02-20-2010, 02:49 AM
From Pioneer, 20 Feb.2010:
Quote:EDITS | Saturday, February 20, 2010 | Email | Print |
Preparing for battle in 2014
Ashok Malik
Despite the lyrical enthusiasm at the BJPââ¬â¢s national executive in Indore, the fact remains national politics is going through a bit of a ââ¬Ëphoney warââ¬â¢ interregnum. The UPA Government is not quite living up to its mandate of 2009 and has not shown urgency in crucial areas, ranging from military hardware upgrade to economic reforms. Yet, the fact remains the Opposition is too wrapped up in crises of its own to take advantage.
To the BJPââ¬â¢s credit, it has probably bottomed out after a fairly forgettable 2009. For the CPI(M), the other coherent all-India party, the worst is perhaps yet to come. The expected defeat in Kerala and West Bengal in 2011 ââ¬â particularly in the eastern State that has been a Communist bastion for over three decades ââ¬â will unleash convulsions of its own. As such, the momentum is with the Congress and as long as rivals such as the Shiv Sena continue to score self-goals or hand over a walkover, this is unlikely to change.
Also, the next Lok Sabha election is four years away. Nobody has a clue as to what issues will dominate the voterââ¬â¢s mind in the summer of 2014. Going by recent experience, perceptions in the weeks running up to voting day ââ¬â rather than any longer term call ââ¬â have swung mandates. For the moment, with the promise of three years of robust economic growth and with Mr Rahul Gandhi as the mascot for the post-2014 future, the Congress is fancying its chances. To quite an extent this appears justified. However, when the next general election takes place, the party would also be defending 10 years of incumbency. That would surely throw up some challenges and hostility.
India sees an important State election almost every year. Bihar in the winter of 2010 and West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the first half of 2011 are the upcoming ones. Other than Kerala, the Congress doesnââ¬â¢t really have a stake in this quartet. In Bihar, it is in rebuilding mode and will seek to hurt the BJPââ¬â¢s upper caste base and prise away more Muslims from Mr Lalu Prasad Yadavââ¬â¢s grasp. However, the Congress is not yet a serious contender for office and it will take a miracle for Mr Gandhi and his local lieutenants to deny Mr Nitish Kumar a second term.
In West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, the Congress is dependent on its allies. Here, the party and its partners are banking on the defeatism that has gripped the Left Front and the near withdrawal from effective politics of Ms Jayalalithaa. It is understood the Congress also has long-term plans for both States, ones that see it growing independent of difficult allies in Kolkata and Chennai, but thatââ¬â¢s a story for some distant tomorrow. It has no immediate relevance.
The State election that will truly signal the countdown to 2014 will be the contest for Uttar Pradesh in 2012. For the moment, it looks to be a two-horse race between the BSP and the Congress. The Samajwadi Party has lost ground; the BJP is contemplating finishing fourth. Without a weighty performance in Uttar Pradesh ââ¬â say 20 to 25 of the 80 Lok Sabha seats ââ¬â the BJP will be severely handicapped in any Government formation exercise in 2014. The Assembly election two years before that will indicate whether its revival in the State is a practicable reality or just fantasy.
For the Congress, Uttar Pradesh will be its truest test yet of the Rahul phenomenon. Ms Mayawati has had a mixed record as Chief Minister but retains strong support among Dalits and sections of Brahmins and Muslims. The Congressââ¬â¢s recent adventurism in Azamgarh stems from a feeling that it is not as well placed in Poorvanchal (eastern Uttar Pradesh) as in Avadh in the centre of the State or in the western belt.
It will not be an easy election but if the Congress succeeds in unseating the BSP, it would have scored a big, big victory and cleared several potential obstacles on the road to 2014. On the other hand, if Ms Mayawati manages to hold on and checks the Nehru-Gandhi comeback, she would have to be factored into any plans to put together an anti-Congress front for the next Lok Sabha battle. Of course she will bargain, and bargain hard. Her potential allies ââ¬â including the BJP ââ¬â could have to settle for fairly humiliating terms.
If Mr Nitish Kumar demonstrates success in Patna and if Ms Mayawati retains substantial influence, if not power, in Lucknow, then the broad contours of an Opposition front may just be visible. Along with such non-Congress State heavyweights as Mr Naveen Patnaik in Odisha, this duo could come together to agree on a nominee in New Delhi, without in any way conceding autonomy or space in their individual provinces.
What will such a scenario, if it occurs, mean for the BJP? Roughly speaking, its best bet will be to emerge as a surprise winner in the manner of the Congress in 2004. It will no doubt have its own set of regional chieftains and State Governments ââ¬â maybe Rajasthan too will be won back in December 2013 ââ¬â but will have to present itself as a middle-of-the-road, non-ideological entity that can contribute to and maybe even lead a common minimum Government.
There is an alternative framework, though its likelihood is small. What happens if the security situation in Indiaââ¬â¢s near-neighbourhood, in Afghanistan-Pakistan, turns catastrophic? If American troops truly depart and hand a victory to the Taliban? If the implication is a holy war waged against, and unremitting terror waged in, India? In that case, the mood in 2014 will be very different and the BJP will have to focus on a more muscular agenda.
However, while worst-case scenarios should not be forgotten, they must not become obsessions either. As things stand, the BJP has to re-package itself as the adhesive that binds together a non-Congress front, and hope the fates ââ¬â and the voters ââ¬â are kind to it in four years. That is the message the party and its stakeholders must absorb, never mind the rhetoric Indore or outdoor.
-- malikashok@gmail.com