This is an attempt to blunt the initiative from the 4 states (rightly or wrongly). And how the heck is China a WW2 winner ? Somebody please explain this to me ? The same old formula "Main Shivaji, Tum Sainik" (I Shivaji, U Soldier) continues.. <!--emo&:angry:--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/mad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='mad.gif' /><!--endemo-->
I suggest that the US NIC report "Mapping the Golbal Future" be discussed in this thread. It would be useful to limit to relevant portions pertaining to India.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Mapping the Global future
http://www.cia.gov/nic/NIC_globaltrend2020.html <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
India GDP will exceed Today's Rich Countries
Italy -2012
France - 2020
Germany - 2023
Japan - 2033
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->This enormous work forceâa growing portion of which will be well educatedâwill be an attractive, competitive source of low-cost labor at the same time that technological innovation is expanding the range of globally mobile occupations<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
I am not sure this low-cost labor will stay low in future.
Unstable political situation can reverse wheel.
If Commies stay in power for another 10years, it may take much longer to achieve this GDP target.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->In India, although much of the west and south may have a large middle class by 2020, a number of regions such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Orissa will remain underdeveloped. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
This will halt India's progress. Will be source of religious and caste based riots. They will make India, World's punching bag.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Studies show that household incomes drop by 50 to 80 percent when key earners become infected. In âsecond waveâ HIV/AIDS countriesâNigeria, Ethiopia, Russia, India, China, Brazil, Ukraine, and the Central Asian statesâthe disease will continue to spread beyond traditional high-risk groups into the general population. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Another problem area, Indian government is still ignoring. Can halt India's progress.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->In terms of capital flows, rising Asia may still accumulate large currency reservesâcurrently $850 billion in Japan, $500 billion in China, $190 billion in Korea, and $120 million in India, or collectively three-quarters of global reservesâbut the percentage held in dollars will fall. A basket of reserve currencies including the yen, renminbi, and possibly <b>rupee</b> probably will become standard practice<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
What about Euro?
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--> A new, more Asian cultural identity is likely to be rapidly packaged and distributed as incomes rise and communications networks spread. Korean pop singers are already the rage in Japan, Japanese anime have many fans in China, and Chinese kung-fu movies and <b>Bollywood song-and-dance epics are viewed throughout Asia</b>. Even Hollywood has begun to reflect these Asian influencesâan effect that is likely to accelerate through 2020<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
It is possible.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Some experts believe it is only a matter of time before a new pandemic appears, such as the 1918â1919 influenza virus that killed an estimated 20 million worldwide. Such a pandemic in megacities of the developing world with poor health-care systemsâin Sub-Saharan Africa, China, India, Bangladesh or Pakistanâwould be devastating and could spread rapidly throughout the world. <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
To derail development, West can create pandemic.
Last bird flu failed to retard China development, yes there was some problems which lasted for 2 months.
01-20-2005, 09:45 PM (This post was last modified: 01-21-2005, 12:26 AM by ramana.)
The whole report is about China and India's pogress.
Mudy you have highlighted the areas of weakness in India per the report and pointed out measures and remedies. Need to put in more detail.
Also need to figure in how much is this a psy-ops to make the two countries feel good or rouse passions in other areas.
I think the rupee will become the defacto currency in BMIST, SAARC and the IOR by that time. For that the govt has to double the reserves and hold more of it in gold. In an earlier era the Moghul ashrafi was the defacto currency in the Gulf region. The colonial experience wiped that out.
Also how many people understand significance of the sterling crisis right before the Independence in 1947?
ramana,
I will work on this report this weekend. <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->how much is this a psy-ops to make the two cuntires feel good or rouse passions in other areas.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
That is my feeling. Pump India and China ego and direct rest of developing countries and European developed countries hatred towards these two oldest civilizations who are very sensitive to critics and with large population.
Portugal's supreme court decision to allow extradition of underworld don Abu Salem to India has come as a shot-in-the-arm for the Central Bureau of Investigation, which has been following his case for the last three years.
With the new order, Salem can now be tried in India for small as well as for major offences in India. <!--emo&:cool--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/specool.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='specool.gif' /><!--endemo-->
The below is provided by shri Ram Narayan, an Indian-American activist.
