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India - China: Relations And Developments
Pioneer
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>The Sino-Pakistan missile nexus </b>
G Parthasarathy
On July 18 President George W Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh asserted that India and the United States would "work together to provide global leadership in areas of mutual concern and interest".

President Bush assured that he would work to "achieve full nuclear energy cooperation with India as it realises its goal of promoting nuclear power and achieving energy security". Less than a fortnight later, on July 28, the US, Japan, China, India, South Korea and Australia announced a new "Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate".

This 'partnership' will involve cooperation areas of common interest like energy efficiency, clean coal, bio-energy, liquefied natural gas and civilian nuclear power.

Was this the beginning of a new US, China, India entente? The answer came a week later on August 4 when the American and Chinese envoys to the UN met in New York and decided to work jointly to torpedo efforts by Germany, Japan, Brazil and India to secure permanent membership of the Security Council.

In today's world the US seeks to strengthen India to promote a viable balance of power in Asia and then colludes with China to ensure that India does not get permanent membership of the Security Council!

While the Bush Administration envisages an emerging and expanding role in the entire Asian and Indian Ocean Region and supports Indian efforts for economic integration with East and Southeast Asia, the same cannot be said about China.

China's interest in containing India was evident in the way it ganged up with the Clinton Administration's efforts to "cap, roll back and eliminate" India's nuclear programme. More importantly, China's efforts to 'contain' India have remained a constant feature, manifested in its backing for Pakistan's nuclear weapons and missile programmes ever since 1976.

After providing Pakistan with the designs of nuclear weapons, China proceeded to supply Pakistan with fissile materials, supported its uranium enrichment efforts and provided it with plutonium reprocessing capabilities for miniaturising nuclear warheads.

What is even more significant about the Pakistan-China relationship is the manner in which China has supplied Pakistan with missiles to enable Pakistan to strike at cities all across India.

The first supplies of Chinese missiles to Pakistan took place barely two years after the December 1988 visit of Rajiv Gandhi to China. Chinese supplies of M11 missiles (christened 'Ghaznavi' by Pakistan) with a range of around 300 km commenced around 1991.

Shortly after the visit of Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao to China in 1993, his hosts proceeded to provide Pakistan with nuclear capable medium range DF 15/ M9 missiles, (christened as "Shaheen-I" by Pakistan) with a range of 600 to 750 km. This supply was in violation of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). The M9 has the range to target major population centres in northern India including Delhi.

The M9 supplies compelled the Clinton Administration that invariably turned a blind eye to Chinese proliferation activities to impose sanctions on the manufacturers, the Haiying Electro Mechanical Technology Academy, a subsidiary of the China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation.

Around 1998, China started providing Pakistan with 1800-2000 km range nuclear capable DF 21/21A missile capable of hitting cities in Kerala and West Bengal - states that produce stalwarts of the CPI(M), who constantly eulogise the virtues of their Chinese comrades!

An interesting feature of Chinese nuclear and missile assistance to Pakistan is that all such assistance is channeled to the National Development Complex in Fatehjang, near the Chinese supplied nuclear power plants at Chashma, in Pakistan's Punjab Province.

This complex is headed by Pakistani nuclear scientist Samar Mubarak Mand, who is designated as the Chairman of Pakistan's Engineering and Scientific Commission and is now emerging as Pakistan's national hero to replace the disgraced Dr AQ Khan.

The Chinese missiles assembled in Fatehjang are invariably tested in Baluchistan. The Shaheen-II was test fired in Sonmiani in the Lasbela district of Baluchistan. The Shaheen-II was also test fired from Baluchistan. Dr AQ Khan was entrusted with assembling missiles of North Korean origin like the Ghauri-I and Ghauri-II.

These missiles were test fired either from Dera Ghazi Khan or the Jhelum district in Pakistani Punjab. It is in this background that one must view the announcement made by Mr Samar Mubarak Mand on August 12 that after the successful test firing of a 500- km range nuclear capable cruise missile in Baluchistan, Pakistan was going to commence serial production of the Babur cruise missiles in October this year.

Pakistan does not have the capabilities to produce cruise missiles indigenously. It is, therefore, evident that Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's visit to Pakistan has been followed not merely by new Chinese supplies of fighter aircraft, naval frigates and tanks but also by the supply of advanced cruise missiles to that country. China itself acquired the 250-km range "MOSKIT" cruise missile from Russia. It also acquired the 400-km range "DELILAH" cruise missile from Israel.

<b>Finally, between 1999 and 2001, it clandestinely acquired X 55 cruise missiles capable of carrying a 200 kiloton nuclear warhead with a range of 2500-km, from Ukraine.</b> It has brought in hundreds of Russian technicians to develop cruise missiles.

All these efforts are being coordinated by the China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation that has been a regular supplier of strategic missiles to Pakistan. <b>A significant feature that has emerged in the recent past is that military and missile technology that China acquires from Russia is finding its way to Pakistan</b>. Has New Delhi brought this to the notice of its friends in Moscow?

China's opposition to India's permanent membership of the Security Council, its reservations about joining and being associated in regional forums in Central, East and South East Asia and its nuclear/missile relationship with Pakistan all suggest that there is a continuing Chinese aim to 'contain' India by encouraging Pakistan to seek 'parity' with it. This does not mean that we should not seek to normalise relations with our northern neighbour.

It merely means that we should be realistic about its aims and intentions. It would be good to develop a national consensus on this issue. It would really be heartening if our concerns about Chinese behaviour could be unambiguously conveyed by our CPI(M) stalwarts like Mr Prakash Karat during the course of the many exchanges they have (no doubt with sumptuous servings of Beijing Duck) with their fraternal Communist comrades in the Middle Kingdom.

There is no doubt that there has been yet another major intelligence failure, as our negotiating team evidently had no information about the impending cruise missile test when finalising the text of the Agreement on Prior Notification of Missile Tests with its Pakistani counterparts, earlier this month.

National Security Adviser MK Narayanan was said to be determined to revamp the entire functioning of our external intelligence set up after it was found that it did not have a clue about the palace coup staged by King Gyanendra in Nepal, when the monarch imposed emergency rule.

Sadly, apart from Indira Gandhi, no Prime Minister in recent years has paid adequate attention to developing our human and covert intelligence capabilities. One hopes Mr Manmohan Singh will pay the same attention towards doing this, as he does to other aspects of national security.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->


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