These are random thoughts of mine based on previous reading. I do not refer to any specific text per se.
The history of the Marxists in India has been one of repeated betrayal of the country. They have let India down time and again when it came to the clash of interests with the Soviet Union or China. Their political loyalties lay outside.
M.K. Gandhi broad-based the Indian National Congress to include the teeming masses belonging to all ethnic, caste and religious groups in the anti-colonial freedom struggle. To quote B.R. Nanda "From a three day Christmas week picnic of the upper-middle class in one of the principal cities of India, it became a mass organization with its roots in small towns and villages". The Indian Marxists never had this rural base. There's was an urbanized elite leadership.
Stalin entered into a pact with Hitler in 1939. The understanding reached between the two was for Germany to annex western Poland while the Soviets annex eastern Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and parts of Finland. It was a territorial demarcation of war spoils between Europe's two most expansionist and authoritarian regimes. The Community Party of India then supported the independence struggle with a series of blitzkrieg trade union action, shut downs, gheraos, strikes and sabotage which crippled industrial activity. The railway workers, the sailors, the dockers and the textile workers belonging to the Marxist trade unions led the strikes. The intent was to weaken the colonial hold on the Indian economy and open a third front against Britain given that Stalin and Hilter had joined on an anti-western platform.
However, Hitler attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941. German troops had reached the outskirts of Moscow by December that year. The Soviet Union had suffered unparalleled destruction and did an immediate policy reversal to join the allied war effort. The Communist Party of India changed track in tandem. It decried the Indian freedom struggle as weakening the international struggle against fascism, a movement which the Marxists had initially allied with. The Communists pulled out of the freedom struggle. M.K. Gandhi had launched the Quit India Movement in the summer of 1942. The Communists turned informants and helped the colonial authorities to identify and imprison the entire leadership of the freedom struggle. The Indian Marxists supported the British in this crucial interlude given the new Soviet-British alliance against Hitler.
M.K. Gandhi and the Congress hierarchy were behind bars between 1942 and 1945. The Congress had convincingly won the 1937 elections while the Muslim League had suffered a devastating defeat at the hands of the Congress in all Muslim majority provinces of pre-partition India except East Bengal. While the Congress leadership had been imprisoned, Jinnah was free to organize the Muslim League and strengthen its holds over sections of the Muslim population of British India. The fortunes of the League rose between 1942 and 1945. The Marxists meanwhile supported the ideological case for partition arguing that the Muslim population was entitled to self-determination. This was interesting given the Soviet Union's own suppression of Muslims in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Stalin had deported the Chechens and Tartars to Siberia en-masse!
The British partitioned India in 1947. Pakistan immediately expelled its Marxists who fled to India!
Nehru, a self-proclaimed socialist, did not oppose Communist China's annexation of Tibet in 1950. Tibet had an area of 471,700 square miles. China was then fighting the United States in the Korean war and Nehru could have easily retained the colonial-era Indian military presence in Lhasa and consolidated it further in order to ensure Tibetan independence. Furthermore, Nehru supported Peking's cause in the United Nations. China responded by annexing the 15,000 square mile Aksai Chin in what remained of Indian-held Kashmir in 1957. Pakistan had earlier annexed Baltistan, Gilgit, Hunza and Muzafarabad that had an area of 32,000 square miles.
The Nehru administration was not even aware of that development in Aksai Chin while his Marxist Minister of Defence, Krishna Menon continued to support China in international fora such as the United Nations. Taiwan then occupied China's seat at the Security Council. The Indian Marxists later defended Chinese actions in Aksai Chin pointing out that enclave's historical links with Chinese-held East Turkestan, now called Xinjiang.