Britainâs premier scientific journal, /New Scientist/, has done a special issue for which the journal sent a team of investigative journalists to India. Its conclusion: India is not yet a knowledge superpower. But it stands on the threshold. What is encouraging about the /NewScientist.Com/ issue is that there is no hype that would be intolerable to scientists with clinical minds. âFor the /NewScientist /reporters who have been in India for this special report, many features of the country stand out,â says the magazine.
âWith a population of more than a billion, the country presents some curious contrasts. It has the worldâs 11th largest economy, yet it is home to more than a quarter of the worldâs poorest people. It is the sixth largest emitter of carbon dioxide, yet hundreds of millions of its people have no steady electricity supply. It has more than 250 universities which catered last year for more than 3.2 million science students, yet 39 per cent of adult Indians cannot read or write.â It is against this sober background it informs its discriminating readers, who include the best-informed scientists in the West: âThe first sign that something was up came about eight years back. Stories began to appear in the international media suggesting that India was âstealingâ jobs from wealthy nations â not industrial jobs, like those that had migrated to south-east Asia, but the white-collar jobs of well-educated people. Today, we know that the trickle of jobs turned into a flood. India is now the back office of many banks, a magnet for labour-intensive, often tedious programming, and the customer services voice of everything from British Airways to Microsoft.â
It points out: âIn reality, the changes in India have been more profound than this suggests. Over the past five years alone, more than 100 IT and science-based firms have located R&D labs in India.
These are not drudge jobs: high-tech companies are coming to India to find innovators whose ideas will take the world by storm. Their recruits are young graduates, straight from Indiaâs universities and elite technology institutes, or expats who are streaming back because they see India as the place to be â better than Europe and the US. The knowledge revolution has begun.â
According to /NewScientist/: âThere's a revolution afoot {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524876.800} in India.
Unlike any other developing nation, India is using brainpower rather than cheap physical labour or natural resources to leapfrog into the league of technologically advanced nations. Every high tech company, from Intel to Google, is coming to India {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524871.100} to find innovators. Leading the charge is Infosys, the country's first billion-dollar IT company {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524871.900}.â
âBut the revolution is not confined to IT. Crop scientists are passionately pursuing GM crops {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524876.900} to help feed India's poor. Some intrepid molecular biologists are pioneering stem-cell cures for blindness {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524877.100}, while others have beaten the odds to produce vaccines for pennies {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524871.500}.â
"And the country is getting wired up as never before. Mobile phone networks {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524871.300}
have nearly blanketed the country and the internet {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524872.000} is even reaching remote villages".
âLooking skyward, India's unique space programme {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524871.000} has fought international sanctions to emerge as key player in India's development. Meanwhile, India's nuclear industry is boldly building cutting-edge fast-breeder reactors {http://www.newscientist.com/special/india/mg18524877.000}.â
There are those who ask: âBut why is India, a country that still has so many development problems on the ground, aiming for the heavens? To Indian scientists, the question is not only patronising of their scientific aspirations, it betrays an ignorance of the Indian space programmeâs greater purpose and successes against the odds.â
/NewScientist/ provides the answer: âIndiaâs political leaders say the country cannot afford not to have a space programme. Indira Gandhi, who was Indiaâs longest-serving Prime Minister, believed it was not only important for science, but also vital to Indiaâs development.â
The special issue dated February 19, 2005 (http://www.newscientist.com/special/india
{http://www.newscientist.com/special/india}) has a dozen well researched articles covering developments in Indian science and technology, all worth reading.
<b>How will we play the Great Game?</b> <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>What the US was working on was to remove India's objections to a pipeline through Pakistan. Once this was achieved, they could push the alternative project, the Turkmenistan pipeline</b>. Somehow, in our obsession with Pakistan, and by becoming victims of our own loquaciousness and hectoring, we failed to see the direction in which things were headed.
The Americans waited until the cabinet decided to explore the possibility of the Iran project -- which signaled that India was open to a pipeline through Pakistan -- before registering their objections and reservations to the deal.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Appeasing muslims/paki will cost Aiyar and congress some sleepless nights.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->At the same time, a pipeline project through Turkmenistan will provide an outlet for the Central Asian energy reserves. This will end the near monopoly that the Russians have on the Central Asian energy reserves through the pipeline network that was built during the Soviet era.
