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Monitoring Indian Communists - 2

<b>In God we trust - 'The Marxist attempts to "defend the indefensible"
smack of hypocrisy'</b>

<i>That's the word from the CPM. Debashis Bhattacharyya - reports on the
conflicts between Marxism and religion</i>
From: The Telegraph (Kolkata) 24 September 2006

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Sitting in his small, book-cluttered "home office" inside the CPM's
headquarters in Calcutta's Alimuddin Street, Benoy Konar fishes out a
bidi from his kurta pocket, lights it and takes a deep puff. As the
smoke curls up, the 76-year-old Marxist watches it, coughs a little
and then, with a wave of his hand, dismisses all the arguments about
the "so-called" conflicts between Marxism and religion.

"A believer can be a Marxist. There is nothing wrong with it," Konar,
a peasant leader and member of the CPM's state committee,
says. "Marxists believe in dialectical materialism but are not
necessarily atheists."

Such words — coming from a veteran Marxist — might sound a tad odd.
But times change and so do the Marxists. Gone are the days when
communist leaders studiedly shunned religion — especially public
display of religiosity — as it went against the basic tenets of

They now not only visit temples to "seek blessings" but also hop from
one puja pandal to another, cutting ribbons. The phenomenon is not
restricted to Bengal's ruling party for three decades, though. If
West Bengal transport minister Subhas Chakraborty, photographed
offering puja at a temple in Bengal's Birbhum district barely 10 days
ago, sees nothing wrong with the puja, since he's "a Hindu and a
Brahmin" besides being a Marxist, two CPM legislators from Kerala who
had taken their oath "in the name of God" in the Assembly in May have
shown no remorse either. And in both cases, the party squirmed in
embarrassment, but has done little else to the "believers" who, in
the words of a former Marxist functionary, "would have been summarily
expelled from the party in our day".

Apart from a rap on the knuckles in public by his mentor and former
Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu, the CPM's Bengal unit has virtually
let Chakraborty off with a slap on the wrist. He was summoned to the
party's state committee meeting a couple of days ago to "explain" his
position after the media widely covered his visit to the temple. But
later, CPM Bengal secretary Biman Bose made it clear that the
transport minister was "neither show-caused nor censured" but was
asked to "clear the air" in public. Then, all Chakraborty did was
express a feeble regret saying he had not realised his going to the
temple would spark off a controversy. "I have been to many temples
before in different parts of the country but have never faced this
(controversy)," the Marxist minister told reporters.

Things are no different in the CPM's Kerala state unit. There, too,
the party has not been able to lift a finger to reprimand — let alone
punish — the "religious-minded" legislators, Aisha Potti, the Marxist-
ruled state's first Brahmin woman MLA, and M.M. Monayi, a practising
Christian. "We don't censure any party leaders for their ignorance or
backward consciousness. We try to indoctrinate them into the Marxist
way of thinking," says Kerala education minister M.A. Baby, who is a
member of the CPM's central committee.

If wooing private and foreign capital is the new economic credo of
the ruling Left in Bengal, born-again Marxists see no contradiction
between having faith in God and Marxism at the same time. An irony
indeed, given the communist propensity to use Marx's overused dictum
that "religion is the opium of the people…" (see box ). If anything,
the party is now falling back on "a technicality" to justify the act
of its leaders. "Our party constitution does not make it mandatory
for a member to be a non-believer. So you can be a member of the
party and still practise your religion," CPM Rajya Sabha MP Nilotpal
Basu says.

To be fair, the communist parties in the country, particularly the
CPM, have never been "anti-religion" as such. But there was always a
strict guideline — an unwritten code of conduct — when it came to
religion. According to a senior CPM leader, the party permitted
religious activities in private but strongly objected to its members
participating in public acts of religious faith. In other words, you
could be a devout believer in private and an ardent Marxist in

But the thick Marxist curtain that has long concealed the religious
activities of the party leaders from the public view is fraying at
the edges — and the truth is peeking out. Rajashri Dasgupta of the
Calcutta-based Centre for Studies in Social Sciences says the
distinction between the private and public domain of a Marxist does
not hold any more. "The Subhas Chakraborty episode has amply
demonstrated this. What they practised in private is now spilling
over into the public," he says. Dasgupta has extensively studied the
religiosity of Bengal's Marxists.

Not everyone is convinced about the way the Marxist leaders are
trying to explain away the conduct of their "God-fearing" comrades-in-
arms. A Jadavpur University professor, who is well versed in
Marxism, says the Marxist attempts to "defend the indefensible" smack
of hypocrisy. "God is simply an untenable concept in Marxism, which
is rooted in rationalism," he says.

Some also view the Marxist "change of heart" as a "failure" of the
ideology. "Marxism has collapsed all over the world for a number of
reasons, especially its failure to come to terms with the religious
needs of the people," Trinamul Congress MP Sougata Roy says.

Opposition parties also see a "blatant" political opportunism in the
CPM endorsing the religious belief of its members. "It's not possible
to be a Marxist and go to capitalists for investment. At the same
time, it's not possible to be a Marxist and go to temples," BJP
Bengal president Tathagata Roy says. "But they are doing both just to
hang on to power and control the lives of people."

Yet in some ways, social scientists say Marxists in India had never
really strayed very far from the country's deep religious
traditions. "<b>Historically, upper caste Hindu men dominated the
communist movement in the country and it would be wrong to say that
all of them have given up their religious identity for Marxism," says
Dasgupta of the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences.</b>

True, the social, linguistic, caste and religious identities of the
people are too strong for any political party to ignore in India.
Aisha Potti, a Marxist lawyer who got elected from Kollam district in
Kerala, says she preferred to be sworn in "in the name of God" as she
has never given up her religious faith despite being "committed" to
her party.

CPM leaders cite examples of the Christians, Buddhists and Muslims
participating in communist movements in Latin America, East Europe,
Vietnam and China. "Lenin said even a priest could become a communist
if he is ready to fight for the oppressed," Kerala education minister
Baby says.

Yet the dilemma over religion persists as Indian Marxists grapple
with the idea of marrying a rationalistic ideology with the
country's "social reality". For all its public posturing, the CPM
hasn't clearly approved of what Subhas Chakraborty has done. Konar
says Marxists are supposed to be rational, materialistic and
secular. "<b>It's unbecoming for a Marxist leader to go to a temple and
then brag about his Hindu identity.</b> We should not act like
preachers," says the veteran CPM leader, frowning upon Chakraborty's
visit to the temple.

And there are differences between the communist parties. The CPI, the
party the CPM was born of, feels Marxism and religion are not
compatible. "As Marxists, we don't believe in God or any supernatural
power. We are materialistic and seek to end the injustice and
exploitation of the people by the people. There is no God involved in
this battle," CPI Rajya Sabha MP Gurudas Dasgupta says.

