02-05-2007, 05:13 PM
<b>An Indo-Arab blunder?</b>
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/730/in1.htm
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><i>Over the years, the Arab world has let India down even though the Asian giant championed the Palestinian cause, writes Mustafa El-Feki</i>
When I compare how India used to view the Palestinian question, back when IÂ
was counsellor to the Egyptian Embassy in New Delhi 25 years ago, with how itÂ
does now, I cannot help but wonder how things change. I was posted in New
Delhi in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when India was a major supporter of
the Palestinian cause. The very idea of having diplomatic ties with Israel wasÂ
offensive to most Indians.Â
I once monitored a meeting of late Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi with a
group of Jewish Indians in Mumbai and then wrote an article about it for the
Cairo-based periodical Al-Siyasa Al-Dawliya (Foreign Policy), speculatingÂ
on the future of relations between India and Israel. In response, the IndianÂ
ambassador in Cairo filed an official protest with the Egyptian ForeignÂ
Ministry, expressing outrage that I brought up the possibility that India mayÂ
one day move close to Israel. At present, relations between New Delhi and IsraelÂ
are of strategic nature, with both countries in close touch, waging a common
war against terror. Both have succeeded in damning the Palestinian resistance
and the Kashmir insurgence as terrorist, not national liberation movements.
India and Israel cooperate in many fields, including military and nuclear
technology. So much we know for fact.
One question is in order, however. What made India change its mind and throwÂ
itself in the arms of a country that occupies Arab and Palestinian land, to
the point where it has played host to Ariel Sharon? India and Israel have
their own separate political agendas. India wishes to have access to US and
Israeli technology, particularly in the development of weapons. Israel, for its
part, wishes to have the political backing of a powerful nation. Besides, bothÂ
countries have a common interest in monitoring the nuclear programmes of Iran
and Pakistan. Let's now examine some of the reasons that made India change
its mind.
First, we have made the error of viewing the Indian- Pakistani conflict fromÂ
an Islamic perspective. We have tried to "Islamise" the ongoing conflict inÂ
south Asia, posing as protectors of Islam and custodians of the internationalÂ
community. And we have overlooked the regional role of India, with Arab
leaders showing up in New Delhi much less frequently than before.
Secondly, when India applied for membership of the Organisation of theÂ
Islamic Conference (OIC), the response was extraordinary. A country with 120Â
million Muslim citizens applied to membership and what happened? IslamicÂ
countries, in typical naiveté, rejected the Indian application, imagining this would
please Pakistan and teach India a lesson. The right thing to do, of course,
would have been to co-opt this major country and give it OIC membership. This
would have put the brakes on Indian rapprochement with Israel. An Arab-Indian
rapprochement may have even alleviated, not increased, the pressure on
Pakistan. Imparting a religious coating on a conflict between two neighbouring
countries was a political misjudgement, and a sign of Arab miscalculation.
Thirdly, India was close to the former Soviet Union and, as a major countryÂ
of the Non-Aligned Movement, critical of US policies. That was during the Cold
War, but things have changed since then. India has forged close links with
the US due to political as well as technological reasons. And its newly
acquired superiority in ICT proves it knew what it was doing. India has also
succeeded in replacing Pakistan as the US favourite country in the region. I
wouldn't be surprised to see India assume the role of a policeman in the Indian
Ocean and the outskirts of the Gulf, with US blessing and with the aim of
encircling so-called Islamic violence. This would be in harmony with Israel's
agenda, and it may pave the way to a scheme of joint control over the Greater
Middle East.Â
Fourthly, Some Arab countries have pursued a balanced policy towards theÂ
conflict in south Asia. Under Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Egypt was so close to IndiaÂ
that the latter had no motive to flirt with Israel. Back then, India was aÂ
staunch supporter of the Palestinian people, and I still remember that theÂ
Palestinian ambassador to New Delhi enjoyed the privilege of meeting the IndianÂ
prime minister at anytime he wished to do so. But as the Islamic phenomenonÂ
spread and some Arab policies acquired a religious tint, India grew visiblyÂ
suspicious of the Arab and Islamic worlds. To make things worse, Arab diplomacyÂ
in India was lackadaisical over the past two decades.