China invaded the North East Frontier Agency with an area of 32,000 square miles in 1962 and then quite as suddenly withdrew its troops. The road to Assam was open and Nehruvian India lay prostrate. The Indian Marxists defended Chinese actions on the alleged grounds that NEFA had historical links with Tibet. Not one of them questioned China's initial hold on East Turkestan and Tibet on historical grounds to begin with. China had no valid territorial claim on either under modern international law. China detonated the nuclear device in October, 1964. The Indian Marxists welcomed that step as part of the global war against international imperialism! Yet, when India exploded its second nuclear device in May, 1998, the Indian Marxists opposed that as an unnecessary belligerence.
The Indian Marxists have repeatedly let India down. They do not have Indian national interests at heart. They currently control the Departments of History in major Indian universities such as JNU. With that platform, they are able to twist the past to suit their nebulous aims in the present. I refer here to Habib Irfan, Harbans Mukhia, K.N. Panikkar, R.S. Sharma, Romila Thapar and Sarvapalli Gopal. Other individuals such as Arundhati Roy, Barkha Datta, Brinda Karat, Mani Shankhar Aiyer, N. Ram and Praful Bidwai in India, and Meera Nanda, Sarmila Bose, Sugato Bose and Sumantro Bose overseas continue to occupy the intellectual and media space in a disproportionate manner. They leverage this vantage point to weaken India!
<b>CPI caution on BJP yatras</b>
Special Correspondent
`Bid to ensure their political survival'
The BJP is undergoing a deep ideological, political and organisational crisis, says CPI leader
D. Raja
CHENNAI: D. Raja, national secretary of the Communist Party of India (CPI), on Saturday cautioned the people against the Bharat Suraksha Yatra undertaken by Bharatiya Janata Party president Rajnath Singh and his predecessor, L.K. Advani, as they were aimed at "creating communal tension."
Mr. Raja told reporters here that the BJP had been undergoing a deep ideological, political and organisational crisis during the last two years, particularly in the wake of the Lok Sabha elections. In order to ensure its political survival its leaders had launched these yatras, he said.
After the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came to power at the Centre, issues of communal politics were relegated to the background and those concerning the people such as allowing foreign direct investment into the country and disinvestment of successful, profit-making public sector undertakings started occupying centre-stage.
But the BJP wanted to project issues of "religious fundamentalism" such as Hindutva and Hindurashtra as the party had become "desperate" after it could not get support from the people, Mr. Raja said. The CPI welcomed the Centre's move to provide 27 per cent reservation for the Other Backward Classes in Central Institutions including the Indian Institutes of Technology and Indian Institutes of Management.
Nepal movement
He also urged the UPA Government not to take any step that would legitimise the "undemocratic and anti-people" measures of King Gyanendra in Nepal.
Describing the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general secretary Vaiko as a "prisoner of circumstances," Mr. Raja said it was unfortunate that the leader who had been till recently claiming that he was responsible for the Central initiative to implement the multi-crore Sethusamudram Ship Channel Project was not in a position to speak about the scheme because of his party's ties with the AIADMK.
Attack on cinema showing Aamir's film <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->AHMEDABAD: Youth Congress workers on Friday attacked a cinema house showing an Amir Khan film in Vadodara and forced the authorities to suspend the show.
The demonstration spread to many other parts of Gujarat. Effigies of the actor and Narmada Bachao Andolan leader Medha Patkar were burnt.
BJP supporters and representatives of various voluntary organisations also joined the protest in Ahmedabad, Surat and many other places. Both the Youth Congress and the BJP Yuva Morcha have given a call to the people to boycott Amir Khan's films in protest against his open support to the NBA. The cinema theatre owners in most parts of the State have suspended Amir Khan's films apprehending disturbances.
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<b>Red star over India</b>
Ajit DovalPosted online: Saturday, April 15, 2006 at 0000 hrs
<i>Naxalites donât just terrorise the poor. They make governance impossible</i>
The Clark Honors College is preparing for a visit next week from public intellectual and <b>Trinity College professor Vijay Prashad</b>. <!--emo&:omg--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/omg.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='omg.gif' /><!--endemo-->
This term Prof. Fracchia assigned Dr. Prashadâs book âEverybody Was Kung Fu Fighting: Afro-Asian Connections and the Myth of Cultural Purityâ for his colloquium HC 444H: Visions of Freedom III. Iâm in the class and have started reading the book, and one of the first things I noticed was that it seemed to fill in a missing link between things I learned in the CHC introductory history sequence about slavery and trade and things Iâve learned in CHC colloquia about race relations in America today. Prof. Mitchell, who co-organized Dr. Prashadâs visit with Prof. Gajarawala, said Dr. Prashadâs work fits well with the CHCâs current goal of making its curriculum more globally oriented.