Clearly, there is a chasm between what the Marxists preach and
practise. In the 1980s, E.M.S. Namboodripad, the late Marxist
ideologue, would not let Kerala Congress (Joseph) supreme P.J. Joseph
into the Left Democratic Front unless he disowned the bishops
publicly. Now the Kerala leadership feels no compunction about
letting party legislators take an oath in the name of God even
though, Baby says, they do not "encourage leaders to go to church or

In politics, ideology often takes a back seat as expediency takes
over. Some say it's not unusual for the CPM to wink at the
religiosity of its members. "This is simply the consequence of a
Marxist party trying to survive in a parliamentary democracy. The CPM
has to take into account popular sentiments and cannot afford to be
seen as irreligious in Indian context," says Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya,
a political scientist, who has widely surveyed the ruling Left
Front's successful reform programme.

More than anything else, Bhattacharyya says the CPM, to stay in
power, has transformed itself to a party of accommodation and
mediation. "The coexistence of different thoughts is inevitable
within the party as it accommodates conflicting forces, including
those who believe in religion," he says.

Some Marxist leaders feel taking a hardline and purging the party of
believers could send many into "the clutches" of the BJP, something
the CPM can ill afford politically. After all, it's the BJP that is
the Left party's ideological enemy number one.

Shyamal Chakraborty, president of the Bengal CITU, the CPM's powerful
trade union arm, believes the party is "flexible" when it comes to
religion. And for good reasons. Chakraborty says most festivals in
the country are religious by nature and it's hard to keep the
Marxists away from them. "How can a municipal councillor or an MLA or
an MP say no when puja organisers invite them to pandals? Marxists
live in society and have to participate in social and cultural
festivals like Durga puja," says Chakraborty, a former minister in
the Jyoti Basu government.

A CPM minister says the political cost of turning down requests
to "cut ribbons" at the puja can be very high. "Don't forget these
are the people who vote for us and stay with us year round as many of
the puja organisers are our workers," he says bluntly.

Not all Marxists share that viewpoint, however. Konar, for instance,
says he is personally against party leaders inaugurating a puja or
attending an iftaar party. "Such acts can be misleading," he says.

But make no mistake, Marxists are no longer squeamish about
displaying their religious faith. After all, as Konar puts it,
Marxists, being secular, are the "most religious" people around. "We
are not disrespectful of God. Nor do we blame God for all our ills
and pains unlike the so-called religious parties," the veteran
Marxist says, stubbing out the bidi.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--emo&:cool--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/specool.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='specool.gif' /><!--endemo--> EC: No Maoist symbols in panchayat polls
Sandeep Mishra
[ 24 Sep, 2006 2342hrs ISTTIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

RSS Feeds| SMS NEWS to 8888 for latest updates

BHUBANESWAR: The Maoist fear runs deep in Orissa. So much so that the state Election Commission has, for the first time, decided against allowing symbols associated with the Left radicals during the panchayat polls.

"In view of the objections raised by some district collectors, we have decided to drop axe from the list of 'free symbols' this time," said state election commissioner Sanjeeb Chandra Hota on Sunday.

"We will accordingly give instructions to the government press, which will start printing ballot papers soon. We will think of an alternate symbol," he said.

Hota decided in favour of doing away with the axe after some district collectors requested him to reconsider the use of axe and bow and arrow as poll symbols during the ensuing three-tier rural elections.

Official sources said, "The axe can be dropped as it is a 'free symbol', but 'bow and arrow' can't be ignored as EC has allotted it to a political party."

The collectors had cited legal provisions which allow public display of election symbols during the poll process and said axe and other such symbols could lead to law and order problems.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>'Lavish' lifestyle fuels bush war in Kerala CPM </b>
VR Jayaraj | Kochi
The simmering power struggle between the hardliners and the neo-liberals in the CPI(M)'s Kerala unit has taken a new turn with party conservatives taking an increasingly dim view of the lavish lifestyle of "reformist" Marxist Ministers in Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan's LDF Government.

The immediate bone of contention is <b>the expenditure incurred by Marxist Ministers in renovating their official residence</b>, apart from hiring secretaries and spending public money on hosting conferences to promote themselves rather than the Government or the party. These Ministers are known to belong to the "reformist" faction led by State secretary Pinarayi Vijayan.

A party State committee member cites statistics to prove his point of wasteful expenditure by these Ministers. Of the <b>total expenditure of Rs 25,33,100 incurred by seven CPI(M) Ministers on renovating their official residence, Rs 17,40,600 has been spent by just one man: Home and Tourism Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, who is said to be Vijayan's closest lieutenant.</b>

<b>"That is how things are working in the party these days. We are not surprised. Kodiyeri and his family have very expensive tastes,"</b> he said, adding, <b>"When you are Minister, you don't bring money from home to gold-plate the walls of your official residence." </b>

Two other Ministers, known for their proximity to Vijayan, Education Minister MA Baby and Power Minister AK Balan, are also being seen as having splurged on renovating their official residence.

The State committee member points out that<b> Baby, "who loves state-of-the-art gadgets and modern living conditions in personal life", has spent Rs 1,52,800 on renovation after shifting to his official residence, while Balan, who also looks after Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes welfare, has spent Rs 1,95,400</b>.

In sharp contrast, the veteran Marxist, who believes that party leaders in Government must lead an austere life and practice what they preach, points out that he <b>Achuthanandan has spent only Rs 68,400 on renovating his official residence. "VS is a pure proletarian by birth, growth and responsibility," </b>adds admiringly ...............

hahaha!! Commies are shameless, nothing will change. These people are calling BJP "5 Star party".

Part one of two


Part two

<b>Sleeping with the enemy</b>
<i>The CPI-M wants PLA front companies here.</i>
<b>Party time for comrades as CPM announces pay hike </b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->New Delhi: After making them slog for decades for a pittance, the Left has finally decided to hike the wages of its full-time activists to give them a slightly better standard of living.

Across the country, "whole timers" - as they are known - <b>are eagerly waiting for the windfall promised to them by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), which pays a monthly fixed wage, or salary, to its estimated 25,000 activists.</b>

<b>The lowest monthly slab is now Rs 1,500, which is barely enough to give a decent lifestyle.</b>

If the CPM decision to pay its "whole timers" the minimum wages prescribed by Centre and state governments for unskilled labour is implemented, this amount is likely to rise by a few hundred rupees.

That, party activists say, is something they badly require. "It's a good step," said K Veeriah, a 32-year-old activist who has been with the party since 1997.

Veeriah, who works at the <b>CPM headquarters here as a personal assistant to politburo member Sitaram Yechury, earns Rs 3,300 a month - just a few hundred more than what courier company delivery boys in the city get. Mercifully, his accommodation and family's medical expenses are taken care of by the party</b>.

But he doesn't get to take home even the meagre monthly amount that comes his way although that is less than the notified wage for an unskilled labourer in the national capital.