Fifthly, the Indians are a practical and smart people, so are the Pakistanis.
It is advisable for us to maintain balanced relations with both. Both
countries are nuclear powers and are highly regarded across the Arab world.
Having good ties with both countries makes sense at these turbulent times.
We have lost India so far for no good reason, I should say. We have failed to
stay close to an industrially advanced state, one with nuclear and spaceÂ
capabilities. We have failed to do so although there is a clear ethnicÂ
resemblance between the Indian subcontinent, including Pakistan and Bangladesh,Â
and the people in our Arab world. It is time we mend this error. It is time toÂ
bring Arab countries closer to both India and Pakistan, rather than take oneÂ
side or keep our distance altogether. I believe the Arabs have only themselvesÂ
to blame for India's change of heart on the Palestinian question.Â
In early 2003, I was in New Delhi with a parliamentary delegation. It was myÂ
first to India in over 20 years. I met the Indian national security adviser,
who is a veteran politician, and he told me his country, despite its close
links with Israel, is committed to legitimate Palestinian rights. Such attitude
is encouraging, and it makes me think that the Arab League, whose currentÂ
secretary-general was once an ambassador to India, should start a coordinatedÂ
effort to improve Arab links with India. We need to bring back the balance toÂ
our policy and revive the old friendship, while maintaining our close bonds
with Pakistan.
Some people have taken issue with what I mentioned about the need toÂ
integrate the Arab mindset into the current global mindset. They called myÂ
assertion an assault on local identity and a sabotage of the pan-Arab character.Â
I still believe that this is a responsible way of addressing our problems, thatÂ
this is the way forward in the context of comprehensive reform -- the reformÂ
that countries in this region seek, the reform that emanates from their ownÂ
fabric and expresses their own resolve. We must distinguish between two things.Â
One is comprehensive revision, which makes transformation a part of reform.
The other is uncalculated compromises that lead to a general sense of
capitulation of other people's wishes. Only the latter I am against.
International isolation is impossible. Let me say this loud and clear. This is what history tells us, this is the spirit of the age, and this is how things are.
<i>* The writer is chairman of parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee.</i> <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/730/in1.htm
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><i>Over the years, the Arab world has let India down even though the Asian giant championed the Palestinian cause, writes Mustafa El-Feki</i>
When I compare how India used to view the Palestinian question, back when IÂ
was counsellor to the Egyptian Embassy in New Delhi 25 years ago, with how itÂ
does now, I cannot help but wonder how things change. I was posted in New
Delhi in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when India was a major supporter of
the Palestinian cause. The very idea of having diplomatic ties with Israel wasÂ
offensive to most Indians.Â
I once monitored a meeting of late Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi with a
group of Jewish Indians in Mumbai and then wrote an article about it for the
Cairo-based periodical Al-Siyasa Al-Dawliya (Foreign Policy), speculatingÂ
on the future of relations between India and Israel. In response, the IndianÂ
ambassador in Cairo filed an official protest with the Egyptian ForeignÂ
Ministry, expressing outrage that I brought up the possibility that India mayÂ
one day move close to Israel. At present, relations between New Delhi and IsraelÂ
are of strategic nature, with both countries in close touch, waging a common
war against terror. Both have succeeded in damning the Palestinian resistance
and the Kashmir insurgence as terrorist, not national liberation movements.
India and Israel cooperate in many fields, including military and nuclear
technology. So much we know for fact.
One question is in order, however. What made India change its mind and throwÂ
itself in the arms of a country that occupies Arab and Palestinian land, to
the point where it has played host to Ariel Sharon? India and Israel have
their own separate political agendas. India wishes to have access to US and
Israeli technology, particularly in the development of weapons. Israel, for its
part, wishes to have the political backing of a powerful nation. Besides, bothÂ
countries have a common interest in monitoring the nuclear programmes of Iran
and Pakistan. Let's now examine some of the reasons that made India change
its mind.
First, we have made the error of viewing the Indian- Pakistani conflict fromÂ
an Islamic perspective. We have tried to "Islamise" the ongoing conflict inÂ
south Asia, posing as protectors of Islam and custodians of the internationalÂ
community. And we have overlooked the regional role of India, with Arab
leaders showing up in New Delhi much less frequently than before.