The Turkmenistan pipeline will also allow US oil and construction companies to bid for the contract for laying the pipeline. This would not be possible in case of the Iran pipeline. Not only would the US oil giants gain from such a project, it will also help to pay for the US involvement in Afghanistan -- the classic cost-plus imperial strategy<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->Reliance pushed for this deal, Why???
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->If anything, Pakistan has much more to gain by a pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan than through Iran. <b>Not only will such a project increase the leverage enjoyed by Pakistan inside Afghanistan and Central Asia, it will also give a huge boost to Pakistan's economy</b>. The entire Gwadar port project depends critically on the Central Asian trade.
For the Americans, tying the Gwadar port into the Central Asian trade and energy network will help in ousting the Chinese from developing a base on the mouth of the Persian Gulf. As things stand, the US will lean on both India and Pakistan to consider the Turkmenistan pipeline and give up the Iranian project
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->India has for long harbored ambitions and pretensions of being a major player in the region and the world. This is perhaps India's big opportunity to move into the big league. But in order to do so, India will have to chart out its game plan very carefully and with cold calculation.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Pioneer-
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>India in emerging world order</b>
G Parthasarathy
An influential American academic who was recently in Delhi very candidly spelt out American global priorities in coming years. While acknowledging that the "war on terrorism" had acquired new dimensions that would take considerable time to confront, he averred that continuing "primacy" in world affairs was the predominant aim of American policy. <b>This "primacy" was to be achieved by increasing investments to maintain global military "dominance" by the US and by preserving its economic power.</b>
Â
Politically, <b>the US would seek to engage centres of influence like its NATO and EU allies, Japan, Russia, China and India.</b> While there is little doubt that the US can perpetuate its global military "dominance," <b>there are doubts about whether it can retain its global economic clout</b>, to the exclusion of other players. It is <b>also doubtful if the Washington will be able to fashion a world order in which it achieves consensus with other major players, even as it strives to retain global "primacy".</b>
The present global order is going to largely revolve around the directions that American policies take in the quest for global "primacy". After attempting to engage the US and secure American recognition and respect for its interests in the erstwhile Soviet Republics, President Vladimir Putin appears to have concluded that there is a conscious US effort to contain and undermine Russian influence in its "near neighbourhood", especially in the light of recent developments in Georgia and Ukraine. Japan <b>has won "unambiguous" American support for its candidature for permanent membership of the Security Council after it joined the US on the Taiwan issue</b>.
China, in turn, has enacted legislation threatening to invade Taiwan if it declares independence. With its rapidly expanding defence expenditure and industrial strength, <b>Beijing is now perceived by the Americans as a long-term challenge and threat</b>. There are, however, disagreements within the US on how the emergence of China as a global and competing power in the Asia - Pacific can be addressed. While President George Bush sought to assure his European allies about his desire to eschew unilateral American actions like the one in Iraq, the trans-Atlantic alliance could receive a serious jolt if the Europeans go ahead with their intention to sell arms to China. The Americans will inevitably respond with technology sanctions, if European powers proceed on this path, as now seems likely. What we are, therefore seeing is the emergence of a world order in which there will be areas of cooperation, as well as competition and rivalry between major power centres in the world.
New Delhi should take note of the recent developments including the visits of US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former Japanese Prime Minister Mori Yoshiro and the forthcoming visit of Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in the light of these developments. While the focus of attention during Rice's visit was on her concerns about the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, she did make some significant comments in Delhi and Islamabad. She stated in Islamabad that the US was opposed to violence and terrorism in J&K. She also recognised that the road to an "eventual resolution" in J&K would take time because of "deep divisions" in the positions of India and Pakistan. The US is now cooperating with India more closely than ever before on recent developments in Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Rice indicated that the US was willing to live with the reality of India being a nuclear power and offered to assist India in meeting its energy needs. There is now reason for some optimism on this score. <b>After having agreed to provide over $5 billion in EXIM Bank credits and loan guarantees for supplying nuclear power reactors to China, the US cannot ignore India's energy needs</b>, including in the area of nuclear power. Besides, there is also recognition in Washington that given the American quest for a "strategic balance" in Asia, <b>India's emergence as a growing economic power with military potential should be encouraged, including with measures like provision of missile defence systems, F-16 fighter aircraft and other sophisticated military equipment</b>.