Worse,<b> Veeriah has to pay around Rs 600 to the party as "levy" annually. This is mandatory for all members.</b>

But Veeriah, the single breadwinner in his family that includes a school-going child, says he does not feel bad. "We find it difficult to meet the expenses in an expensive city like Delhi. It is our commitment to ideology that drives us," Veeriah told IANS.

But mere ideology, the party is realising, cannot fill people's stomachs, not in this age. The CPM says it does not differentiate between the wages of an ordinary "whole timer" and a party leader. Even Yechury or party general secretary Prakash Karat draw more or less the same amount as the others.

<b>But senior leaders get some extra facilities because they need to travel more and interact with people. "They will get vehicles too," </b>explained Roopchand Pal, a college lecturer-turned-CPM Lok Sabha MP from West Bengal.

The party decides a full timer's wage on the basis of the living expenses of the place where he works. <b>If his spouse is employed, the amount would be less</b>. According to Pal, the party stands by members who are in distress.

However, P Karunakaran, an MP from Kerala, pointed out that most members including some MPs found it difficult to make both ends meet. <b>An MP earning Rs 26,000 as salary, including the constituency allowance, gives backs Rs19,500 to the party.</b>
Who is paying commies?
Do the most pessimistic math, say the average salary to be paid is Rs. 2000 per month

25000 x 2000 = 5 crore per month

CPM is not a party of industrialists or businessmen. Mitrokhin archives, today it may be uncle Jiang's archive, must be making sense here.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->CPM is not a party of industrialists or businessmen. Mitrokhin archives, today it may be uncle Jiang's archive, must be making sense here. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
This adds little to kitty.

Here is what I understand -
Protest against Coco-cola and take money from Pepsi.
Create strike in Honda and take protection money from other multi national manufacturing company in Gurgaon.
Now they are working as middle man between all type negotiations as they are in government. They protested against Delhi Airport deal, especially against Reliance and DLF. But agreed with other group.

So now they are getting lot of money from everywhere.
Why they were against Ramdev's DivyaJyoti pharma but no complain against Dabur or Hamdam. Infact Dabur products contains Lead and mercury and some products are now banned in US, Hamdam had major problems but they don't touch them as it is run by Muslims.

100s of NGOs created by them are contributing lot to them.

Basically they are polished hafta/goondas now.
As long as the Soivet Union was there, they used to pay their lap dogs, now that USSR is history the commies must have found new customers to serve, just like a hardened prostitute they have no dearth of customers.
The Communist Conspiracy

(This article was written in 1981. Now the Soviet Union has disappeared from the scene and the Communist movement in India does not know whom to serve. But its hostility towards Hindu society and culture remains undiminished. It is quite on the cards that this mercenary outfit will be bought over, in due course, by some other power or powers hostile to positive Indian nationalism. A Communist cannot help being a traitor to his country and his people.)

We have so far discussed the role of the residues of foreign rule in India vis-a-vis Hindu society. We have characterised Islamism as malevolent, Christianism as mischievous, and Macaulayism as mild, though like a slow poison. Now we shall take up Communism which, though not exactly a residue of foreign rule, is yet a foreign imposition of the most malignant character.

But before we proceed, we wish to make it clear that nothing in this article should be construed as a hostile criticism of Indo-Soviet relations. Our friendship with the Soviet Union has matured in the midst of a fast moving world. We value that friendship, though we would like to emphasize that the Soviet Union needs India’s friendship as much as India needs hers. We also warn that neither the Soviet Union nor the Communist movement in our country should be permitted to close our other options while we are faced and have to deal with American interventionism.

Though Communism in India cannot be characterised as a residue of the British rule, the British Government did make some substantial contributions to its growth. In the ‘thirties, that Government encouraged non-Communist revolutionaries in its jails to read Communist literature. This was done in order to wean them away from “terrorism.” Many of them came out as convinced Communists while still wearing the halo of national heroes. Again, during the Second World War, that Government partronised, financed and fraternised with the Communist Party of India and helped it attain the stature of an independent political party.

Ideologically, Communism in India is, in several respects, a sort of extension of Macaulayism, a residue of the British rule. That is why Communism is strongest today in those areas where Macaulayism had earlier spread its widest spell. That is why Macaulayism has always been on the defensive and apologetic vis-a-vis Communism. Macaulayism has always tried to understand and explain away the misdeeds of Communism in this country. It has sadly deplored, if not condoned, as misguided idealism even the most heinous crimes of the Communists. The long record of our parliamentary debates is a witness of how, after the death of Sardar Patel, die treasury benches have always evinced an awed deference towards utterly unparliamentary and downright demagogic vituperations from Communist members.

This ideological affinity between Communism and Macaulayism is ultimately derived from a common source in the modern West-materialistic metaphysics, evolutionistic sociology, utilitarian ethics, hedonistic psychology, etc. In this world-view, man is essentially a homo fabricus, a tool-maker or mechanic. A centralised economy and an urbanised society are a natural follow-up of this world-view. In this larger ideological context, Marxism is a logical culmination of Capitalism. Marx reserved his choicest praise for Capitalism and his choicest abuse for what he denounced as Utopian Socialism. The only crime of this other school of Socialism was that it objected to the relentless drive of Capitalism towards total mechanisation, industrialisation and centralisation, reducing the individual human being to a helpless entity.

The difference between Capitalism in the West and Communism in the East of Europe arose because Capitalist societies retained philosophical eclecticism and political pluralism as expressed in parliamentary democracy, a free press and free trade unions. Communist societies, on the other hand, froze Marxist philosophy into a closed system of orthodoxy. This led to heresy-hunting which in due course reduced Marxism to the status of a Semitic creed like Christianity and Islam. Bertrand Russell was not far wrong when he identified Communism as a Christian heresy. It has acquired all the characteristic features of the Christian Church such as the only Saviour, the only Revelation, the only Pope, the only priesthood, the only baptism, and the only sacraments. Communist regimes could not help becoming totalitarian enemies of human freedom.

Yet, and in spite of all ideological affinities, Communism is not a variety of Macaulayism, though the former fattens on the latter. The inspiration of Communism did not derive from the West. Its gospel as well guidance emanated from an opposite direction, the Soviet Union, except for a brief period when China also shared the honour of being a hallowed land.

This is not the occasion to dwell on the philosophy of Marxism or the strategy and tactics of Leninism or Stalinism or Maoism. Here we are dealing with the problem which Communism poses before Hindu society and culture. In any case, Communism in India, has never had much use for Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism except as an ideological window-dressing to impress the intelligentsia at large and hoodwink the party cadres whenever the Party line has to be shifted swiftly.

What, then, is Communism?

Scholars and historians of Communism far more competent than the present writer have documented it beyond a shadow of doubt that Communism has been an instrument of Soviet foreign policy in its drive towards world domination, particularly since Stalin emerged as the undisputed leader of the Soviet Union as well as the world Communist movement. The unmasking of Stalin as a mass-murderer by Khruschev has blown up the myth of Soviet Russia as a proletarian paradise. The split with China has splintered the world Communist monolith. But, by and large, the movement has recovered from these shocks, retained its self-righteousness and resumed its role in the service of Soviet foreign policy.

