04-24-2006, 05:23 PM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Chapter 3
THE IMPERIAL RESISTANCE
(i) The Maratha Involved in Delhi Politics :
From the letter of Mudhaji Hari (1), written from Banda, to Bajirao (dated 28th July 1733 A.D.) we learn about the developments in Bundelkhand (2) after Chimaji's invasion of 1733 A.D. in that province. Of the two brothers (sons of Chhatrasal) Hirdeshah was more favorable to the Marathas. It was he who had encouraged Chimaji Appa to march to Orchha in his expedition to Bundelkhand. He had designs on Orchha and Datiya. When Chimaji had marched on Orchha, the king of Orchha had called Kamrudding Khan to assist him and accordingly the latter had come with an intention to fight with Chimaji, but he had already gone to Deccan. Kamruddinn Khan, being a friend of the king of Orchha, was hence opposed to Hirdeshah. The Amirs of Delhi had been by now convinced of the Maratha strength. Just as due to his vested interests in Bundelkhand, Kamrudding Khan was opposed to the Marathas, some new friends at Delhi were desirous of seeking their support, and Sadat Khan, strangely enough, was one of them.
He was a deadly enemy of the Nizam. He had heard of the meeting of Bajirao with the Nizam (27th December 1732 A.D.)(3) And as such was doubtful, whether Bajirao would be friendly towards him. He hence sent his overtures through Hirdeshah, knowing his friendship with Bajirao. He informed that the (Sadat Khan was ready to form friendship with Bajirao. He was prepared to appoint the persons of Bajirao's choice as the Subhardars of Deccan and of Malwa to meet the constant demand of the Marathas from early 1734 A.D. i.e.(4) from the rebellion of the Nizam against the Emperor. He was prepared to fulfil other demands of Bajirao and was ready to meet him in Malwa or at Orchha but it was detemination (5) to finish Nizam-ul-Mulk.
This letter clearly explains why the Nizam was so much watchful over the activites of Bajirao in the North, and why he took pains to be in constant touch with the Amirs of Delhi. Bajirao's success in getting his names accepted as the Subhadars of Malwa and Deccan meant practically his political extermination.
(ii) The Under Currents of the Delhi Politics :
The Court of the Emperor Muhammad Shah was divided house in itself. Its policies were shaped due to the impact of ambitious rivalries of the four personalities in the main. They were thus:
(1) The Wazir Kamrudding Khan :
He was the leader of the Turani party and was a determined apponent of the Marathas. In all the actions fought between him and the Marathas during 1734 A.D. to 1736 A.D., we see him operating in Budelkhand, which seems to be his special sphere of interest. With the adherance of the Orchha King and one Ramchandra, it was his effort to prevent the Maratha from creating a base in Bundelkhand (6) . He was the nearest relation of the Nizam-ul-Mulk and as such accepted his lead in opposing the Hindusthani party led by Khan Dauran.
(2) Sadat Khan :
He was the Subhadar of Oudh. The Subha of Agra also belonged to him, before it was transferred to Sawai Jaysing by Khan Dauran (7) in 1723 A.D. He was ambitious and desired the first place in the Court of Muhammad Shah. He was naturally opposed to Khan Dauran and Jaysing. But being a Shia, his natural place was not the Turani party, Inwardly he was a deadly opponent of Nizam-ul-Mulk and to oppose him, he desired friendship with Bajirao. Among the Courtiers of Muhammad Shah, he alone seems to have the capacity to oppose the Marathas. Being a rival of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing. There was no question of him coming in closer contacts with Bajirao in spite of his overtures through Hirdeshah. He finally lost ground with the Emperor and left the Court in disgust (8) when it was decided that the Nizam should be called to save Delhi from the threat of the Marathas in 1737 A.D. His rivalry with the Nizam carried him to such extremity (9) that he brought the calamity of Nadirshah on the people of Delhi. Finally he had to relieve himself by swallowing poison (10)
3. The Nizam-ul-Mulk :
From 1724 A.D. onwards he was continuously held as a rebel by the Emperor, till he was called to save Delhi against the Marathas in 1737 A.D. He was never content with the independent Kingdom he had created in Deccan, but ever cherished the ambition of being the dictator (11) of the Mughal Empire as its Chief minister. With the conciliating policy of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing towards the Marathas since 1732 A.D. onwards, he was particular in watching the movements of Bajirao in the North, lest his activities might endanger his position. With his association with Kamrudding Khan and the Truani party, he was really a powerful factor in Delhi politics.