Dr. Prashad will speak in Prof. Fracchiaâs class on Monday. On Tuesday from 12 p.m. to 2 p.m., Dr. Prashad will discuss the same book with other CHC students. To get in on that seminar, contact Prof. Mitchell (dnm@uoregon.edu) or Prof. Gajarawala (toral@uoregon.edu).
Dr. Prashad will give a lecture to the general community in the Schnitzer Art Museum at 4 p.m. on Tuesday, analyzing the limitations of ethnic studies programs at universities.
On Wednesday, in the EMU Fir Room from 10 a.m. to 11:30 a.m., <b>Dr. Prashad will give a workshop for students on the âcorporatization and racializationâ of the university system</b>. Once I had this phrase broken down into its components for me, it sounded a lot more exciting. Prof. Mitchell explained that corporatization refers to the idea that universities are becoming more bureaucratic, with the results that students are seen as customers who need to get their moneyâs worth from their purchase of tuition rather than as people seeking to learn, and that the types of research conducted are constrained by the types of research that bring in grant money. The term racialization in the university setting refers to the idea that the establishment of multicultural centers tends to, rather than bring people together, devolve into checkboxes on a form. Again, RSVP to Prof. Mitchell or Prof. Gajarawala if you intend on coming to this event.
Prof. Fracchia described Dr. Prashadâs work as âa critique of multiculturalism from the left,â which is distinctive because in society multiculturalism is generally portrayed as favored by the left and criticized by the right. Multiculturalism is based on the idea of cultural essentialism, which holds that there is one black culture, one white culture, one brown culture and so on. Prof. Fracchia said the idea of polyculturalism, like <b>Dr. Prashadâs work, defines less clear boundaries between specific groups of people, but allows for thinking about issues of race and culture in more nuanced and complex terms.</b>
There is some possibility that the CHC will host more speakers in the future; Prof. Mitchell encourages students with suggestions for speakers to contact her.
<b>Left will take on UPA after polls: Karat</b>
April 16, 2006 15:39 IST
The Left parties have given a notice that they will get aggressive after the assembly polls, on major policy issues, saying that the United Progressive Alliance government's 'longevity' depended upon how it implemented the Common Minimum Programme.
The key outside supporters to the government also intend to step up efforts for a 'third alternative' after the polls.
Communist Party of India (Marxist) general secretary Prakash Karat, whose elevation to the top post last year saw the coalition being kept on a leash on a number of issues including disinvestment, told PTI that the Left would insist on the implementation of those aspects in the CMP which were being 'ignored'.
"We will continue to press for those aspects of the CMP, which according to us, would provide corrections to the wrong orientation of policy that have been continuing since the time of the National Democratic Alliance government," he said.
"The longevity of the UPA government is not dependent on us, but on how they perform and implement the CMP. UPA government has to maintain its popular support," Karat said, reminding the government that it had no majority and therefore it should carry everyone along. "It has to realise that there is no national consensus on several national issues," he said.
The interview, in which the Left leader answered a variety of questions, saw him disputing suggestions of Congress going in for snap polls and that the main Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party turning a 'spent force.'
To questions on the 'Third Alternative', Karat sought to emphasise that the concept was far different from the 'Third Front' marked by only electoral tie-ups and bereft of a common programme and policy.
"The Third Alternative will be based on an alternative set of policies, distinct from those of the Congress and the BJP. We will build up support for this credible policy platform with other parties," the CPI(M) leader said.