It is, therefore, natural and inevitable that Communism should come into conflict with positive nationalism in every country. India cannot be an exception. By positive nationalism we mean a nationalism which draws its inspiration from its own cultural heritage and socio-political traditions. Such a nationalism has its own way of looking at world events and evaluating the alignment of world forces. Such a nationalism is guided by its own past experience in safeguarding its interests and pursuing its goals. These interests and goals may coincide or agree with the interests and goals of Soviet foreign policy at some particular stage of world politics. But it is equally likely that they may not.

This basic dissonance between Communism and positive nationalism in India was fully and finally dramatised during the Second World War. The Communist Party of India had, since its inception, opposed British imperialism in India and stood for its immediate and violent overthrow. The Party had also opposed the Muslim League which it had characterised as a collaborationist conspiracy of landed interests. In the eyes of Indian freedom fighters, therefore, the Party represented a revolutionary fringe of the nationalist movement. The Congress Socialist Party even allowed its platform to be used by the Communist Party of India which was working under a British ban. But the curtain was raised suddenly in 1941 when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union and the real face of Communism was revealed for all who could see.

The Congress leadership had tried to negotiate a settlement with the British for two long years. Finding the British attitude adamant, the Congress decided in August 1942 to launch the Quit India Movement. The Communists in the Congress opposed the Quit India resolution in the AICC Session at Bombay. They propounded that the imperialist war had been transformed into a people’s war simply because the Soviet Union had been invaded by an enemy of Britain.

The freedom movement forged ahead under its own inspiration. But the Communist Party of India moved full steam in the opposite direction. British imperialism now became British bureaucracy for the Communists, the Muslim League a spokesman of the Muslim mass upsurge, and the demand for Pakistan a legitimate expression of Muslim nationalism which the Congress should concede immediately. The rest of the story is well-known-the story of how the freedom movement was branded as a movement for collaboration with Fascism, how Subhash Chandra Bose was denounced as a Nazi dog and a Japanese rat, how Communist cadres spied for the British secret police on Socialists and Forward Blocists who had organised an underground movement, and how the Communist intellectuals like Adhikari and Ashraf blueprinted the case for Pakistan with facts, figures, academic arguments and sentimental slogans.

The Communist contribution towards the creation of Pakistan was next only to that of the Muslim League. The Soviet Union was in search of a base from which it could operate for capturing the rest of India after the departure of the British. That plan did not succeed and Pakistan became a base for American interventionism instead. Ever since, the Communists in India have been blaming the Partition on those very forces of positive nationalism which had fought the Muslim League tooth and nail. Communist slogans may change but their hostility to positive nationalism is permanent.

The source of positive nationalism in India is Sanãtana Dharma and the long saga of Hindu history. Hindu society provides the only base for positive nationalism. The Muslim and the Christian communities can share in positive nationalism only by revising the premises of their exclusive creeds in favour of the universal principles laid down by Sanãtana Dharma. Communism in India is bent upon destroying Sanãtana Dharma and Hindu society. It is, therefore, in its interest to prevent the Muslims and the Christians from moving towards the mainstream of positive nationalism. This is a point with which we shall deal when we expose the united front between various forces hostile to the Hindus. Here we shall simply specify some prime targets of Communism in its battle against Hindu society and culture. They are as follows:

1. The first and foremost target of Communism is Sanãtana Dharma enshrined in Hindu literature and made living by a long line of saints, mystics and bhaktas. Communism ridicules all this wealth of unrivalled spiritual splendour as a conglomeration of sterile superstition, obnoxious obscurantism and puerile priescraft;

2. Next, Communism makes an aggressive move towards Hindu Dharmashãstras which have their source in Sanãtana Dharma and which lay down the moral and social principles by which a wholesome social and individual life is sustained. Communism denounces these Dharmashãstras as respositories of primitive prescriptions, Machiavellian morality, caste oppression, untouchability, degradation of women, Brahmin domination, lack of social responsibility, and what not;

3. Thirdly, Communism concentrates on Hindu philosophies which expound, compare, contrast, fortify and defend the manifold metaphysical points of view flowing into several streams from the self-same Sanãtana Dharma. It condemns all these philosophies as Brahminical conspiracies to suppress the Lokãyata, “the only scientific philosophy pulsating with a revolutionary principle”. Rahul Sankrityayana was a great pedlar of this Communist lore among the Hindi reading public. Some of his works have been translated into other languages also. He was very enterprising indeed. He postulated that the Buddha was preaching Marxism for all practical purposes except for his unmindful lapse into the unproved doctrine of transmigration;

4. Fourthly-and here Communism has really invested some herculean endeavours-it ransacks the annals of Hindu history and Hindu heroism. A whole battalion of Communist historians have been busy for years battering the walls of Hindu historiography “behind which Hindu communalism and chauvinism is hiding its ugly face”. They have ridiculed every hero, every period, every episode, and every precedent in which Hindus can take pride. The Golden Age of the Imperial Guptas in which Hindu achievements attained their acme in the fields of art, literature and science is dismissed as a myth by D.N. Jha whose Ancient India: An Introductory Outline has just been reprinted by the People’s Publishing House, New Delhi. Other Communist historians have portrayed Maharana Pratap, Shivaji and Guru Govind Singh as local rebels against pax moslemanica for petty personal ends. The same historians whitewash bloodthirsty Islamic conquerors and despicable despots, and condone their crimes either by balancing them with “great good deeds which they did in some other direction” or by explaining them away as conforming to the prevailing pattern of empire-building;

5. Lastly, the Communist anthropologists and sociologists dive deep into Hindu social institutions, customs, mores and manners and come up with some class interest hiding inside the core in each case. We are told that Hindu society has always been an unhealthy society except perhaps during the Vedic period when, according to Romila Thapar, our Aryan ancestors ate beef. Beef-eating by the ancient Aryans has been such an obsession with Miss Thapar that she returns to the theme again and again, even when discussing the dancing girl found in the ruins of Mohenjo-daro.

How hostile Communism can be to everything Hindu is proved by an incident in which S.A. Dange and his son-in-law, Deshpande, got involved a few years ago. Deshpande wrote quite a scholarly book in which he propounded that several important principles of modern mathematics and science (including dialectical materialism which is the greatest principle of modern science according to Communism) were first discovered by systems of Hindu philosophy, notably SãMkhya and Vedãnta. Several other Communist savants had earlier indulged in a similar exercise of casting ancient Hindu philosophies into a materialist mould. The party had paraded them as expert explorers and authentic interpreters of the revolutionary undercurrents in India’s philosophical heritage. Where Deshpande went wrong was that he took a genuine pride in the ancient Hindu past and expressed it in no mean measure. Dange himself contributed a Preface to the book and presented it as quite an academic achievement. Little did they know the consequences of what they had done. The Party came down upon them like a ton of bricks. It called a seminar, “Marxism on Vedanta”, in which Dange had to confess his errors and cat crow. Deshpande’s book published by a society in Bombay was withdrawn from circulation.

