s that led to India's partition. It has also once again shown up the phenomenal influence of religious extremists on the Muslim mind and the near incapacity of moderates within the community to rein in the hotheads</b>.

There is little doubt that the prevailing political environment has been conducive for the growth of Muslim communalism with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance at the Centre succumbing to pressures from minority groups and the Left parties and initiating desperate measures to woo the Muslim vote - the most disturbing venture being the attempt to take a Muslim head count in the armed forces.

Thanks to some timely intervention, this dangerous initiative has been aborted, at least for now, but the danger is far from over. Encouraged by pseudo-secular politics, Muslim politicians and clerics have organised huge rallies in several cities in recent weeks ostensibly to protest against America's policies and the cartoons of Prophet Mohammed published in a Danish newspaper. <b>These protests have ended in attacks on Hindu business establishments.</b>

Side by side, there is evidence of a home-grown variety of terrorism with Indian Muslims getting involved in terrorist attacks on Hindu shrines and establishments. Taken together, the message is loud and clear - either tailor India's foreign policy to the Muslim view point or face the music. In short, the Muslims must have veto power, just as they did prior to partition and Muslim interests must override Indian interests.

To begin with, it all looks almost innocuous and seemingly reasonable. After all what is wrong in the Muslims of India protesting against closer Indo-US ties ? Is not one entitled in a democracy to speak one's mind ? The partition of India along communal lines also had its origins in such democratic logic, until it was fuelled by politics. That is why we need to look back at the history of appeasement. For example, the seeds of separate representation for Muslims in legislatures in the sub-continent were sown in the Indian Councils Act of 1892. BR Ambedkar, the architect of our Constitution, was of the view that this was introduced by the Viceroy Lord Dufferin to wean away Muslims from the Congress party, which had been launched a few years earlier.

However, though the idea emanated from the British, the Muslims were quick to realise the value of separate political rights. Consequently, when the next round of reform of the Legislative Councils was contemplated in 1909, the Muslims placed a long list of demands before the British. New demands emerged in 1916 leading to what is known as the Lucknow Pact between the Hindus and Muslims. Some years hence, Jinnah, the architect of Pakistan, put forth a long list of demands on behalf of the Muslim League when the Simon Commission was appointed. He wanted "adequate share" for Muslims in all the services and in self-governing bodies and separate electorates for Muslims in all regions of the country.

All these demands were conceded in 1932 but that was not the end of the story. Jinnah wanted more a few years hence. Among these new demands were the following : Vande Mataram should be given up, Urdu should become the national language and the tricolour should be changed or the flag of the Muslim League should be given equal importance. One more preposterous than the other you would think but that was how Jinnah played his cards.

Ambedkar, while reflecting on these demands in his book `Thoughts on Pakistan' said that with this new list, which included a demand for 50 per cent share in everything (even though the Muslims constituted just 25 per cent of the population in undivided India), "there is no knowing where the Muslims are going to stop in their demands". In this catalogue of new demands there are some which on the face of them are extravagant and impossible he said adding that <b>"the Muslims are now speaking the language of Hitler and claiming a place in the sun which Hitler has been claiming for Germany"</b> Eventually Jinnah played his trump card. He demanded a separate Islamic State.

<b>Unfortunately, even the creation of Pakistan has not settled the issue.</b> Competitive minorityism has once again raised its head in India and has begun to negate core constitutional ideals. <b>Lord Dufferin gave Muslims the right to communal representation just to keep them away from the Congress Party. </b>Today, the Congress Party is ready to disturb the secular character of the Indian Army and offer communal reservations in services just to retain the Muslim vote. Meanwhile, parties like the Samajwadi Party have no qualms in flaunting a minister like Haji Yaqoob Qureshi.

Prior to partition, Ambedkar advised the Congress Party to abandon the policy of appeasement. "The Congress has failed to realise that the policy of concession has increased their (Muslim) aggressiveness and what is worse, the Muslims interpret these concessions as a sign of defeatism on the part of the Hindus and the absence of will to resist. This policy of appeasement will involve the Hindus in the same fearful situation in which the allies found themselves as a result of the policy of appeasement which they adopted towards Hitler". He therefore felt that the creation of the separate Islamic state of Pakistan could be a settlement that could end the Hindu-Muslim problem in the sub-continent.

Ambedkar however failed to gauge the damage that pseudo-secularism and minorityism would do to the idea of a free, secular, democratic India. Ambedkar presumed that the creation of Pakistan would result in a fairly comprehensive exchange of population. Consequently, ".....it will do away with this constant need of appeasement and ought to be welcomed by all those who prefer the peace and tranquility of a settlement to the insecurity of a growing political appetite shown by the Muslims in their dealings with the Hindus".