4. Khan Dauran, Amir-ul-umra :
He was the leader of the Hindustani party and a sincere friend of Sawai Jaysing (12) . Along with Sawai Jaysing, he was mainly responsible for the Maratha advance in the North. His opposition to Nizam-ul-Mulk and Turani party was the key point behind his attitude of conciliation towards the Marathas.
The success of the maratha expansion towards Delhi, within a shor to period of 12 years after the fall of Giridhar Bahadur, under Bajirao Peshwa, was due to Bajirao's skilful handling of the situation, a result of his thorough knowledge of the currents and undercurrents of the Delhi politics.
(iii) The Maratha Offencive of 1734 A.D. :
By the end of 1733 A.D., Bajirao had freed himself from the engagement with Siddi. Early in 1734 A.D. a powerful Maratha army crossed the Narmada (13). This year the vigorious activities (14) of the Marathas extended from Gwalior to Ajmer and to the Subha of Agra beyond Chambal(15). A favorable Bundelkhand (16) served as the base for these Maratha activities, which continued without any fear (17) of the Mughal forces. The object of this invasion was to realize 'Khandani'. Pilaji Jadhao, Malharrao Holakar and Ranoji Shinde were active in collecting dues from Bundi-Kota, Narwar, Ahirwada, Gwalior, Datiya and Orchha(18). After consulting Govind Ballal for the management of Bundelkhand, Pilaji proceeded to Deccan before rains. Malharrao and Ranoji, from Ahirwada, went to Bundi and captured (19) it for budhasing on 12th April 1734 A.D. But after their return to Deccan before rains, Sawai Jaysing took it back from Budhsing.
(iv) Bundi Affairs, and the attempts of Sawai Jaysing to check the Marathas :
Sawai Jaysing wanted (20) to expand the limits of his kingdom, in keeping with the tradition of the great ancient kings of India. He knew that the time was favourable especially after the fall of Farrukh Siyar. He seized Bundi from Budhasing Hada and transferred it to Dalelsing, the second son of Salimsing Hada of Karwar. (September 1729 A.D.) Budhsing's attempt to recover Bundi failed in April 1730 A.D. Jaysing crowned Dalelsing as the king of Bundi and gave his daughter in marriage to him. Thus Bundi (21) came under his over lord ship. (May, 1730 A.D.)
The defeated Budhsing, who took refuge in Udaypur and then at Begham, go an unexpected ally in Pratapsing, the elder brother of Dalelsing Hada, the new ruler of Bundi. Budhsing's queen sent him to Satara to bring Maratha and against Dallying. Accepting six lakhs of rupees for the help, Malharrao Holkar and Ranoji Shinde attacked and captured Bundi from Salem sing, the regent of Bundi on 12 April 1734 A.D. Budhsingh's queen tied(22) the secred thread, 'Rakhi' round the wrist of Malharrao Holkar, and become his sister. Thus the first Maratha invasion of Rajasthan was welcomed by one of the Rajput Chiefs. But the success was short-lived, recaptured. Bundi Marathas had gone, a strong Jaypur force, recaptured Budi back for Dalelsing (23).
But Jaysing knew that in the Bundi affair, it was not Budhising or his able son Immersing, that he had to deal with. He had faced Malharrao and Ranoji in early 1733 A.D. and now once more they had threatened his designs of expansion. In the oposition of the Marathas, Dalelsing's throne was insecure.