The methods which Communism employs in India to denigrate and denounce the votaries of positive nationalism are the standard Communist methods it uses everywhere around the world. Here we shall concretise three of its chief methods under Indian conditions:

1. Communism in India has developed a language which George Orwell has described as doublespeak. In this language, the traitorous and totalitarian forces represented by the Communist movement are presented as patriotic and democratic forces, collaborators with Communism as progressive people, Islamic imperialism as secularism, and positive nationalism as Hindu communalism and chauvinism. Many people do not know how to decipher this doublespeak and are, therefore, trapped by it;1

2. Communism in India constantly practises what Karl Popper so aptly expounded “as the conspiracy theory of society”. It goes on digging up one conspiracy after another against the working class, the peasantry, the middle class, the toiling masses, Secularism, and so on. In this scheme, it links up “Hindu communalism and chauvinism” with capitalism, landlordism, forces of obscurantism, revivalism and reaction and, finally, all of them with “American imperialism”. The forces of “democracy and progress” are then called upon to rally round the Communist movement to defeat the “grand conspiracy between American imperialism outside and reactionary Hindu communalism within”. This helps the Communist cadres to acquire a rare depth of perception without exercising their brains. The less they know and think, the better they feel and function. Recently, Communism has discovered a conspiracy of “Hindu communalism” to kill Muslims and destroy Muslim property whenever and wherever Muslims show some signs of prosperity;

3. Communism in India wields a strong-worded swearology which it hurls at its adversaries. Some samples of this swearology will illumine the venom which it can carry. During the Ranadive party-line in 1948-50, Mahatma Gandhi was “unmasked” as the cleverest bourgeois scoundrel and Rabindranath as mãgeer dãlãl, that is, a pimp. But the choicest reprimand was reserved for Sardar Patel and Pandit Nehru “the fascist duo”. Parichaya, the prestigious Bengali monthly, came out with a long poem on the two of them “conspiring together in the service of American imperialism”. One of the lines exposed them as shyãlã shooarer bãcchã, birlã tatãr jãroja shontãna, that is, sons of swine and the b@st@rd progeny of Birlas and Tatas. But, then, you cannot pin the Communists to any of their past performances. They always “admit their mistakes” publicly and do a bit of chest-beating whenever they receive orders to change the Party line. At present, the bulk of Communist swearology is being mobilised against the camp of positive nationalism. People belonging to this camp are being daily denounced as communalists, chauvinists, fascist murderers of minorities, perpetrators of genocide, reactionaries and revivalists. The tone is still mild, keeping in mind how mendacious it could easily become at a moment’s notice. But there are intimations that it may resume its full powers of rhetoric as and when required.2

Hindu society is basically a sane society which can smile with tolerance at every variety of venomous as well as tall talk. Hindus could have dismissed the Communists as a band of lunatics and morons, had not Communism acquired the power and prestige it enjoys in India today. Communism has, of course, fattened itself on widespread Macaulayism and a negative nationalism driven by nothing better than an anti-Western animus and inflated ideas about India’s role in world affairs. But the main strength of Communism in India springs from colossal Soviet finances which pour into its coffers through many channels and in increasing amounts. This is not the place to identify the channels through which the Soviet Union finances its fifth-column in India. Here we are concerned with what the Communist movement does with this money. The following deserve our particular attention:

1. The Communist movement in India has built up the largest press in English as well as Indian languages. It runs many dailies, weeklies, fortnightlies, monthlies, quarterlies and irregular periodicals. Most of these papers and journals do not care for commercial and other advertisements which are the main source of income in normal press establishments. The losses that are incurred by these party organs run into crores of rupees every year,

2. The movement controls the largest number of publishing houses. They publish Communist literature in English as well as Indian languages. Most of this literature is in the form of pamphlets, presenting the Party line on all issues of importance, national and international. Recently, Communist publishing houses have undertaken publication of heavier intellectual fare as well, provided it carries a Communist slant or is authored by a Communist or a fellow-traveller. A new line is publication of text-books, particularly on Indian history. These are prescribed by Communist professors whenever and wherever they control university departments, which is not unoften. Departments of history in the Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru universities, for instance, have become pocket boroughs of Communism for all practical purposes. All this literature, light as well as heavy, is sold at prices which cannot meet even a fraction of the cost. The large discounts allowed to retailers increase this disparity a good deal. The publishing houses which are housed in spacious places, owned or rented by the movement, maintain large salaried staff of all levels. The losses incurred in this enterprise are also colossal;

3. The movement is a cadre-based movement. It has a farflung hierarchy of leaders and workers. All of them are paid activists. Some of them are whole-timers, others part-timers. The leaders are paid and maintained much better than the workers. But salaries and allowances of workers are not inadequate either, if we take into account the communes which the movement maintains for its activists. These expenses on salaries, rents, food, clothing, transport and sundries account for another colossal sum spent from month to month and year after year;

4. The movement maintains and mans many front organisations among trade unions, peasantry, students, youth, women, children, writers, artists, for “peace”, for fighting “imperialism”, for opposing “communalism”. Most of these front organisations have their own offices and their own staff. They also publish their own pamphlets and periodicals. The costs involved on maintaining and turning these transmission belts, as Lenin called them, are considerable;

5. The Communist movement in India is well-known for the frequency of conferences, congresses, mass meetings and demonstrations. A large number of people, many times from long distances, are paid to travel to these gatherings, pass the Party resolutions and shout the Party slogans. Many participants in Communist demonstrations, particularly in big cities like Calcutta, are hired on the basis of payment per head per day. The lodging, board and transport costs for mobilising these crowds are paid by the movement. Posters, placards and buntings abound on these occasions. Again, the costs are colossal.

We are not counting the routine expenses which every political movement or party has to incur in its normal functioning. The parties which do not control a government know it very well how difficult it is to find finances even for these normal expenses. The expenses incurred by the Communist movement are abnormal when compared to its size and significance in India’s body-politic. In comparison, the ruling Congress Party is a poor party. And it has to find itself in an embarassing position when some of its methods for collecting money are exposed.

The one thing which, next to slogans, never gets scarce in the Communist movement is money. That is how it is always in a position to prove that it is a movement of the poor, maintained by the poor, and for the benefit of the poor. Shankar had once drawn a cartoon in which a well-dressed upper class Communist worker was demanding a donation for peace from a naked and blind beggar, and denouncing the latter as a warmongering agent of American imperialism who would not part with his paisa.


1 See Sita Ram Goel, Perversion of India’s Political Parlance, Voice of India, New Delhi, 1984.
2 The Communists who control The Times of India at present have already come out with this rhetoric.