He said that the Left has decided to raise the policy matters like airport privatisation inside and outside Parliament and also with political parties which can be 'either inside or outside' the UPA coalition. There can be joint platforms and campaigns on such matters.
All the Left parties would individually make their assessments of the political situation in the country after the Assembly polls. "Then we will come to some conclusion collectively to decide on the future course of action."
He said a number of political developments have taken place in the recent past and the Assembly elections would also have an impact on the national scenario. "It will be the appropriate time to make an assessment as the UPA government will also be completing two years."
Asked as to how long the Left would remain a 'silent spectator,' he said, "The arrangement between Left and the UPA involves elements of both cooperation and conflict. That is the reality. There are certain issues, which we can resolve through discussions but there are some others we don't agree... and some on which there can be no compromise."
There were problems on issues like Delhi, Mumbai airport privatisation, Foreign Direct Investment in retail and capital account convertibility. "Government should decide how it should proceed on these matters.... It depends on the UPA how they retain popular support," the CPI(M) leader said.
Asked about veiled criticism by the Congress that the Left parties were 'communalising' foreign policy, he said that had been there since the Left started campaign on their volte face on Iran. "The charge betrays the lack of credibility of the government's stand. Can they muster the support of the people for the government (on the Iran nuclear issue)," he asked.
"Is the struggle for Palestine, which is going on for five decades, a communal issue? We support it, <span style='color:red'>but that does not mean we are communalising it. We are surprised that Congress, which has had a historic role in leading the Non-Aligned Movement, is resorting to such arguments to defend their pro-US orientation. One would have expected the BJP to talk in these terms," he said.</span>
Asked about speculation that Congress was considering snap polls, he said, "I am not aware. I do not think Congress is considering such a thing".
To a question whether he agreed with the contention that BJP was now a "spent force", Karat said the saffron party had recently joined governments in Karnataka and Bihar and there was no question of underestimating its strength. "Its current maneouvres like the Yatras are to revive the communal agenda. The speeches being made and the message conveyed to the people is hardcore 'Hindutva' agenda," Karat said.
Referring to the Yatras, the CPI(M) leader said a communal campaign was being carried out at the grassroot levels and that the BJP was 'communalising the administration' in states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat where they were ruling.
"Congress and other secular parties should be concerned about these developments," Karat said, referring to the recent tensions in Uttar Pradesh cities of Aligarh and Mau. "There should be no complacency regarding the potential of the communal forces, of which the BJP-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are the prime movers," he said.
Asked about the recent statement by BJP leader L K Advani that his party and Congress could work together if the latter gave up 'minority appeasement,' Karat said, "There is a class factor in this. Given the Indian situation, the big business and the powerful and affluent sections will like to have the two parties together as they see them as natural allies. But they overlook the basic division between communal and secular forces. Congress has been a secular party and it cannot undermine its own character. The mass base of Congress upholds secular values."
He, however, added that there were instances of 'opportunism' when Congress joined hands with BJP in fighting the Left in Kerala and West Bengal. "They have similar approach on economic policies also. This is not new to us."
On Advani's statement, Karat said he was 'venting his frustration' because his communal agenda was not getting the response they wished for. This is primarily because the Left had succeeded in ensuring that real issues became the focus of attention, he added.
Parrying a question on whether the UPA was a cohesive alliance, the CPI(M) general secretary said even before the ruling coalition was formed, his party had relations with the Rashtriya Janata Dal, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Nationalist Congress Party.
To questions on the recent opinion polls predicting the Left returning to power in West Bengal and Kerala, Karat said, "We do not go by opinion polls." He, however, exuded confidence that the Left would form governments in both states.
"There are electoral signposts showing that the Left has gained ground. Recent elections to local bodies, panchayats, municipal corporations and assembly and parliamentary by-elections have shown we have won by bigger margins. That is why we are confident," he added.
Karat said these signposts were not just the endorsement of the West Bengal government's policies, but also what the Left has been doing in the national level. "That is why new sections of the people, including minorities and others, are coming to us," he said.