We can very well imagine the feelings of Sawai Jaysing, towards the Marathas. He urged the Emperor (24) to send him additional troops with funds and supplies under Muzaffer Khan, the Mir Atish and the brother of Khan Duaran. But the Khan returned to the capital without fighting the Marathas, who had gone to Deccan before the Monsoon. Jaysing then tried to enlist the co-operation of the Rajput Chiefs in October 1734 A.D. at Hurda, in driving out the Marathas beyond Chambal. But nothing came out of it (25).
Due to the opposition of the Marathas, Plans of expansion of Sawai Jaysing with respect to Malwa and Bundi, were upset. At the same time, he was powerless to check them. Hence he was dejected and complained about the activities of Malharrao and Ranoji to the Peshwa. He expresses his desire to meet him and showed his willingness for the comporomise (26) . However partial Sawai Jaysing might be for the Marathas as opposed to the Turani faction at the Court, it is impossible to believe that he was ready to compromise his personal interests to win over their friendship.
Hence, when the year 1735 A.D. opened with a trial of the strength between the Emperor and the Maratha, there is no reason to believe that Sawai Jaysing was Luke-warn in his support to the Emperor's cause against the Marathas. It should not be inferred from the easy victories of the Marathas over the Imperialists, that they were due to the halfhearted attempts of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing. The Marathas were victorious, because they surpassed (27) in guerilla tactics, and there was hardly any general to match them in the unweidly Mughal army which amounted nearly to two lakhs as per the Maratha letter(28).
What is needed to be understood is that the compaigns of 1735 A.D. led by Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing were not carried on for the sake of any formality. If the Marathas could have been defeated, there is no reason to believe that out of any policy or partiality (29), Sawai Jaysing and Khan Dauran would have spared them. After all it was a fight on the part of Sawai Jaysing to retain Malwa and his leading position in Rajasthan in general and Bundi in particular.
But after saying this much let it be said that even though finally over powered by the Marathas, Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing had no will to carry on the issue to extremity by supporting whole-heartedly Kamrudding Khan and the Turani party. They knew that in the final suppression of the Marathas, they themselves would be the losers in the politics of Delhi where they had to face the powerful opposition of the Turani party and hence while opposing the Marathas, they could never afford to allow the Turani party to grow more stronger so as to threaten their political existence in the Court of Delhi. In fact for Khan Dauran it was a fight on two fronts. But the ultimate effect was the gain of the Marathas who were shrewed enough to utilize (30) this under current for their Northen expansion. Finally the more the Maratha arms were victorious against the imperial generals, the more Turani Party gained in the confidence of the Emperor and consequently the losing Hindusthani party leaned more towards the Marathas.
(v) Imperial Campaign of 1735 A.D. :
In early 1735 A.D., a formidable Mughal army in two seetions, well equipped with guns and ammunition, marched against the Marathas. The one under Kamruddin Khan by way of Agra encountered Pilaji Jadhao near Orchha (beginning of March 1735 A.D.) Pilaji Jadhao succeeded in capturing two to three hundred camels and horses from the Mughal army, then he went to Pohri Shivpur (31) , while Kamruddin Khan was at Narwar, Pilaji then proceeded to Deccan via Bundelkhand, Chanda, and Deogadh route.
The other section under Khan Dauran, (32) Sawai Jaysing and Abhaysing and Malharrao Holkar and Ranoji Shinde in Rampura. But the Marathas completely surrounded the host of the Mughal army and totally stopped the supply of grain and folder. Then leaving the unwieldy Mughal army behind they descended Mukundara and marching through Bundi and Kota, entered into the territory of Sawai Jaising and Abhaysing. On February 28 (33), they plundered the rich commercial town of Sambhar. The Mughals ran after them. Khan Dauran halted at Bundi, where as Sawai Jaysing went to Jaypur to save hiss territory from plnder. Malharrao was ten Kos beyond him.
Holkar and Ranoji (34) then come to Bundi, while Khan Dauran was at Kota. There the Maratha Sardars met Khan Dauran through Sawai Jaysing. After affecting a successful (35) treaty with Khan Dauran and Jaysing, both Ranoji and Malharrao went to Deccan and reached Poona on 6th July 1735 A.D.