<b>Protect wife and get punched</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Calcutta, Oct. 28: Prasenjit Ghosh’s first mistake was to protest his wife’s harassment by a man he knew to be a CPM supporter.

The second was ignoring a summons from the party, which wanted to act judge in the matter.

The 35-year-old engineer was kicked and punched in full public glare for about 15 minutes — till he dropped bleeding and unconscious on G.T. Road — yards from his home in Bally on Thursday night.

His family said the attackers were a gang of about 15 — all of them CPM supporters.

Prasenjit, who owns a consultancy firm, was chatting to friends around 9.30 pm when the men came for him.

“They asked me to accompany them to the CPM’s Palpara office. We had walked just a few yards when they suddenly pounced on me,” the victim said from his bed in a city clinic.

The Ghosh family said none of those named in the FIR — Sudeb Guha, Rabi Bose, Sankar Maitra, Kishu Bhaduri and Rana Ganguly —had been arrested, courtesy their CPM connection.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Mother and Pope posters dethrone MP - Good to pay tribute but if you stretch the point ...

Thiruvananthapuram, Oct. 31: Former junior Union law minister P.C. Thomas, who had sought to influence voters by flaunting his pictures with Pope John Paul II and Mother Teresa, has been unseated from Parliament.

Justice C.N. Ramachandran Nair of Kerala High Court today declared Thomas’s chief rival P.M. Ismail of the CPM the winner from the Moovattupuzha constituency in the May 2004 polls.

But he granted the ousted Kerala Congress (J) leader a month’s time to appeal. Till the appeal is disposed of, Thomas stays suspended from the Lok Sabha and Ismail cannot claim his seat.

The judge upheld the contention that Thomas had extensively misused a religious symbol — distributing calendars and wall posters carrying his pictures with the late Pope and Mother Teresa — in the predominantly Christian constituency in the run-up to the elections.

Thomas, who happened to be celebrating his 56th birthday today, said the judge had upheld only two of the six contentions raised by Ismail.

“But I’m sure the judgment is erroneous and will file an appeal within the stipulated time.”

Ismail said the verdict “has thrown light on the dos and don’ts of elections. This is a victory of the people.”

Thomas had retained the seat in a triangular contest, fashioning his sixth consecutive election to the Lok Sabha.

The court also found merit in the contentions that Thomas had used private vehicles to take voters to booths in the Poonjar and Thekkekara wards, and that All-Kerala Catholic Congress chief John Kachiramattom had appealed to voters to back him.

Thomas had used two pictures, one with Pope John Paul II and the other showing him with both the Pope and Mother Teresa.

Kerala Congress (M)’s Jose K. Mani, who had come a poor third losing by about 55,000 votes, had filed a petition with the Election Commission against Thomas’s use of the pictures but the commission did not intervene.

Thomas’s poll victory had been a morale-booster for the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance, to which his then party — the Indian Federal Democratic Party — belonged. The victory was seen as a sign of Christians gravitating towards the once-untouchable BJP.

But Thomas soon dissolved his ramshackle IFDP and returned to Kerala Congress (J).

KC (J) is a junior partner in the ruling LDF and Thomas, despite his brief dalliance with the BJP, had found a seat at the high table of the Left alliance’s state committee in Kerala.


<!--QuoteBegin-sankara+Nov 1 2006, 08:17 PM-->QUOTE(sankara @ Nov 1 2006, 08:17 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Mother and Pope posters dethrone MP - Good to pay tribute but if you stretch the point ...

Thiruvananthapuram, Oct. 31: Former junior Union law minister P.C. Thomas, who had sought to influence voters by flaunting his pictures with Pope John Paul II and Mother Teresa, has been unseated from Parliament.

Justice C.N. Ramachandran Nair of Kerala High Court today declared Thomas’s chief rival P.M. Ismail of the CPM the winner from the Moovattupuzha constituency in the May 2004 polls.

But he granted the ousted Kerala Congress (J) leader a month’s time to appeal. Till the appeal is disposed of, Thomas stays suspended from the Lok Sabha and Ismail cannot claim his seat.

The judge upheld the contention that Thomas had extensively misused a religious symbol — distributing calendars and wall posters carrying his pictures with the late Pope and Mother Teresa — in the predominantly Christian constituency in the run-up to the elections.

Thomas, who happened to be celebrating his 56th birthday today, said the judge had upheld only two of the six contentions raised by Ismail.

“But I’m sure the judgment is erroneous and will file an appeal within the stipulated time.”

Ismail said the verdict “has thrown light on the dos and don’ts of elections. This is a victory of the people.”

Thomas had retained the seat in a triangular contest, fashioning his sixth consecutive election to the Lok Sabha.

The court also found merit in the contentions that Thomas had used private vehicles to take voters to booths in the Poonjar and Thekkekara wards, and that All-Kerala Catholic Congress chief John Kachiramattom had appealed to voters to back him.

Thomas had used two pictures, one with Pope John Paul II and the other showing him with both the Pope and Mother Teresa.

Kerala Congress (M)’s Jose K. Mani, who had come a poor third losing by about 55,000 votes, had filed a petition with the Election Commission against Thomas’s use of the pictures but the commission did not intervene.

Thomas’s poll victory had been a morale-booster for the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance, to which his then party — the Indian Federal Democratic Party — belonged. The victory was seen as a sign of Christians gravitating towards the once-untouchable BJP.

But Thomas soon dissolved his ramshackle IFDP and returned to Kerala Congress (J).

KC (J) is a junior partner in the ruling LDF and Thomas, despite his brief dalliance with the BJP, had found a seat at the high table of the Left alliance’s state committee in Kerala.


punishment for using religious symbol in elections, a good start hopefuuly it spreads to other parts of country as well.

unfortunately will take a long time for such a verdict since thomas will obviously apply in higher courts.
<b>Jamboree called “India Social Forum</b>” <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->NGO Scenario in India . 
Understand, over 32000 NGO’s are registered in India , of whom around 10% are committed in serious work in their respective fields. As many as 500 NGO’s are funded by foreign money to a tune of Rs 7200 Crores as per the statistics made available from Ministry of Home affairs for the year 2005, most of these NGO’s are run by Christian minorities for so called charitable activities. A revised FEMA act pending since 2004 is being brought in for discussions in the winter secessions of the Parliament and is likely to get node. The new act is likely to tighten the flow of money coming into India on garb of social work and being used for funding conversions and separatist movement in NE .

<b>The funding of Narmada Bachao Andolan is under scrutiny, understand, a multinational involved in selling Nuclear power plants, is funding it through it’s endowment</b>. Similarly <b>there was a guy by name Dr Iswar Gilada in Mumbai, who came in for scrutiny for operating a NGO Indian Health Organisation(IHO). His modus operandi would be to magnify the AIDs epidemic in India , by getting the high & mighty from the west, especially Hollywood stars to Fara’s road, a red light area of Mumbai and make good money out of the donations received towards AID’s awareness program. He came up for scrutiny when he convinced the western world that India has the world’s largest HIV /AID’s infected people. Subsequently World Health Organization & Union Heath ministry stepped in to do a correct estimation, in the year 2005 the numbers were put at 5.1 million, not as much, he claimed in excess of 10s of millions, way back in late 90’s</b>.