Just before Condoleezza Rice reached Beijing, Pakistan carried out a test of its Chinese supplied Shaheen-II missile that has a range of 2000 kilometres, which can target cities like Bangalore and Chennai with nuclear warheads. It is imperative for Mr Manmohan Singh to take up our concerns about Chinese assistance to Pakistan's nuclear weapons and missile programmes with Prime Minister Wen Jiabao. Our political leaders have shown an unnecessary reluctance to take up such issues with their Chinese counterparts in the past.
<b>The Chinese are supreme realists and respect others only when they show the ability to acquire and wield power. </b>Chinese respect for India will inevitably increase when we <b>accelerate economic growth</b>, step up <b>defence modernisation and deploy Agni-III missiles</b>. We should also make it clear that there can be no question of India yielding to the new and fanciful Chinese border claim of the monastery town of Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh being a part of China. Mr Singh has spoken of an Asian Economic Community during the last ASEAN Summit. Wen Jiabao should be asked if Beijing supports this proposal. China has been lukewarm towards our growing engagement with East and Southeast Asia.
Â
Both India and the US share a common interest in stability in the Persian Gulf and security of the Indian Ocean sea lanes. But there are wide differences on issues like relations with Iran. It would be in our interest to develop a common diplomatic approach to such issues with powers like China and Russia. Neither India nor China should be deterred from benefiting from the utilisation of the gas and oil resources of Iran merely because of concerns of possible American sanctions under the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act of 1996.
The forthcoming Wen Jiabao visit should be utilised to see that competition for energy resources does not unnecessarily strain Sino-Indian relations. There is much that India can learn from the dynamic manner in which China has proceeded to acquire equity stakes in oil, gas and coal exploration in countries ranging from Australia and Canada to Iran and Sudan.
The visit of Condoleezza Rice has led to expectations in India that the Bush Administration will be more forthcoming on issues of high-technology transfers, cooperation in nuclear energy and space and finally on sale and co-production of defence equipment. The US has not been a reliable partner in the past either on defence sales or nuclear energy. But there are indications that the US is now showing a growing recognition of India's importance for developing a viable and stable balance of power in Asia.
We should, therefore, explore ways to benefit from American technology in areas like defence, space and nuclear power. We could look at the possibility of acquiring missile defence systems from the US to protect our population centres because of the unrestrained transfers of missiles and nuclear weapons know how from China to Pakistan. We could also undertake acquisitions of major weapons systems once the US removes the legislative and other impediments we now face in acquiring nuclear power plants.
<b>The G-8 group of nations cannot expect us to join global efforts for dealing with climate change at a time when we are denied alternative, non-polluting sources of energy</b>. The world will, however,<b> take more serious notice of us after our nuclear scientists establish that we can build our own 500 MW Uranium 233 based fast breeder reactors</b>. <b>National self-reliance in such areas inevitably promotes international respect for India</b>.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>India rejects UNSC permanent membership sans veto power</b> United Nations, April 1: India has firmly ruled out accepting membership of the expanded UN Security Council without veto power, saying sans veto new members would not be able to fulfil the mandate of the General Assembly efficiently.
Responding to suggestions at a meeting attended by diplomats from more than 150 countries here yesterday, India's ambassador to UN Nirupam Sen said both in terms of decision-making and in legal constitutional terms, "We cannot accept any discrimination between permanent members.".
The meeting was organised by India, Japan, and Germany and Brazil, a grouping named G-4 formed to mount pressure on UNSC
.........
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Japan wants to see India as stabilising power </b>
Shobori Ganguli/ New Delhi
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will be here Thursday midnight with an express agenda: Redefine the existing global partnership between India and Japan to give it a "strategic orientation" in the context of Asia's two new regional superpowers, India and China, heralding a "new Asian era". Two, encourage India's participation in the regional economic integration process currently underway in East Asia. These two issues are meant to underscore India's crucial relevance as a "stabilising power" in Asia, in political and economic terms.