<!--emo&:cool--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/specool.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='specool.gif' /><!--endemo--> CPM rides on capitalism to seek seventh term in WB
Source: IANS. Image Source: AFP
Kolkata, April 17 : West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya is bending communism like a Beckham and propagating the virtues of capitalism as he seeks a mind-boggling seventh five-year term for the Left Front.
A homegrown Deng Xiao Ping, Bhattacharya has unleashed a virtual revolution in the Marxist citadel over which he presides, seemingly having given up the verses of revolutionary Russian poet Vladimir Mayakovsky that he has always relished.
A lover of avant-garde movies, a poet, a playwright and a translator of Mayakovsky and Gabriel Garcia Marquez in Bengali, the 62-year-old leader is neither reciting revolutionary poems nor chanting Marxism at election rallies.
What he speaks about is plain labour-friendly capitalism, a litany of apologies for what he failed to do on healthcare and education and promises of a better deal for the people.
"What we are practising here is capitalism. Socialism cannot be created in the given situation though we preach it. We are trying to make capitalism as labour-friendly as possible," the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) leader said without fumbling ahead of state assembly elections in West Bengal that started Monday.
"I want investment, so it is important to befriend industrialists. We need industrialisation and we have to keep good relations with industrialists, the inherent contradictions between capital and labour notwithstanding."
Bhattacharya, who enjoys respect for austere living and whose wife works in a library, is clearly making waves - and also causing eyebrows to raise among the puritan Marxists.
When there were protests against his decision to provide farmlands to an Indonesian business group, he told farmers to give up farming and graduate into industry.
No wonder big business is all for him. Said industrialist Sanjeev Goenka, vice chairman of RPG Group: "Buddhadev is absolutely clean and unbelievably honest."
IT sector's Indu Khattar added: "He is a chief minister who is accessible to us. He is there for us and we have full faith in his government."
Continued... Click Here >>
Jharkhand police CD 'exposes' Maoist leaders
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Ranchi, April 15 (IANS) To win the moral battle against the Maoists and regain the faith of the people, the Jharkhand police are distributing a <b>CD that 'exposes' the double standards of the leaders preaching political extremism</b>.
The 30-minute CD released by the state police in April contains footage showing training centres of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), confessional statements of arrested Maoist leaders and proof of 'immoral' practices indulged in by the leaders, a senior police official said.
The CD was released by the Director General of Police (DGP) V.D. Ram recently and is being distributed and shown in the several Maoist strongholds in the state.
Of the state's 22 districts, 16 are reeling under Maoist terror.
'<b>The CD carries video footage of how people are recruited forcibly in their organisation and how villagers are forced to join the cadres and help them against the police</b>,' the official told IANS.
'<b>It also has footage of how women who have joined the organisation are exploited by the Maoist leaders who engage in wife swapping</b>,' he said.
'It has confessional statements of some Maoist leaders on how money is misused and swindled by the leaders and how the top leaders are fighting among themselves for supremacy,' he added.
The disc incorporates footage from the CDs seized from the Maoist hideouts.
'We cannot win the war against Maoists unless we expose them in their den with their misdeeds. <b>Maoists claim to be fighting for the cause of the poor but in reality they are looking after their own interest</b>,' said another police official.
'The idea is to win the moral battle against the rebels and regain the faith of the villagers who have turned against the police,' he said.
MUST READ ARTICLE: Red star over India
Ajit Doval
The writer was director, Intelligence Bureau. akdoval@yahoo.com
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Naxalites donât just terrorise the poor. They make governance impossible
Does Left Extremism really pose a threat to Indiaâs security or is it something the media hyped up? After all, they do not question Indiaâs territorial integrity and apparently are not working as proxies of powers hostile to India. They, at best, want a regime change, albeit through violence, which many others would also vote for. They raise issues of hunger and poverty. These and other nuances notwithstanding, the straight answer to the question is: Left Extremism poses a very real threat which has to be fought with total resolve. Any obfuscation would lead to increased costs and prolonged agony. <b>Naxalites use violence to achieve their political objectives and target innocent lives and thus fully meet the definition of terrorism. </b>Diluting Indiaâs principled position that the âcore issueâ argument does not justify terror would have serious implications. But let us examine why is it really a high potential threat.