Some of the NGO’s offer very good salary and perks, I had one offer to head a program, it carried handsome salary and perks, which, I never could imagine while serving the Govt.<b> Those NGO’s, who depend on Govt funds, are as corrupt as Govt functionaries, in reality, these NGOs are used for siphoning the funds under various welfare programs. The most notorious ministries are Women & Child welfare, Health, HRD & Environment ministries, one can form a bogus NGO and prepare a good project report and share the booty with the Govt officials</b>.

Interestingly the left Parivar of social activists are now funded by endowments of Multinationals, earlier the left frontal organizations were paid by the money siphoned from Indo-Russia trade. The so called tobacco & tea barons regularly paid a percentage to left frontal organizations & Congress party. The Russians also used its cultural wings to support the Left organizations logistically.

The demise of Soviet Union , made these frontal organizations adopt to the change, now they do not hesitate in taking funds from the West.
Yesterday, the CPI students union AISF was on the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium grounds waving its organizational flags and was celebrating the victory of democrats in US election to Senate and Congress.  It was a hilarious sight to watch them celebrating democrats win. Perhaps gladdening the hearts of the endowments in US closer to democrats to fund their future  activities.

The opening ceremony was addressed by Hannan Ashrawi (from Palestine ), Medha Patekar, Ruth Manorama, Subhashini Ali, Tulsi Mai Munda, Radhika Kumaraswamy (from Sri Lanka ) and Shubha Mudgal. Participants include Aruna Roy, Subhasini Ali, V P Singh, Medha Patkar, Jean Dreze, Aijaz Ahmed, Chiko Whitaker, Imtiaz Ahmed, Swami Agnivesh Vivan Sundaram, Gita Hariharan, Ratan Thiyam, Girish Karnad  and Dr Vandana Shiva. Apart from hundreds of other specialists, so called social scientists, academicians, and activists belonging to left will pass on sermons of there relevance in 21st century. <b>The above named luminaries are well know to us as pseudo secularists, hell bent on their agenda of divisive politics and balkanizing India</b>

<b>Conclusion </b>
The left Parivar has found ways and means of being relevant in the modern times, by hijacking the NGO movement through. organizing  Undri & Sundry under one umbrella.

The Need of the hour is to starve them of funds and make them irrelevant, simultaneously, highlighting the sincere NGO’s having  core social purpose, who unfortunately account for only 10% of the present  NGO corps.

I wonder how much New Delhi Municipal Corporation is going to spend in clearing the muck left behind by the free brigade, as it was evident at Mumbai meet of 2003.

Let’s see what’s their new agenda, they have already equated Dr ManMohan Singh with Mr George Bush and are hailing American people of voting out Republicans …..as their own victory

As far as I am concern, I am enjoying the Tamasha 
<b>Hindusim is a CULT: CPM </b>
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Marxist doublespeak </b>
The Pioneer Edit Desk
<b>Islamism bad only in Kerala </b> <!--emo&Big Grin--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo-->
Reports that the recent bomb blasts in Koddal, Kerala, have exacerbated the antagonism between the Islamist National Development Front (NDF) and the CPI(M) make apparent the wrenching internal crisis that confronts Indian Communism. When it comes to anti-American sloganeering - or even gathering crowds for public meetings to protest against the US President's visit to India - the CPI(M) turns to extreme Muslim groups. <b>When the Congress-NCP Government in Maharashtra takes steps to check the radicalisation of Muslim youth, the Communists protest against police "high-handedness". When Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee of West Bengal talks of the need for madarsa reform, his proposal is vetoed by the central office. Yet, when the CPI(M) support base in Kerala finds itself under threat from the NDF, </b>the party responds by calling the Front a threat to "the entire society". Sooner or later, as its Government comes to grips with the internal security risks that a creeping growth of fundamentalism in Kerala presents to the State and to the rest of the country, the CPI(M) will have to choose between running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. It cannot have the best of both worlds: Tacitly backing radicals elsewhere while seeking to curb them at home.

Nevertheless,<b> the CPI(M)'s double-face is a minor story. The real cause for worry is that Islamism and its volatile mix of violence and perversion of faith are finding fertile ground in Kerala.</b> The CPI(M) is concerned because it finds Muslim youth, drawn to it traditionally, moving to a religio-political group the Left is finding "hard to fight ... ideologically". The party would be well advised to practice economic determinism. The stagnation of Kerala's economy has meant few job avenues for its young, Muslims not excluded.<b> Having resisted reform and growth-driven economics, hardline Marxists in Kerala are hoist with their own petard</b>. To take on the NDF - and wean away angry young Muslims from the seductive but ultimately destructive philosophies of the Islamists - the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front Government has to re-configure its world view. The antidote to the NDF is not more politically correct slogans and a condescending attitude towards domestic security. It calls for pragmatic economic policies that put Kerala on the fast-growth trajectory of many of its neighbouring States - and it requires hard policing. It is one of the ironies of Kerala's history that a Communist Government is required to fulfil this task. The bigger message is perhaps for the central leadership of the CPI(M), which draws heavily from Kerala and the so-called "Kerala line". It has to answer why it mocks at investigations that speak of an Islamist terror plot to assassinate, say, the Chief Minister of Gujarat, but seeks to make political capital of an NDF activist's arrest while making a bomb to kill a CPI(M) leader.
the whole communist brigade of west bengal are traitors. possible exception is the very proactive chief minister.

*eagerly awaiting the death of jyoti basu, biman bose, etc etc *

same applies for sitaram yechuri, brinda karat, prakash karat, pranab bardhan (bhar mein jaye privatisation). btw, does anyone know where pranab bardhan comes from??
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->M.N. ROY The Pro-Muslim Communist
Sep 2006 

M.N. Roy was a dedicated communist until he broke with the Communist International. He was an elected member of the Presidium and the Secretariat of the International between 1919 and 1928. He had the courage to disagree with Lenin even at the height of his power.

After 1928 however, Roy became known as a radical humanist as distinct from a committed communist. Nevertheless, he remained parted from nationalism, according to his biographer Sibnarayan Ray.

In India, a nationalist was, more often than not, presumed to be a Hindu. The reason was that a devout Muslim was a supranationalist as repeatedly claimed by the renowned Khilafat leader, Maulana Muhammad Ali. He therefore did not recognise the validity of national boundaries. The communist was an internationalist.