This was a miscalculation on Ambedkar's part because he failed to gauge the impact of democracy and demography on the trajectory of Muslim politics after India became a secular, democratic republic. Of the total Indian population of 336 million on the eve of partition, the Muslim population was 77 million. Of this, 47 million became citizens of Pakistan and the remaining 30 million stayed back in India. The Muslim population in India has since risen five fold to touch 150 million today and the pursuit of Muslim votes among political parties is leading India to a situation where in the Muslims will once again begin to exercise their veto in all matters including the country's defence and foreign policies.

The pseudo-secular environment created by political parties in their effort to woo the burgeoning Muslim vote has emboldened the emergence of a new leadership among Muslims which is demanding that the country's policies be skewed to Muslim interests. Since Muslims hate Mr George Bush and America, India should not befriend the Americans.

Similarly, since Muslims empathise with Iraq and Iran, India's foreign policy should follow suit. If you heard the speeches made at these public meetings on the eve of President Bush's visit, <b>you would think you are in an Islamic state in which the Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists etc constitute a hopeless minority.</b> According to Ambedkar, <b>"Muslim politicians do not recognise secular categories of life as the basis of their politics because to them it means the weakening of the community in its fight against the Hindus". </b>This he said over 60 years ago.

Going by the vituperative attacks on the US President in Muslim rallies, the open support of rallyists to someone like Osama Bin Laden and the conduct of Haji Yaqoob Qureshi, <span style='font-size:14pt;line-height:100%'>it appears nothing has changed over the last six decades. Muslim politics remains static. The liberal, secular, democratic environment that has prevailed in India after independence appears to have had no impact on the community's politicians. Where does this leave democratic India? Will history repeat itself? These are worrying thoughts indeed.</span> <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Made in India Islamism </b>

Kanchan Gupta

Indian Muslims, we are told, are a "bewildered, angry and hurt" lot. "They can't understand the sharp reactions to the largescale protests they took part in during the past weeks," a report in a weekly news magazine says.

The magazine goes on to quote sociologist Imtiaz Ahmed: "There are clear double standards here. On the one hand, you keep telling Muslims to come into the mainstream. When they believe they have a stake in the country and the right to protest, then why are you upset?"

The question, in a sense, explains why Muslims, or at least those to whom the magazine refers to in its report, are "bewildered, angry and hurt". What it does not elaborate on, however, are the reasons behind the "sharp reactions".

Mobilising tens of thousands of Muslims, most of them from madarsas that preach the pre-eminence of Islam and the unique right of the ummah to disregard the sensitivities of others, as the Jamait-e-Ulema-e-Hind did in Delhi on the eve of US President George Bush's visit, does not reflect any desire whatsoever to "come into the mainstream".

Nor does the mobilising of Islamists who believe that the cartoonists whose caricatures of Prophet Mohammad were published in the little-known Danish daily Jyllands-Posten should be murdered for committing "blasphemy" amount to Muslims declaring their intention to "come into the mainstream".

If raucous and riotous assertion of support for pan-Islamist causes - the war in Iraq, the cartoon controversy - are to be interpreted as Muslims coming into the mainstream of Indian public life, <b>then we might as well give up all pretensions to being a secular society and accept the socio-political hegemony of a tyrannical minority.</b>

The "sharp reactions" were as much against the mass mobilisation of Islamists across the country on issues that have no bearing at all on India's national interests as against the loathsome manner in which Muslim rage manifested itself.

In Hyderabad, after burning the Danish national flag that was earlier used as a foot mat by believers entering the city's main mosque for Friday's noon prayer, Muslims protesting against the Jyllands-Posten cartoons went on a rampage, <b>beating up Hindu shopkeepers and looting their shops.</b>

A fortnight later, Muslims in Lucknow did a repeat performance. <b>The only difference was that while in Hyderabad there was no loss of lives, in Lucknow innocent persons, including a 14-year-old Hindu boy, were killed. In Hyderabad, the Islamists' ran amok to register their protest against the Danish cartoonists; in Lucknow they rioted to register their disapproval of Mr George Bush's visit.</b>

In between, we were witness to the Uttar Pradesh Minister for Minority Welfare, Haji Yaqoob Qureshi, addressing a mammoth gathering of Islamists in Meerut where he declared a bounty of Rs 51 crore for any believer who kills the Danish cartoonists. Those who are given to thumping the Constitution of India have remained remarkably silent after this call for murder by a Minister who holds office by virtue of the fact that he has sworn to abide by the Constitution.

We were also witness to Islamists chanting slogans in praise of Osama bin Laden, heaping abuse on the US, calling for the death of Americans and waving banners eulogising jihad and jihadis - in Delhi, Mumbai, Meerut, Lucknow, Hyderabad and numerous other cities and towns.