Although bitter rivals of history, Japan is aware that engagement with China is a regional and global necessity. However, it needs to counterbalance the current frost in Japan-China ties with a conflict-less partner like India. Briefing the media ahead of Mr Koizumi's visit, Japanese Ambassador Yasukuni Enoki said, with the <b>emergence of India and China as "new Asian superpowers" </b>a "common agenda for the rest of the Asian countries is how to associate with India and China." In this regard, he said, "India should shoulder responsibility for the prosperity and stability of the region," a process in which J<b>apan is ready to extend a "strategic" hand and help India emerge as a "regional stabilising power."</b><i> [they are towing some dream, they want India to endrose Japan for UNSC]</i>
Mr Enoki said Mr Koizumi would convey to the Indian leadership that development of bilateral relations is important, "not merely for the sake of mutual benefit but for the stability and prosperity of entire Asia," and emphasise that, "our relationship has enhanced significance not just in the bilateral context but in the regional and global contexts as well."
Coming three weeks after Chinese premier Wen Jiabao's high-profile tour of India, during which Japan was bluntly told to hold up the mirror of history to introspect on its claims for a permanent membership of the Security Council, <b>Mr Koizumi's visit will seek to underline the strength and solidarity of the G4 candidates - India, Japan, Brazil and Germany. </b>
"The G4 nations must further strengthen their solidarity because every candidate has a difficult neighbour... Some of these countries will try to weaken our solidarity," <b>Mr Enoki warned. Japan, understandably, faces the most serious challenge to its UNSC claim from neighbour China because the latter is a P5 country. Germany is battling Italy on this front; Brazil has Argentina and Mexico to contend with; India has usual suspect Pakistan acting spoiler.</b>Â <!--emo&--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo-->
While battling a bitter historical legacy with China on their journey to the Security Council, the Japanese also insist that cordial and friendly relations between India, China and Japan are indispensable to Asian stability. Mr Enoki pointed out that while historical irritants between Japan and China cannot be erased overnight, their economic engagement is extremely intense, their two-way trade 30 times higher than that of India and Japan.<b> The challenge for India and Japan, therefore, is to increase multifold their trade and economic cooperation, given the fact the two have "no negative legacy of history."</b> <i> [Yes, India can't recall North East atrocities, they have short memory, they can't even recall Kargil]</i>
With preparations going full-steam for an East Asia Summit in Malaysia this December, Japan is keen on India's participation, because "India is crucial to Asian economic prosperity," Mr Enoki said. He said his country also endorses Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's vision of an Asian economic community - an <b>"arc of advantage and prosperity" to counterpose America's perceived "arc of instability."</b>
Mr Koizumi's talks would be crystallised in an eight-point joint statement, a concrete "action-plan" for cooperation. These include: Launch of a high-level strategic dialogue, start of an energy dialogue, enhanced security dialogue and cooperation, science and technology cooperation, cultural and academic initiatives, regional initiatives like an Asian Economic Community, UNSC reforms, and, joint combat of global threats like terrorism, natural disasters and proliferation.
<b>Energy is a serious concern for Japan which is worried about the energy use patterns in India and China. While secure for the moment, Japan is keen to teach a few lessons on energy efficiency to China and India whose consumption impacts the global energy scenario. </b><!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Are they ready to provide technology and funds?
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->
<b>A fine balance</b>
Arun Nehru
With Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visiting New Delhi within three weeks of Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao's sojourn, India is fast emerging as the theatre of Asian power play. Mr Koizumi, known for his use of flamboyant body language, effortlessly charmed his hosts.
Apart from pledging full support for infrastructure development, including a state-of-the-art $5 billion Delhi-Mumbai and Delhi-Howrah rail corridor, he stressed that Japan would like to see India emerge as a prominent Asian player. That is a very long distance Tokyo has travelled after virtually blackballing New Delhi for its surprise nuclear tests in the summer of 1998.
The future looms large, and Japan is keen, as is India, on forging a bilateral partnership, ostensibly anchored in trade and economic cooperation, which can serve the strategic interests of both Tokyo and New Delhi. The immediate strategic concern that brings these two nations on a common platform is their bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Both deserve to sit at the high table of the UN, but both have to overcome the obstructionism of what has been eloquently described as "difficult neighbours".