Secondly, when India applied for membership of the Organisation of theÂ
Islamic Conference (OIC), the response was extraordinary. A country with 120Â
million Muslim citizens applied to membership and what happened? IslamicÂ
countries, in typical naiveté, rejected the Indian application, imagining this would
please Pakistan and teach India a lesson. The right thing to do, of course,
would have been to co-opt this major country and give it OIC membership. This
would have put the brakes on Indian rapprochement with Israel. An Arab-Indian
rapprochement may have even alleviated, not increased, the pressure on
Pakistan. Imparting a religious coating on a conflict between two neighbouring
countries was a political misjudgement, and a sign of Arab miscalculation.
Thirdly, India was close to the former Soviet Union and, as a major countryÂ
of the Non-Aligned Movement, critical of US policies. That was during the Cold
War, but things have changed since then. India has forged close links with
the US due to political as well as technological reasons. And its newly
acquired superiority in ICT proves it knew what it was doing. India has also
succeeded in replacing Pakistan as the US favourite country in the region. I
wouldn't be surprised to see India assume the role of a policeman in the Indian
Ocean and the outskirts of the Gulf, with US blessing and with the aim of
encircling so-called Islamic violence. This would be in harmony with Israel's
agenda, and it may pave the way to a scheme of joint control over the Greater
Middle East.Â
Fourthly, Some Arab countries have pursued a balanced policy towards theÂ
conflict in south Asia. Under Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Egypt was so close to IndiaÂ
that the latter had no motive to flirt with Israel. Back then, India was aÂ
staunch supporter of the Palestinian people, and I still remember that theÂ
Palestinian ambassador to New Delhi enjoyed the privilege of meeting the IndianÂ
prime minister at anytime he wished to do so. But as the Islamic phenomenonÂ
spread and some Arab policies acquired a religious tint, India grew visiblyÂ
suspicious of the Arab and Islamic worlds. To make things worse, Arab diplomacyÂ
in India was lackadaisical over the past two decades.
Fifthly, the Indians are a practical and smart people, so are the Pakistanis.
It is advisable for us to maintain balanced relations with both. Both
countries are nuclear powers and are highly regarded across the Arab world.
Having good ties with both countries makes sense at these turbulent times.
We have lost India so far for no good reason, I should say. We have failed to
stay close to an industrially advanced state, one with nuclear and spaceÂ
capabilities. We have failed to do so although there is a clear ethnicÂ
resemblance between the Indian subcontinent, including Pakistan and Bangladesh,Â
and the people in our Arab world. It is time we mend this error. It is time toÂ
bring Arab countries closer to both India and Pakistan, rather than take oneÂ
side or keep our distance altogether. I believe the Arabs have only themselvesÂ
to blame for India's change of heart on the Palestinian question.Â
In early 2003, I was in New Delhi with a parliamentary delegation. It was myÂ
first to India in over 20 years. I met the Indian national security adviser,
who is a veteran politician, and he told me his country, despite its close
links with Israel, is committed to legitimate Palestinian rights. Such attitude
is encouraging, and it makes me think that the Arab League, whose currentÂ
secretary-general was once an ambassador to India, should start a coordinatedÂ
effort to improve Arab links with India. We need to bring back the balance toÂ
our policy and revive the old friendship, while maintaining our close bonds
with Pakistan.
Some people have taken issue with what I mentioned about the need toÂ
integrate the Arab mindset into the current global mindset. They called myÂ
assertion an assault on local identity and a sabotage of the pan-Arab character.Â
I still believe that this is a responsible way of addressing our problems, thatÂ
this is the way forward in the context of comprehensive reform -- the reformÂ
that countries in this region seek, the reform that emanates from their ownÂ
fabric and expresses their own resolve. We must distinguish between two things.Â
One is comprehensive revision, which makes transformation a part of reform.
The other is uncalculated compromises that lead to a general sense of
capitulation of other people's wishes. Only the latter I am against.
International isolation is impossible. Let me say this loud and clear. This is what history tells us, this is the spirit of the age, and this is how things are.
<i>* The writer is chairman of parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee.</i> <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->