First, <b>they seek to bring about change through violence and annihilation of arbitrarily identified class enemies</b>. In-built is destruction of all that free India stands for. If hypothetically, the ârevolutionâ succeeds and the new dispensation becomes tyrannical, oppressive and corrupt, which with the exercise of absolute power itâs bound to, how does one get rid of it? Backed by the might of a totally politicised state apparatus, it would be unchangeable except through civil war or foreign intervention. Fortunately this is a remote threat.
Second, <b>Naxalites feel no ideological compunction in aligning with and supporting forces adversarial to Indiaâs security interests</b>. In the name of supporting nationalist minorities, they support secessionists in Kashmir, insurgents in Northeast, LTTE in Sri Lanka and CPN (Maoist) in Nepal <span style='font-size:8pt;line-height:100%'>(in US we see naxal sympathizers aligning with ISI, LTTE, Khalistanis, Naga separatists [see Califonia textbooks issue] etc )</span>. Charu Majumdar, their role model, opposed India in the Bangladesh war. Support for the 1962 Chinese aggression is an old story. So much for their ideology of supporting peopleâs movements against oppressive regimes. Similarly, in the name of class war, in Bihar and Jharkhand, they indulge in the worst form of caste violence. They have a self-serving definition of âhave notsâ and exercise ruthless violence against the landless and tribals who do not support them. The massacre of Salwa Judum tribals illustrates this. Over 90 per cent of civilian victims of their violence are poor. Under the veneer of revolutionary ideology lies a ruthless ambition for absolute power.
Third, the ârevolutionâ continues to gather strength, engulf new areas, militarise itself and make large areas of the country non-governable. Naxalites stun to submission the poor and the deprived and the state is unable to provide protection or even undertake schemes for their socio-economic uplift due to a vitiated security environment. Naxalites have a vested interest in perpetuating poverty to conserve and expand their constituency. Their area of dominance runs into thousands of sq km, <b>one Punjab getting added to it every two years</b>. This will erode Indiaâs state power, retard its growth, prevent social and economic uplift of the poor and downtrodden and make the political process hostage to the politics of violence. This is the real danger.
Taking the trends of the last five years, we can build a model of the security scenario for the year 2010. Over 260 districts, nearly half of India, would be Naxal affected where the governmentâs writ hardly runs. If we add to this the insurgencies in the Northeast, militancy in J&K and the scourge of Islamic terrorism, Indiaâs overall internal security landscape presents a frightening picture. The strength of left-wing armed cadres would soar from the existing 7,500 to over 16,000, with backup support of thousands of ârevolutionaryâ militia. Their arsenal may be in the range of 12,000 to 15,000 sophisticated weapons. Jan adalats where spot justice is dispensed, extending to beheadings, may increase from the present three per week to one a day. Collection of taxes estimated to be in the range of Rs 17 crore per month may soar to over Rs 40 crore. This money power in economically backward and inaccessible tribal areas can cause havoc.
In this scenario, visualise Indian security forces thinly deployed in the countryside facing murderous crowds in the thousands, many equipped with automatic weapons. The force, in self-defence, will either over-react leading to unacceptable civilian casualties or will be disarmed and possibly lynched. It is noteworthy that despite a sizeable army and paramilitary presence, domination of the Kashmir Valley and six worst affected districts of Punjab proved difficult.
We should doctrinally accept it as a problem of terrorism and deal with it as such. On Thursday the PM recommended enhanced inter-state cooperation. He should call an all party meeting and build a consensus against providing any space to Naxalites for electoral gains or political appeasement. Proactively invoking Article 355 of the Constitution, legislation should be enacted empowering the Centre to suo motu deploy Central forces in badly affected areas. State governments may be informed that provisions of Articles 365/352 could be invoked in the eventuality of breakdown of constitutional machinery if they fail to control the problem.