Roy stank of prejudice when he wrote about patriotism (quoted from Volume II, selected Works of M.N. Roy, Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2002):

It is indeed very encouraging to hear that even a partial knowledge of the work begun by us, that is the Communist Party, has made you think that perhaps after all, it is not necessary for every honest revolutionary to put an end to his life I prefer the word 'revolutionary' to that of 'patriot'.

Roy hated Hinduism, a religion into which he was born. His original name was Nabendra Nath Bhattacharya, with a typically Bengali Brahmin surname. Read from volume IV of his Selected Works edited by Sibnarayan Ray and published by Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000.

Hindu superciliousness towards the religion and culture of the Muslims is absurd. It insults history and injures the political future of our country. Learning from the Muslims, Europe became the leader of modern civilization. Even today, her best sons are not ashamed of the past indebtedness. Unfortunately, India could not fully benefit by the heritage of Islamic culture because she did not deserve the distinction.

It was understandable that an atheist, which is what a communist usually is, would have contempt for religion. Unfortunately, Roy was not evenhanded in his contempt. He had a soft corner for Islam and respected the religion and its culture. In 1930, he had named himself Mahamood as stated by Sibnarayan Ray.

Roy also wrote the following in the same volume:

The Mohammedan power was consolidated in India not so much by the valour of the invaders' arms as owing to the propagation of the Islamic faith and the progressive significance of Islamic laws.

If Islamic laws were so progressive, one wonders why the Muslims of India have willingly allowed the sharia to be replaced by the laws introduced by the British e.g. the Indian Penal Code, Law of Contract etc. Only laws of succession and marriage have been preserved as a separate code applicable to the Muslim community.

Shows the dhimmi mindset of Indian commies.
Posts 215 to 217:
There can be no communist Hindus (consequently also no communist Brahmanas, Vaishyas, and the like). They can label themselves 'brahmins' - whatever that is - if they feel that will confuse their target voters.
BJP and the rest of India must be careful that we don't sanction or accept such people and statements but recognise them for what they are: statements by people who want votes. Communists now realise they need Hindu votes to get communists into power to get their revolution in India.

If India was a christian majority, the same communist would have said he was a christian first and communist second and preferred to worship the christian way rather than salaam or do pranams.

We are truly gullible if we accept such villains as one of us whenever they just show up in a temple and repeat the actions their Hindu parents taught them when they were little. I can pretend that I am christian too, if I was interested in getting votes that way (not interested in being a politician though <!--emo&Smile--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/smile.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='smile.gif' /><!--endemo--> ). But underhand lying's not my style. That's a communist skill.

Actions speak louder than words: so far communist parties and movements in India have been anti-Hindu and even anti-Indian - they care only for what they want to achieve (some theory of society that is unfeasible and unviable in practise). Now that the communist winds favour Hinduism because they need the votes, merely chanting Hindu slogans or showing up in temples ought not to change our perceptions of these villains. We get what we vote for. Is communist-villains-in-power again really what we want?

BJP should shed their naivety and stop endorsing lying communist pretenders. Use suspicion with these characters who we all know are seriously shady. Does the past not speak for itself?
Enough of communist double-speak. There can be never be a communist Dharmic India, so the baddies can keep dreaming. It's either Dharma or adharma (christoislamism, communism, and other kinds of idiotism).
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Putting Machiavelli To Shame
Sep 2006 

What follows would make us consider Niccolo Machiavelli, the father of political cynicism, a novice. The communist instigation of the Muslim League in order to precipitate a partition of the country, most disadvantageous to the Hindus, was beyond imagination. The communists are looked upon as faithful to Marxism. But they were not when it came to the Muslim League. Read the following excerpts from Communism in India by Gene D. Overstreet and Marshall Windmiller, published by Berkeley University. They are quotations extracted from a long chapter which could not possibly be accommodated here.

The slogan of self-determination, K.M. Ashraf, a pre-Independence CPI leader, said "can only be meant to mobilize the backward masses of communities for an anti-Imperialist struggle". There is in Ashraf's remarks then, a hint that he was acutely aware of the expediency of an appeal to Muslim particularism, and that he would approve its use as a "revolutionary" party.

At the end of 1940 the Communist faction in the All India Students Federation proposed that free India be a voluntary federation of regional states. A party letter circulated within the CPI in May 1941, pronounced the new concept of a multinational India. In mid-1942, the CPI openly and officially espoused the view that India was multinational. A resolution adopted at a plenary meeting of the Central Committee repeating Stalin's definition of the concept of nationality, classified sixteen Indian "nations": "the Pathans, Western Punjabis (dominantly Muslims), Sikhs, Sindhis, Hindusthanis, Rajasthanis, Gujerathis, Bengalis, Assamese, Beharis, Oriyas, Andhras, Tamils, Karnatikis, Maharashtrians, Keralas".

The resolution elevated these groups to the status of full fledged nationalities, entitled to outright independence. The classification of the Bengalis as a single nation was contradicted elsewhere in the resolution by a provision that the Bengali Muslims were entitled to a separate state. It promised the right of secession.

The goal was a "revolutionary" unity under communist leadership. "Do we get a weapon in our hands in order to unite with the Muslim masses here and now?" Revolutionary unity was not the same as national unity. The CPI announced that it intended to encourage particularist sentiment; the Party refused to commit itself to opposing secession. The CPI's new nationality policy, as it emerged in 1940-1942, was calculated to enable the Party to forge a revolutionary unity among the Muslim groups.

As CPI policy evolved during World War II, its nationality program showed growing partility to the Muslim League and open acceptance of the League's case for Pakistan. The CPI line offered major concessions to the League, and was declared in two extraordinary articles by P.C. Joshi, which appeared in mid-1944. Joshi advocated, not two independent countries, India and Pakistan, but three, for he proposed that Bengal also given sovereignty. Joshi declared that Bengal should be united "sovereign and independent state" which would maintain "relations of mutual assistance and friendly economic collaboration" with both India and Pakistan. This solution was clearly advantageous to the League since thus it would gain influence over all of Bengal.

With regard to the six eastern districts of Punjab, Joshi proposed a solution which was equally advantageous to the Muslim League. In all the disputed districts the Sikhs constituted a large minority. Joshi declared that the best solution would be to give all six districts to Pakistan. The Sikhs have nothing to fear, he declared. Joshi not only offered important territorial concessions to the League, he also virtually accepted the League's thesis that the Muslims as a whole consituted a single nationality - a stand radically inconsistent with the previous communist position.

With the election campaign of 1945-46, the CPI broadened and intensified its appeal to regional particularism. It now advocated that the subcontinent be fragmented according to the various "nationalities". In its election manifesto, the CPI proposed that each of these nations be sovereign, and that the future India be a confederation of free nation states.

You would have seen that the communists had no scruples about violating Karl Marx's contempt for religion and his being above all religions. Nor did they care about the working classes and their future. They lent their helping hand to the most obscurantist Khilafat movement albeit it was led by M.K. Gandhi. It is evident that the single minded communist aim is to work for the disintegration of Mother India.


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