Mainstream India was understandably staggered, stunned and shocked by this outpouring of hate. The last time we witnessed such rage was when Muslims took to the streets to protest against the Supreme Court's judgement favouring Shah Bano, an indigent Muslim woman thrown out of her marital home, in 1985, and the violent endorsement of Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa against Salman Rushdie for daring to pen The Satanic Verses in 1988.

If memories of Islamist rage and hate had dulled during the intervening years after Syed Shahabuddin's outrageous call to Muslims to boycott Republic Day celebrations, they have surfaced following the ummah's recent public belligerent demonstration of allegiance to causes and issues that lie beyond the boundaries of India.

<b>What has also alarmed mainstream India is the ease with which such mobilisation can be done. </b>It is not a very calming site, the gathering of tens of thousands of Islamists united by a common enemy: Anybody who dares defy their perverse worldview.

Imtiaz Ahmed senses "clear double standards" in this response. But there are no double standards - the only standard against which popular repudiation of Islamist rage can be measured is that of revulsion generated by the manifestation of Muslim rage on issues for which mainstream India does not care a toss.

There is also the other aspect, that of the sudden upsurge of minorityism, which has come to define the UPA Government's policies. From education to quotas, disbursement of development funds to meek acceptance of fatwa (remember Gudiya and Imrana?) that are antipodean to the law of the land, from sneakily conducting a Muslim headcount of the armed forces to mollycoddling minority educational institutions, and, from repealing the Prevention of Terrorism Act to subverting the Supreme Court's verdict against the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act, the Congress and its allies in the UPA and the Left are perceived as bending over backwards to appease the Islamists and cravenly succumbing to their basest demands.

Yes, there were terror attacks when the BJP-led NDA Government was in power, and some of them were astonishingly daring. There was an assault on the Jammu & Kashmir legislature, terrorists struck Parliament House complex, jihadis assaulted Akshardham Temple.

But there was tough retaliatory action, too. Even the most cursory glance through the anti-terrorism record of the NDA regime will show that there was a certain resolve of the Government of India to fight this scourge. That resolve, tragically, has been severely diluted by the UPA regime.

<b>It is, therefore, not surprising that the rash of terror attacks that have taken place after the return of the Congress and its cheerleaders to power should have been carried out by jihadis among us;</b> they may have been inspired by foreign role models and Pakistani masters, but they were born in India.

The impact of the UPA Government's shameless pandering to fanaticism disguised as minority assertion is there for all to see. If the fidayeen attack on the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya last July and the subsequent serial bombings in Delhi on the eve of Diwali were fierce expressions of incipient Islamism, the bombings at Sankat Mochan Temple and the railway station in Varanasi on the eve of Holi, preceded by the public demonstrations of jihadi might, mark the coming of age of that which all of India must unanimously deplore - <b>homegrown militant Islam</b>.

<b>Mainstream India should be worried. Very, very worried.</b>

For any comments, queries or feedback, kindly mail us at feedback@dailypioneer.com or pioneerletters@yahoo.co.in
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>UP is sitting on the powder keg. According to the intelligence agencies, nearly half of the total 70 districts have the Islamic terrorists´ module operating, with many sleeping operatives. Kanpur is the nerve centre of anti-national activities. The largest city of Uttar Pradesh, with large floating population, provides avenues and shelter to Islamic terrorist outfits like Jaish-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Ansar and SIMI, in particular. The nexus between criminals and political dons, getting political patronage, provides a new dimension. The likes of Mukhtar Ansari, MLA of Mau, now charged with the murder of BJP MLA Krishnanand Rai, and Atiq Ahmed, SP MP from Allahabad besides Siwan MP Shahabuddin have caused deep concern for the law and order agencies of UP. In Mau police were allegedly carrying out Ansari's dictates while a particular community was being targeted with impunity. It was only after the present Governor T.V. Rajeshwar put his foot down that Ansari was put behind the bars.</b>


<b>Bukhari plans Muslim confederation</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->March 17, 2006 15:36 IST

Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid Syed Ahmed Bukhari has intiated a move to bring <b>all Muslim religious and political groups under one platform to evolve a joint strategy for social, economic and educational uplift of the minorities.</b>

The Imam has convened a National Conference of Muslims in New Delhi on Saturday, which is being attended by over 300 top Muslim clerics, scholars and religious heads. They will discuss ways and means to form a confederation that will take care of socio-economic problems of 160 million Muslims.

<b>Hurriyat Conference chairman Moulvi Omer Farooq will also be present </b>at the conference. He is expected to present his views on the current political scenario in Jammu and Kashmir.