China, which still nurses historical grievances against Japan, is loath to conceding regional power status to its eastern neighbour. Beijing would rather block the proposed expansion of the Security Council than share power in the UN with Tokyo. Pakistan, which wallows in imagined victimhood born of its incurable distrust of India, never mind the apparent bonhomie, has decided to join the group of spoilers whose idea of UN reforms is their induction as eight "rotating" permanent members in the Security Council. Such is Islamabad's intransigence that it has made common cause with Dhaka to block New Delhi's bid.
<b>Mindful of these obstacles, and others that are bound to come up in the coming months, India and Japan have joined ranks with Brazil and Germany, which, too, face similar problems. Neither Argentina nor Mexico wishes to see Brazil in an expanded Security Council; in Europe, Italy is bent upon tripping Germany. India, in a sense, is the best placed of the four, with the UK, China and Russia accepting the validity of its claim, albeit reluctantly</b>.
However, the US has endorsed Japan's bid, giving it an advantage over all other contenders. India realises it can use Japan's advantage to further its case-if Tokyo can convince Washington to accept the proposal of including six permanent members, which suits Japanese interests, Pakistan's obstructionism will be rendered a futile exercise and India will move a step closer to Security Council membership.
<b>For Japan, a strategic alliance with India is important to neutralise Chinese posturing and promote the concept of alternative power centres in Asia.</b> A Tokyo-New Delhi axis is not in Beijing's interest-Mr Wen Jiabao made that more than apparent during his visit. While it is tempting for India to bask in the glory of competitive wooing by its powerful Asian neighbours, it will be wiser for New Delhi to separate the enmeshed strands of self-interest and pursue a path that serves our national interest. Seen from a narrow perspective, it is served more by harnessing the tremendous potential of our relations with China.
A larger worldview would suggest that a strategic alliance with Japan would in the long run ensure a multipolar Asia rather than one inexorably dominated by China. Striking a balance between the two calls for walking the tightrope that now stretches across New Delhi, Tokyo and Beijing.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Become a big boy
SirâLike a crusading knight in armour, External Affairs Minister K Natwar Singh has thrown the gauntlet, vowing to win the battle for the membership of the UN Security Council. Bravo and best of luck! But the real world is not the same as the mock world of college parliaments. The country has disadvantaged itself by aligning with Brazil, Germany and Japan, thus antagonising their opponents. Besides, it has foreclosed its alternative options. In the world where the US and the G-7 call the shots, the UNSC membership is a not big deal. India has miles to go before it can attain the status of a mature economic and military power that commands respect in its neighbourhood and whose advice and assistance is sought by others. A coherent strategy is required in order to eliminate poverty, crime, corruption and ignorance in India. Only then will the country get its due.
S Nanjundan <!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->INDIA ABROAD dated May 6, 2005 extensively covered the first conference ever organized to gauge the effectiveness of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans since its creation more than a decade ago.
The conference was convened in Washington by Bridging Nations, a non-profit policy-oriented organization founded by Dr Prakash Ambegaonkar, a technology entrepreneur.
Dr Ambegaonkar challenged the panelists and participants to explore the question whether the Caucus was fulfilling its potential.
For friends of India, including the Indian American community, some of the interesting points made at the discussion and the points for action are summarized below:
***While the House India Caucus has been around for a long time -- it's got a track record that one can look at and decide, how does it stack up -- the Senate India Caucus is very much a work in progress. (After their first meeting a year ago or so, to announce the creation of the Senate Friends of India Caucus, they never met!).
***The purpose of the House Caucus from the very beginning was to try to bring members together to talk about US-India relations and issues that also might impact the Indian American community and to basically create a positive consensus-based support for improved relations between the United States and India within the House of Representatives. It was an effort to try to get members of Congress to be more supportive and more knowledgeable and educated about Indian American issues. It was also responding to the fact that many Congressmen felt those who were anti-Indian were sort of moving the agenda forward or making progress in turning the Congress against India and against improved US-India relations. The Caucus was very successful in warding off attacks against India by the anti-India elements.
***Then, after punitive sanctions were slapped against India in the wake of the nuclear tests in May 1998, and all of a sudden it looked like the US might be going back to the anti-India rhetoric being the norm, the India Caucus mobilized and  quickly moved in and started to say that the sanctions should be removed, that the US should be understanding of India's nuclear program. The Caucus was able to get Congress to understand that India's nuclear program made sense, it was rational, it was civilian-based, and it was defensive.
