01-14-2006, 07:23 AM
Here is an article from Frontline which says that in Gujurat, thanks to the post Godhra reprisals, muslims are scared of resorting to Jihadism and actively turn-in any potential terrorists
Hence thanks to post Godhra riots, Gujurat is the safest from ISI
Whereas in secular ruled places like Hyderabad and Kolkata, ISI is active openly
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2301/stories/20...301700.htm
A state of fear
DIONNE BUNSHA
AHMEDABAD
JEHADI elements have wrought havoc in Gujarat, but on a relatively small scale. After the riots, Chief Minister Narendra Modi's election propaganda centred on the Godhra incident and the fear that Gujarat could be besieged by terrorists. The police warned of a "terrorist backlash" similar to the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts, saying that militant groups from outside were trying to recruit Gujarati youth. But intelligence officials admit that the recruitment drive was not successful. The Muslim community was too scared.
The Akshardham temple attack on September 24, 2002, was the biggest ever jehadi action in the State. According to the police, it was carried out by two fidayeens from Kashmir. Local Muslims helped with preparations. However, the evidence in the case is not strong. It is based on the testimony of one of the Kashmiri conspirators, Chand Khan, who gave differing statements to the police. He told the Jammu and Kashmir Police that he did not know anyone in Ahmedabad. But, in his confession to the Gujarat Police, he mentioned the five local people arrested in Ahmedabad.
When Haren Pandya, Modi's main rival, was killed on March 26, 2003, Pandya's father accused Modi of involvement in the incident and said it was a "political assassination". Soon after, the police started raiding Muslim areas in Ahmedabad's walled city in search of Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence agents and illegally detained several youth and even a few old people. Finally, five persons were arrested in Ahmedabad and eight Hyderabadi youth were arrested in Andhra Pradesh. However, the alleged mastermind, Maulana Sufiyan Patangia, who used to run the Waliullah seminary in Ahmedabad's old city, is absconding. The motive behind the murder is still not established.
The Muslim community's reaction has been to withdraw. After the violence, ghettoisation has sharpened divisions. Many refugees were scared to return to their homes, and shifted to Muslim areas such as Juhapura on the outskirts of the city. Even though they were the targets of attack, a disproportionate number of Muslims were detained. Many were charged under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) and are still in jail. The fear of police repression has made the youth retreat into silence.
"After the riots, any Muslim is seen as a terrorist by the police and judiciary. Why weren't the riot-accused booked under POTA? Why are they still free?" asks Haashim Quereshi, a lawyer defending several POTA accused. "People are scared to speak out against injustices and even warn me if I give an interview on television. The community is so scared that at times, people have refrained from taking Moharram processions out into the city. This happened for two years after the Babri Masjid demolition and also after the post-Godhra violence."
The feeling of being "second-class citizens" and not enjoying the same rights as others has made some within the community huddle together, seeking safety in numbers. "They [Hindus] look at us differently. I was not given admission to high-school even though I had good marks. They saw my surname and decided not to take me. Others with lower marks got in," says Arif Quereshi (25), who owns a steel mill and is part of the orthodox Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. "Even in college, they wouldn't take us in sports teams. We complained but nothing happened. After all, we are at their mercy. They are the ones who make all the decisions."
After the communal violence, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad declared a boycott of Muslims, which has marginalised the community further. In several villages, people stopped patronising Muslim shops. In cities, Muslims were not admitted to schools or given employment. Most are self-employed. "To escape discrimination, my friend changed his name to `Gandhi' and then his business started flourishing," said Haashim Quereshi.
Fear has also driven many Muslims to become part of this repressive system. "Many Muslims have become police informers, so that they are protected from harassment," says Quereshi. In Godhra, the Muslim community has surrendered. After the burning of the Sabarmati Express, there were many false arrests. Five municipal councillors supporting the Congress are still in jail, accused of being terrorists. . For years, Muslim areas have been without municipal services and electricity. In the recent municipal elections, 18 Muslim councillors decided to support the BJP in exchange for peace and facilities that they had been denied.
Another trend is the slow but steady growth of orthodox groups such as the Tablighi Jamaat and the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. While around 75 per cent of Ahmedabad's Muslims are Barelvi, around 20 per cent are with the Tablighi Jamaat and a very small percentage is with the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. The more conservative groups have grown in Kutch, where they undertook earthquake rehabilitation work.
"The Tablighi Jamaat has grown mainly because it is very organised and works hard to mobilise people," says Dr. Hanif Lakdawala, an activist from a non-governmental organisation. "More people are attracted to it because the minority is feeling cornered and wants to identify itself with a group. The more they are pushed, the more they want to assert their identity." Even within these sects, there is friction. Followers of the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis are not allowed to worship in Barelvi masjids (mosques) because of their method of doing namaaz (prayer).
"Our idea of jehad has nothing to do with violence. Jehad is the struggle within oneself to become a better person. Our religion does not preach harm to anyone. Those who harm others in the name of religion cannot be called true Muslims," says Ayub Tanwar, a scrap dealer and a follower of the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. "There is no extremism in Ahmedabad. Most of us are traders. We just work all day and go home to sleep. We don't get involved in anything else."
"Injustice is increasing all over the world, that's why you see more violence. This is all political. It has nothing to do with religion," said Imam Shabbir Bihari, the Imam of the Jama Masjid. "Why aren't the LTTE [Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam], naxalites, Bajrang Dal men or extremists in the North-East called terrorists? Why are only Muslims labelled terrorists? It is only being done to spread communal venom."
Though Muslims appear crippled with fear now, it is possible that this communal venom could provoke violence. All it needs is a handful of misled youth. The government and Hindutvadi forces are doing their bit to push that tiny bunch of young men to the brink. The real surprise is that despite such repression and marginalisation, it has not happened yet.