<b>Jamait-Ulemai Hind chief Maulana Arshad Madni, vice-president of Jamaat Islami Professir Munis Shafi, general secretary of Majlis Mushwarat Maulana Ameeduzaman Kairinavi, top Islamic scholar Sheikh Abu-Baker Qadri, Bharti Majlis chief Jaweed Habib and Maulana Fazul-Qasmi will attend the day-long meet to iron out differences and work towards the common goal of launching a joint movement for minorities' rights, Syed Ahmed Bukhari said</b>.

"Our goal is to meet leaders of all political parties and to seek their support for removing economic and educational backwardness of minorities. For the past 59 years, nothing concrete has been done in this regard," Qari Mian Mohammed Mazhari and Chaudhry Rahat, co-convenors of the Conference said.

They said that a 10-point agenda has been circulated to the delegates, which would be the main focus of the deliberation.

This includes compensation for<b> Gujarat riots, Constitutional amendment for restoring minority status of the Aligarh Muslim University and resolution of the Kashmir issue through dialogue.</b>

Former cabinet secretary Zafar Saifullah, former union minister C M Ibrahim and Qazi of Kanpur Qari Abdul Sami will present their views on educational problems of the community.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Now they are getting involved in Indian security issue. This is very dangerous for India.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Sickle mullahs</b>
By Arun Lakshman
The Malappuram state conference of the CPI(M) in 2005 was unique in that the party choose that place only to pander to retrograde minority sentiments. The Marxists had selected Malappuram, the district with the heaviest concentration of Muslims, after the victory of its leader, TK Hamza, from Manjeri in the last Lok Sabha polls. Hamza's triumph upset the applecart of the Muslim League. The latter had always taken the constituency for granted and it had retained it through successive election with huge margins. Once the Marxists tasted blood, they decided to consolidate their party's hold in the area to ensure that it was no one off. Incidentally, the creation of Malappuram is linked to their former general secretary, EMS Namboodiripad.

Inaugurating the reception committee office of the Malappuram state conference, the state secretary, Pinarayi Vijayan, said that <b>the party had chosen Malappuram to showcase its concerns for Muslims with a view to strengthening its bonds with the community. A pravasi organisation based in West Asia, considered the arm of the CPI(M) in the Gulf, had conducted a conference six months prior to the Malappuram meet where the decorative arches were filled with portraits of Variyam Kunnath Kunhahmad Haji and Chembrasseri Thangal, the leaders of the infamous Moplah riots of 1921. </b>These events proved the extent to which the Marxists are dependant on icons of Islamic fundamentalism for their political survival and the lengths to which they would go to mollify communal sentiments.

<b>The Malappuram state conference tried to out shadow the Congress, Muslim League and even Islamic forces in promoting the cause of pan-Islamism</b>. The town - in fact the entire district - was decorated with posters and giant cutouts of Saddam Hussein and Yasser Arafat. It was <b>difficult to understand what the theme of the conference was: Islamic brotherhood or world revolution</b>. There were even posters and banners with messages and drawings pointing out <b>connections between Islamic fundamentalism and "revolutionary dogma" spun by Marx and Engels.</b> It was clear that the CPI(M) was out to convey the message to Muslims that they would be prepared to perform handstands to impress the Muslims. Quite naturally, the minds of ordinary <b>Malayalees were bombarded by images of Muslim barbarity from the past, particularly the experience of Nadapuram</b>, a Communist stronghold in north Kerala.

<b>The Muslim League, of course, feels justified in keeping Islamist fundamentalism alive and kicking</b>. In the recent district committee meeting held in Malappuram, there were huge billboards depicting E Ahmad, the Minister of State for External Affairs in the Manmohan government, holding the hand of the hardline Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The slogan below the picture read: "Not to be separated but to be closer."

The question which nationalists may find entitled to ask is: Why are foreign mascots used by nationalist claiming political parties? During the first Gulf war, several streets and villages in the Muslim pockets of Kerala were renamed "Saddam Street" and "Saddam village". <b>Political workers, both of the Left and Muslim camps, competed with each other for space in the Islamic vision of a just world order.</b> Massive protest marches were held throughout the state against the US strike in Iraq, and now it's the turn of Iran to be at the centre of that competition.