***For the most part, the most severe sanctions were eliminated fairly quickly.
***On domestic issues the Congress was able to get support for hate crimes legislation -- in federalizing it -- and was able to get some support for doing some things with AAPI (American Association of Physicians of Indian Origin) in terms of studying certain types of diseases and disorders that particularly affect the South Asia community and get funding to the tune of about half a million dollars.
***In the beginning, just getting members to go to India, getting more Indian organizations involved in the political process in voting or fundraising or whatever, was far from routine. And the Caucus was successful in that effort.
***The House Caucus, however, is not fulfilling its potential. Some consider it to be more of a booster club -- cheerleading -- than a serious policy-oriented organization adjunct to Congressional work.
***At least some members regard it primarily as a cash cow -- as an opportunity to shake down the Indian American community for political donations..... they can get away with that because the Indian American community allows them to do so.
***May be only 20 House Caucus members (out of 170 plus members) are active. If the Caucus is to become more effective, it's necessary to push those other members to be serious, not simply to add their names on a roll.
***The Caucus needs to be more serious about its agenda. It should be something more substantial than simply passing resolutions commending India's Republic Day or naming post offices. There are more important issues.
***The Caucus has to become more genuinely bipartisan. Democrats outnumber Republicans in the Caucus right now by about a margin of 60-40 -- 3 to 2 -- even though there are more Republicans than Democrats in the House of Representatives today.
***Once the Indian American constituents got their congressmen to join the Caucus, the next step is to urge them to be active.
*** Is there a little bit of complacence on the part of the community? Are Indian Americans constituents challenging the Caucus enough considering that American Congressmen and Senators like to be badgered by the constituency? They like to be reminded. Are they being sent faxes and emails and letters and given an agenda.
***It's true Congressmen look for political contributions before elections, but it's a human relationship that the community needs building up. It's an investment in a relationship. So it's not just expanding the Caucus, but the Caucus members must be cultivated. There is need to put some passion into the relationships. Is enough being done by the community to really focus on building relationships, prepare an agenda and push the House Representatives and the Senators to carry it forward?
***Why it is that the community doesn't demand more from the people who are supposed to be advocating its interests? The community should not wait until a decision is already made before it gets involved in an issue if the issue is important to the community. The community has got to be proactive.
The above points provide a basis for friends of India, especially members of the Indian American community, to get their act together to make the India Caucus more effective.
Will they respond in sufficient numbers?
That's the critical question.
To read Aziz Haniffa's reports on the conference proceedings, please log on to the US-India Friendship website at http://www.usindiafriendship.net/ and click:
Congress: Measuring the India Caucus -- Report on the First Conference to Gauge the Group's Effectiveness
Criticism Aplenty of India Caucus
Pallone: Sometimes People Expect A lot<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<b>US warns UNSC aspirant nations not to seek veto</b>: Report<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->US officials have warned Japan, India, Germany and Brazil that they will not support their bids to join the UN Security Council unless they agree not to ask for veto power, the New York Times reported on Sunday, citing senior diplomats and administration officials.
The current five permanent Security Council members -- the United States, Britain, France, China and Russia, the victors of World War II -- each have veto power in council decisions dating back to the creation of the United Nations in September 1945.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
So take it or leave it. US is scared of democratic elected government in these countries whose citizens will go against US designs.
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The House Caucus, however, is not fulfilling its potential. Some consider it to be more of a booster club -- cheerleading -- than a serious policy-oriented organization adjunct to Congressional work.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Accurately described. Why didnt he mention the utter failure of the caucus in the modi-visa episode ? And what about those jerks who are double dealing with paki caucus ?
Also, I think RN is himself playing the role of cheerleading congratulating the caucus for improving Ind-US relations after Pok2. All these guys did was, cheerlead what others were doing. Its got the exact value of cheerleaders in a Clippers game.. <!--emo&<_<--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/dry.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='dry.gif' /><!--endemo-->
Personally I have been thinking that the sincere types should avoid these morons and start investing time and energy in interacting with the media and it might bear more fruit.
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