Hence thanks to post Godhra riots, Gujurat is the safest from ISI
Whereas in secular ruled places like Hyderabad and Kolkata, ISI is active openly
http://www.flonnet.com/fl2301/stories/20...301700.htm
A state of fear
DIONNE BUNSHA
AHMEDABAD
JEHADI elements have wrought havoc in Gujarat, but on a relatively small scale. After the riots, Chief Minister Narendra Modi's election propaganda centred on the Godhra incident and the fear that Gujarat could be besieged by terrorists. The police warned of a "terrorist backlash" similar to the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts, saying that militant groups from outside were trying to recruit Gujarati youth. But intelligence officials admit that the recruitment drive was not successful. The Muslim community was too scared.
The Akshardham temple attack on September 24, 2002, was the biggest ever jehadi action in the State. According to the police, it was carried out by two fidayeens from Kashmir. Local Muslims helped with preparations. However, the evidence in the case is not strong. It is based on the testimony of one of the Kashmiri conspirators, Chand Khan, who gave differing statements to the police. He told the Jammu and Kashmir Police that he did not know anyone in Ahmedabad. But, in his confession to the Gujarat Police, he mentioned the five local people arrested in Ahmedabad.
When Haren Pandya, Modi's main rival, was killed on March 26, 2003, Pandya's father accused Modi of involvement in the incident and said it was a "political assassination". Soon after, the police started raiding Muslim areas in Ahmedabad's walled city in search of Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence agents and illegally detained several youth and even a few old people. Finally, five persons were arrested in Ahmedabad and eight Hyderabadi youth were arrested in Andhra Pradesh. However, the alleged mastermind, Maulana Sufiyan Patangia, who used to run the Waliullah seminary in Ahmedabad's old city, is absconding. The motive behind the murder is still not established.
The Muslim community's reaction has been to withdraw. After the violence, ghettoisation has sharpened divisions. Many refugees were scared to return to their homes, and shifted to Muslim areas such as Juhapura on the outskirts of the city. Even though they were the targets of attack, a disproportionate number of Muslims were detained. Many were charged under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) and are still in jail. The fear of police repression has made the youth retreat into silence.
"After the riots, any Muslim is seen as a terrorist by the police and judiciary. Why weren't the riot-accused booked under POTA? Why are they still free?" asks Haashim Quereshi, a lawyer defending several POTA accused. "People are scared to speak out against injustices and even warn me if I give an interview on television. The community is so scared that at times, people have refrained from taking Moharram processions out into the city. This happened for two years after the Babri Masjid demolition and also after the post-Godhra violence."
The feeling of being "second-class citizens" and not enjoying the same rights as others has made some within the community huddle together, seeking safety in numbers. "They [Hindus] look at us differently. I was not given admission to high-school even though I had good marks. They saw my surname and decided not to take me. Others with lower marks got in," says Arif Quereshi (25), who owns a steel mill and is part of the orthodox Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. "Even in college, they wouldn't take us in sports teams. We complained but nothing happened. After all, we are at their mercy. They are the ones who make all the decisions."
After the communal violence, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad declared a boycott of Muslims, which has marginalised the community further. In several villages, people stopped patronising Muslim shops. In cities, Muslims were not admitted to schools or given employment. Most are self-employed. "To escape discrimination, my friend changed his name to `Gandhi' and then his business started flourishing," said Haashim Quereshi.
Fear has also driven many Muslims to become part of this repressive system. "Many Muslims have become police informers, so that they are protected from harassment," says Quereshi. In Godhra, the Muslim community has surrendered. After the burning of the Sabarmati Express, there were many false arrests. Five municipal councillors supporting the Congress are still in jail, accused of being terrorists. . For years, Muslim areas have been without municipal services and electricity. In the recent municipal elections, 18 Muslim councillors decided to support the BJP in exchange for peace and facilities that they had been denied.
Another trend is the slow but steady growth of orthodox groups such as the Tablighi Jamaat and the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. While around 75 per cent of Ahmedabad's Muslims are Barelvi, around 20 per cent are with the Tablighi Jamaat and a very small percentage is with the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. The more conservative groups have grown in Kutch, where they undertook earthquake rehabilitation work.
"The Tablighi Jamaat has grown mainly because it is very organised and works hard to mobilise people," says Dr. Hanif Lakdawala, an activist from a non-governmental organisation. "More people are attracted to it because the minority is feeling cornered and wants to identify itself with a group. The more they are pushed, the more they want to assert their identity." Even within these sects, there is friction. Followers of the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis are not allowed to worship in Barelvi masjids (mosques) because of their method of doing namaaz (prayer).
"Our idea of jehad has nothing to do with violence. Jehad is the struggle within oneself to become a better person. Our religion does not preach harm to anyone. Those who harm others in the name of religion cannot be called true Muslims," says Ayub Tanwar, a scrap dealer and a follower of the Jamaat Ahl-E-Hadis. "There is no extremism in Ahmedabad. Most of us are traders. We just work all day and go home to sleep. We don't get involved in anything else."
"Injustice is increasing all over the world, that's why you see more violence. This is all political. It has nothing to do with religion," said Imam Shabbir Bihari, the Imam of the Jama Masjid. "Why aren't the LTTE [Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam], naxalites, Bajrang Dal men or extremists in the North-East called terrorists? Why are only Muslims labelled terrorists? It is only being done to spread communal venom."
Though Muslims appear crippled with fear now, it is possible that this communal venom could provoke violence. All it needs is a handful of misled youth. The government and Hindutvadi forces are doing their bit to push that tiny bunch of young men to the brink. The real surprise is that despite such repression and marginalisation, it has not happened yet.