In the Muslim stronghold of Karuvarakkundu, youths showing support to the Muslim League, with the support of certain office bearers of a mosque committee, have issued a <b>fatwa against Muslims who joined the Communist parties.</b> They had taken out some points from a book written by a West Asia-based Islamic preacher, Yusuf-ul- Khardawi, in which he had criticised Communism. There were issues in the area based on this and <b>fatwas were issued threatening non-burial after death to those Muslims to turned Communist.</b>

Islamic organisations, whether moderate or extremist, are nowadays falling over each other to invite <b>Ul-Khardawi </b>to their conferences and meetings. This can be directly linked to a new phenomenon of inviting Islamic leaders from abroad, especially West Asia, for meetings and conferences organised by almost all Islamic groups. Some office bearers of these organisations told The Pioneer that <b>these people are invited mainly to show them the "progress of the work" conducted by them - either construction of a mosques or an orphanage - with petrodollar donations. </b>In Kozhikode alone, there are organisations which used to collect huge funds from individuals and governments from the Gulf region.

The recent deliberations within the CPI(M) regarding its chief ministerial candidate, VS Achuthanandan, also had its origins in the minority appeasement issue. Achuthanandan was cleverly pushed out from the poll fray. The reason furnished by state leaders before the central committee was that he was "anti-minority" and "anti-development". <b>The Muslim League had also pillored Achuthanandan as being anti-mino</b>rity. If both these statements are read together, one can find some interesting similarities. The CPI(M) has decided to enter the poll fray by projecting Paloli Mohammed Kutty, a veteran leader, as the chief minister candidate. But whether this is a ploy to woo Muslims or based on some genuine superiority over Achuthanandan can only be ascertained after the polls. 
This cartton from Tibune goes with the above article.

"Sickle Mullahs"

<img src='http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060317/edit1.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />
<b>The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India </b>
K.S. Lal
Voice of India, New Delhi


Abbreviations used in references

Chapter 1 - The Medieval Age
Chapter 2 - Historiography of Medieval India
Chapter 3 - Muslims Invade India
Chapter 4 - Muslim Rule in India
Chapter 5 - Upper Classes and Luxurious Life
Chapter 6 - Middle Classes and Protest Movements
Chapter 7 - Lower Classes and Unmitigated Exploitation
Chapter 8 - The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India


<b>Indian Muslims Who Are They </b>
K.S. Lal
Voice of India, New Delhi


Indian Muslims : Prologue
Chapter 1 - Early Muslims
Chapter 2 - Rise of Muslims under the Sultanate
Chapter 3 - Proselytization in Provincial Muslim Kingdoms
Chapter 4 - Growth under the Mughals
Chapter 5 - Factors Contributing to the Growth of Muslim Population
Chapter 6 - Factors which Checked Islamization of India


Return to Roots : Emancipation of Indian Muslims/K.S. Lal. New Delhi, Radha, 2002, xii, 182 p., ISBN 81-7487-245-0.

1. Islam fails to Islamize India.
2. Indian Muslims remain half-Hindus.
3. Islam versus Hinduism.
4. Indian Muslims at crossroads.
5. Competition in conversion.
6. Need to return to Hindu roots.
7. The world of Hinduism.
8. Advantages of home coming.
Bibliography. Index.

"Return to Roots : Emancipation of Indian Muslims is an attempt to educate Indian Muslims in this direction. The author’s earlier book, Indian Muslims: Who are they (1990), and the present one go together. The first discusses how Indian Muslims came into being, the second dwells on how they can return to their roots and to peace. Naturally there is some repetition in the two books, particularly with regard to the making of the Indian Muslim Community. V.S. Naipaul also deals with a similar theme. He does not deal with India but with Islamic countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, Iran and Pakistan. But his study is very relevant to India also because Indian Muslims world-view is similar to the world-view of Muslims in other Islamic countries. His two books, Among the Believers (1980) and Beyond Belief: Excursions among the converted peoples (1998), also go together. They comprise oral history. Naipaul has found that countries which were once overrun by the revealed religions, are trying to seek their old links, their old religions. The phenomenon is world-wide. Europe and the Americas, in particular South America, which were once flooded with revealed religions are trying to rediscover their old deities, their old tribes. But it is different in Islamic countries. There Islamic fundamentalism suppresses freedom of inquiry. Among Muslims, the converts learn to lose regard for the land of their birth and the culture of their ancestors. They try to erase their past, and though they were once victims of an aggression, they are now on the side of the aggressor. This is exactly what has happened in India too. But India never became an Islamic country. Its ethos has continued to remain Hindu. Even Indian Muslims have not lost their Hindu moorings altogether. So, India can still be saved to live in peace.