The number of policemen available for per one lakh population in all the Naxal-affected states is amongst the lowest and much below the national average of 123 â Bihar 56, Chhattisgarh 92, Jharkhand 74, Orissa 92. At least 150 policemen per one lakh population must be made available. More important is qualitative upscaling of manpower. Operational capabilities of state intelligence, right up to the police station level, must be built for undertaking tactical operations. Concerted efforts to choke Naxalsâ sources of finance and channels of procuring weapons also deserves high priority.
A concerted effort should be made to access the affected population to disabuse them of misleading propaganda. The media, think-tanks and NGOs operating in these region could be enlisted. These are only some illustrative policy ideas which need to be converted into a comprehensive action plan.
<!--QuoteBegin-Capt Manmohan Kumar+Apr 17 2006, 12:48 PM-->QUOTE(Capt Manmohan Kumar @ Apr 17 2006, 12:48 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><!--emo&:cool--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/specool.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='specool.gif' /><!--endemo--> CPM rides on capitalism to seek seventh term in WB
Continued... Click Here >>
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can we please have the next part of the story??
and yes, tho i dont think so it would be possible to throw out the commies just yet, i do hope BB manages to do a Gorbachev for West Bengal and bring in not only industrialisation and development but also a basic capitalistic mindset which will in turn, one day, help to throw out the very communist party he represents.
Left turns right
- R. Prasannan & Kallol Bhattacherjee
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Even the anti-americanism is a sham, methinks. The left is getting coopted into the american system. I think it was Rajiv Malhotra who mentioned about rhetorical ethics. Left follows that approach.
The above trend is a global phenomenon. Worldwide maoists are using the two-pronged approach of using the 'democracy' word to legitimize their terrorism..
<b>'Why do you say Maoists are not terrorists?</b>'<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Is India capable of controlling or taking counteraction against the Maoists? </b>
If India decides to do it, India can
<b>Do Maoists get support from jihadi organisations?</b>
Not from jihadis but they do have tactical linkages. They had tactical linkages with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam for some kind of training.
<b>How are they funded?</b>
The government's development funds are their major source. They siphon off these funds because of poor governance. From the patwari to top government officials to local politicians, all keep quiet.
It's not a frightening scenario but it's a phenomenon requiring awareness
.............
<b>In other words, does it mean it is a civil war?</b>
It is not a civil war, as yet. But it can lead to serious conflict. We have to set up the framework. We have to convince them to fight an election. It is possible to explain to them. After Charu Majumdar, when Vinod Mishra came in he formed the Maoist Communist Centre and fought elections. Some splinter ultra-left groups have joined the MCC in Bihar and the People's War Group in Andhra Pradesh.
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About Doval and link with Congress, He is 1968-batch IPS officer of the Kerala cadre. In 1974 Indira Gandhi gave him reward.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->New Delhi, July 7: Setting to rest speculation about the next head of the Intelligence Bureau, <b>Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has decided to reward merit and seniority by appointing Ajit Doval, a 1968-batch IPS officer of the Kerala cadre, as its director</b>.
<b>Then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made an exception in awarding him the police medal, noting that he had achieved in six years what most are unable to do in their entire career but she also noted that this would not be held out as a precedent.</b>
Doval spent six years in Pakistan, a society on which his expertise in considered unrivalled. Almost like a comic book hero, Doval was actually inside the Golden Temple in Amritsar in 1989 when the security forces were charging in during Operation Black Thunder to flush out terrorists from there. Subsequently, he was in London for three years and then in Kashmir.
<b>Doval worked in close co-operation with Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi </b>and several home ministers, including .K. Advani. <b>There was speculation that since Advani sought his advice often, a witch-hunt would ensure that Doval would not get the top job.</b>
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APER NO.45