"Arab Muslims call Indian Muslims Hindus. So also do the precision-seeking French. Therefore, if in place of asserting their separate identity, Indian Muslims could gather enough courage to reassert their original identity, all differences will disappear and peace will return to this vast land—from Afghanistan to Bangladesh and from Kashmir to Kanyakumari." (jacket) <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
4. <b>The trend towards the radicalisation of the Indian Muslim youth started in the late 1980s when the late Rajiv Gandhi was the Prime Minister. Groups of Muslim youth from Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) started going across the Line of Control (LOC) to Pakistan and were trained and armed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)</b>. After the training, some of them were taken to Afghanistan to get an exposure to jihad as practised by the Afghan Mujahideen. The Indian intelligence missed this development. <b>It was detected by KHAD, the then Afghan intelligence service, which alerted the then Afghan President Najibullah, who, in turn, alerted Rajiv Gandhi.</b>

5. <b>Around the same time, a small group of Indian Muslim youth from outside J&K, headed by one Bashir, a Keralite, of the Students' Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), clandestinely went to Pakistan and met Qazi Hussain Ahmed and other leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI). </b>Thereafter, they were trained in a camp organised by the JEI and their instructor was a Sudanese, who gave his name Salauddin. During their discussions, the ISI and the JEI urged the SIMI to operate jointly with the terrorist organisations of J & K and the Khalistani terrorists of Punjab.

6. <b>The Indian intelligence missed this development too</b>. The visit of the SIMI team to Pakistan and its training there came to notice for the first time during an interrogation of a member of the SIMI belonging to Uttar Pradesh, who was arrested in connection with some explosions in trains organised by the SIMI after the demolition of the Babri Masjid by a group of Hindutva cadres in December, 2002. The arrested SIMI member also disclosed during the interrogation that Salauddin, accompanied by an office-bearer of the JEI, had subsequently visited Uttar Pradesh clandestinely and discussed with the SIMI office-bearers their future plans.

7. The year 1993 saw the beginning of the infiltration of the Pakistani jihadi terrorist organisations by the ISI into J&K and their spread to other parts of India. These Pakistani organisations had three agendas---- a Kashmiri agenda to have J&K annexed with Pakistan;<b> an Indian agenda to drive a wedge between the Hindus and the Muslims and to "liberate" the Muslims of North and South India and set up two more independent "Muslim homelands"; and a pan-Islamic agenda to work towards an Islamic Caliphate in South Asia, which would ultimately form part of an international Islamic Caliphate.</b>

8. The Indian Muslim youth looked with suspicion at their pan-Islamic agenda because, in their view, pan- Islamism meant adoption of the anti-US policies of the Al Qaeda and the IIF. They were not prepared to do this. The Kashmiri terrorist organisations felt that they would not be able to achieve their political objective without the implicit support, if not the complicity, of the US. This view was shared by the Muslim youth in other parts of India too.

9. The Pakistani jihadi terrorist organisations, which are members of the IIF, as well as Al Qaeda itself, therefore, faced difficulty in recruiting members or supporters from the Muslim youth in India. <b>The first Indian Muslim recruits to the Pakistani jihadi terrorist organisations came not from India, but from the Indian Muslim diaspora in the Gulf where the Indian Muslim youth were easily infected by the anti-US feelings of the Arabs.</b>

10. The LET (Lashkar-e-Toiba) set up branches in Dubai and Saudi Arabia and the HUJI (Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami) in Dubai. Their objective was to recruit Indian Muslims from the local diaspora and to co-ordinate their operations in Western and Southern India from the Gulf. Al Qaeda was not able to get supporters from the Indian Muslim youth even in the Gulf. However, it managed to get the support of two Gujarati Muslims----one living in the UK and the other in South Africa. The Muslim living in the UK (Bilal al-Hindi), whose family had migrated to the UK from East Africa, was frequently used by Al Qaeda to visit the US, Thailand and even India to collect information for possible use in Al Qaeda's anti-US operations. The name of the Muslim from South Africa came up in connection with the London explosions of July last year. However, no further details of his alleged links with Al Qaeda are available.

11. <b>Till August, 2003, the success of the LET and the HUJI in recruiting Indian Muslims was confined largely to the diaspora in the Gulf.</b> Since the twin bomb explosions in Mumbai in August, 2003, there are indications that the LET and other Pakistani organisations have made a break-through in overcoming the resistance of the Indian Muslim youth to their joining the Pakistani jihadi organisations. Till August 2003, the SIMI was prepared to take assistance from the Pakistani organisations and the ISI for carrying out its own anti-Hindu agenda, but it was disinclined to help the Pakistani organisations in recruiting members in India for their pan-Islamic and anti-US agenda.

12. Despite some Indian Muslim youth in Mumbai, New Delhi, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh joining the Pakistani member-organisations of the IIF, the Muslim youth in other parts of India, in deference to the wishes of the Kashmiri organisations, which still count on support from the US, took care not to adopt an anti-US line. This was evident from the fact that the Indian Muslims by and large did not demonstrate when the US launched its military operations against Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan in October, 2001, and invaded and occupied Iraq in March-April, 2003. The allegations over the violation of the human rights of the Muslims by US security forces in Abu Garaib and the Guantanamo Bay also did not evoke any significant protest demonstrations from the Indian Muslim youth.
14. Since then, anti-US and anti-Western feelings have become an important motivating factor of sections of the Indian Muslim youth. The result: Their gravitating towards the IIF in larger numbers than in the past and their willingness to join in or organise anti-US demonstrations either over the affair of the Danish cartoons caricaturising their Holy Prophet or over the visit of President Bush to India.

15.<b> The number of Indian Muslim youth involved in anti-US activities and in support of the pan-Islamic objectives of Al Qaeda and the IIF is estimated to be still small, but larger than in the past. For the first time, this could provide an opening to Al Qaeda and the IIF to recruit Indian Muslim youth for their terrorist strikes directed against the US.</b> Till now, the Indian Muslim youth, whether in India or the Gulf or in the West, were not subject to the same close surveillance by the Western intelligence agencies as the Arabs and the Pakistanis were. <b>Thus, recruitment of Indian Muslims in India or abroad would provide Al Qaeda and the IIF with the possibility of recruiting volunteers for their anti-US operations, who will be able to evade detection by the Western intelligence agencies much easier than the Arabs or the Pakistanis. This is a danger which should not be lightly dismissed</b>.

<i>(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute for Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: itschen36@gmail.com)</i> <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<b>Indian Muslims and the Bush Visit </b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Another concurrent issue for Indian Muslims was the continuous and persistence demonizing of Muslims as terrorists all around the world. The barrage of Bush threats against imaginary and concocted terrorist Muslim organisations, left no doubt with the Indian Muslim masses, that US is prepared to unleash a global crusade against Islam and now courting India, to enlist and exploit its military and strategic resources, to use against them in India as well as against Muslim countries around the world. No day passed without Bush and his administration, with Jewish controlled media ! within the US and through its proxies around the world and even in India, coming out with vicious propaganda against Muslims and Islam.

<b>In fact, without Muslim voters supporting the so-called 'secular' Indian National Congress, Congress would not have been able to rule India for its first 40 years, with such stable and loyal electoral majority.</b>

<b>Apparently Indian Muslim's internal concerns do not form the real basis of their anti-Bush reaction.</b> It is Indian Muslims' concern for their international brotherhood and their commitment to Islam and its identity that translate their image of the US in general and US President as sworn enemies and thus encourages them to mobilize and forge unity among their own fractured polity.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Mar 17 2006, 10:34 PM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Mar 17 2006, 10:34 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Sickle mullahs</b>
By Arun Lakshman
In the Muslim stronghold of Karuvarakkundu, youths showing support to the Muslim League, with the support of certain office bearers of a mosque committee, have issued a <b>fatwa against Muslims who joined the Communist parties.</b> They had taken out some points from a book written by a West Asia-based Islamic preacher, Yusuf-ul- Khardawi, in which he had criticised Communism. There were issues in the area based on this and <b>fatwas were issued threatening non-burial after death to those Muslims to turned Communist.</b>...
I don't thnk there can any more doubt that communism comprises a religion in the abrahamic mold.
<!--QuoteBegin-"Arun_S"+-->QUOTE("Arun_S")<!--QuoteEBegin-->March 23, 2006
Overriding Need To Move Towards National Consensus


It has happened, and it goes on happening, and will happen again. These were opening lines of my book, My Frozen Turbulence in Kashmir, published in 1990-91. I had penned them because I had come to the conclusion that India had acquired political and administrative ethos which were terrorism-conducive and not terrorism-repelling. The state had become too soft and its institutions too soulless. Disruption and demagogy had penetrated too deep into the texture of its democracy. And narrow ends of personal and political power had attained total ascendancy.

<b>Spiritual capital</b>
In this environment, I was left with no doubt in my mind that terrorism-related incidents will continue, be they in the form of kidnapping of a Union home minister's daughter, Dr Rubaiya Sayeed, as happened at Srinagar in December 1989, or in the form of bomb blasts that subsequently occurred in the administrative capital of India, Delhi; the financial capital Mumbai; and the technological capital, Bangalore. And if any further confirmation of my proposition was needed, it was provided, on 7 March, by the terrorist attack on Varanasi, the spiritual capital of the country, where the Trinity the Ganges, Siva and Kashi  have ever been watchful.

Having seen the past through the spectacle of history, I knew that no one could escape the tragic consequences of being blind to the negative forces that determined the mind and motivation of those who held the levers of power-structure of the state in their hands.

Contrast the terrorism-related situation in India with that arising from the pro-democracy movement centred around Tiananmen Square, in China. Once the Chinese state came to believe that what was happening would imperil the stability of the country, cause large-scale public disorder and divert the attention and resources of the nation from development to internal conflicts, which could be further fanned by external forces, it moved with great clarity and vision, keeping at bay the cacophony of the human rights bodies and armchair intellectuals and hand wringers. After a few days, China was wholly out of the woods. Today, it is a powerful and peaceful state, attaining unprecedented pace in economic development, earning applause and prestige all around the world.

On the other hand, India remains engulfed not only in bloody terrorism but also in a number of internal and external fallouts. The inherent disinclination of the state and its governing machinery to take the bull by the horns and adopt a strong, sustained and focused approach, has cost the nation dearly.

<b>China's consistency</b>
What I am commending here, I must clarify, is not the Chinese methodology of dealing with the problem but the clarity and consistency of its approach and the overwhelming importance it accords to the need for maintaining national integrity and stability. Incidentally, even if figures of fatal casualties of demonstrators at Tiananmen Square, between 1000 and 5000, as given by Europa World Year Book, are accepted, they look insignificant when compared to about 100,000 killings that have occurred in India in the wake of terrorism that has been menacing the country since the 1980s.

In fact, terrorism has been with us in one form or the other for the last five decades or so. Soon after Independence, Telengana became red hot, and insurgency started showing its bloody fangs in the north-east. The Naxalite's spring thunder over West Bengal and Bihar was not far behind. In the late sixties, the horizon of these two states remained clouded by those who sought power through the barrel of the gun. Assam, Punjab and Kashmir had also their long dates with one of the most savage and ruthless forms of terrorism. Its bullets and bombs consumed two of our Prime Ministers, a chief minister and a retired Chief of Army Staff. Even those leaders who were not occupying any position in the government, like Sant Harchand Singh Longowal were not spared.

In Kashmir, about 44,000 persons fell victims to terrorism. A number of eminent leaders of the Pandit community were gunned down in broad daylight. A dreadful atmosphere was created, forcing virtually the entire community to flee the valley. Even Charar-e-Sharief, the famous 550-year old Dargah of Kashmir's patron-saint, Sheikh Nuruddin Noorani, was burnt down. The Kashmir Legislative Assembly and the Indian Parliament, too, were attacked. In the meanwhile, about 40 per cent of the geographical area, involving about 200 districts in 13 states, came to be menaced by Naxal terrorism. On account of this brand of terrorism, 892 persons lost their lives in 2005.

Despite the spread of terrorism, in different hues and colours, over a large part of the country and also over a long span of time, the Bourbons of the political establishment are refusing to rise above petty considerations of politics and power. On the other hand, negative and nihilist forces are getting stronger. The recent happenings in connection with the Danish cartoons issue provide a striking example of the extent to which exploitative attitudes could be adopted to secure petty political gains. The adverse effect of fanning the forces of fanaticism and fundamentalism were totally ignored. Similarly, those political elements who resorted to bellicosity in the wake of the Varanasi bomb blasts showed little understanding of the overriding need to move towards a national consensus and put up a united front against the forces of disruption.

<b>Gradual drift</b>
It should be clear to all of us that for too long the nation has been bled by terrorists; for too long the Indian state has exposed its soft under-belly to saboteurs; for too long political parties have resorted to petty manipulation; and for too long the overall ethos of governance has been allowed to deteriorate.

It is time that the leadership of the political parties scans the past with the seriousness and sensitivity that is required, draws the right kind of lessons from it and works out a unified strategy to reorient the country's polity to revitalise its institutions, to invest its democracy with a new meaning and purpose and to combat subversion and terrorism with unwavering determination. A foreign hand is undoubtedly there; but it is our disjointed approach that helps it to extend its reach far and wide.

If correctives are not applied immediately, terrorism will continue to bedevil us, and the country will soon be sucked into the cockpit of democratic anarchy, notwithstanding its current encouraging rate of economic growth , its strides in science and technology, its high status as a knowledge power and its recent nuclear deal with the United States.
The writer is a former Governor of the State of Jammu & Kashmir in India.

Courtesy : The Statesman</i><!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<b>Centre looking into Islamic courts issue</b>
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->NEW DELHI: The Centre on Monday assured the Supreme Court that it was looking into the issue of alleged existence of Islamic and Shariat courts in the country posing challenge to the Indian judicial system.

"We are looking into the matter. We have to collect information from all over the country," Additional Solicitor General Gopal Subramanian told a Bench comprising Justice Ruma Pal and Justice Dalveer Bhandari............<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
See this URDU site


I found it in the bhatkal site


Can anybody figure it out


Forum Jump:

Users browsing this thread: 1 Guest(s)