It is definite that Khan Dauran had to pay a certain (36) sum to the Maratha in the name of Chauth of Malwa, but there is no mention of the exact sum received by them in the available Marathi record.
Generally (37) it is held that the Marathas got in cash or promise, a sum of 22 lakhs of rupees.
Thus even with the Wazir and Mir Bakshi in the campaign, the Mughals met with a grand failure. The Emperor (38) was displeased tohear it. Especially, he was pained to learn that Sawai Jaysing and Khan Dauran purchased the peace by paying off the Marathas.
(vi) Sawai Jaysing Loses the Subhas of Malwa and Agra :
Having been proved incompetent to check the Marathas beyond the Narmada, Jaysing was afraid that he would lose the Subhas of Malwa and Agra. His fear proved to be true (39).
The Emperor was convinced by now that the appeasement policy of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing was incapable to check the tide of the Marathas and was intending to hand over the two provinces of Malwa and Agra to Sadat Khan.
Sawai Jaysing, called the Peshwa's agent (40) with Srichand Diwan and Vyaharidasji for a confidential talk (August 1735 A.D.). He told the agent that he had up till then tried to raise the prestiage of Bajirao because he had no faith in the Turks. He knew that had they been victorious over the Marathas, they would have thought little of the Rajputs. He told the agent that he and Khan Dauran were of one mind. But Sadat Khan and Sarbuland Khan had been successful in gaining an upper hand over them by convincing the Emperor that Jaysing had ruined the Empire by siding with the Decanis. Sadat Khan demanded the Subhas of Malwa and Agra and told that while others demanded crores (for driving away the Marathas) he demanded nothing for his treasury was full. Jaysing told the agent that Sadat Khan was in league with the Nizam who had written to the Emperor, that he would not allow the Marathas to cross the Narmada. Khan Dauran and Jaysing pleaded that they had adopted the policy of appeasement because they were convinced that the Marathas could not be defeated in fighting. They had promised the Emperor, that they would affect a treaty with the Marathas so that either Bajirao or his brother Chimaji Appa would come to the presence, and having got their demands satisfied, no further trouble would be caused to the Emperor's territory by them. Khand Dauran and Sawai Jaysing further had hinted that if Sadatkhan and the Nizam were united, they would place another Prince on the throne. The Emperor seemed to be convinced by the trught behind the argument but Jaysing could trust him no more.
(vii) Sawai Jaysing Plans to Retain Malwa :
He told the Peshwa's agent that he was prepared to pay 20 lakhs in cash, instantly, if the Peshwa would come to him, with his Sardars, without devastating his territory. This amount was to be paid in lieu of the amount received by the Marathas in Malwa, Sironj, Datiya, Orchha and from the talus of Pilaji Jadhao. Besides, he would pay 5 thousand rupees per day for expenses (after the Marathas had crossed the Narmada). After meeting with Sawai Jaysing, if any settlement was to be effected at the Court through Khan Dauran, Bajirao was to visit the Emperor or he was free to return to Deccan.
This was the last effort of Sawai Jaysing to retain the two Subhas of Malwa and Agra. The object of calling the Maratha force to Jaypur was three fold. Firstly it would bring moral force on the Emperor and would help Jaysing and Khan Dauran to retain their positions at the Court against the combination of Kamruddin Khan, Abhaysing, Muhammad Khan Bagash and Sadat Kha. Secondly, it would serve the immediate purpose of Sawai Jaysing of the retention of the Subhas in question. The acceptance of money in cash by the Marathas, meant the end of their direct contact with the territories beyond the Narmada for the realization of the dues. (Had the Marathas accepted the proposal, their position would amount to nothing more than an auxiliary force subordinate to Sawai Jaysing). The last object of calling htem was his personal safety. He was in danger of being attacked by Sadat Khan (41), who was also a rival of Khan Dauran (42)
The Maratha agent hesitated to commit anything to the plan of Jaysing. By accepting 20 lakhs in cash, without 'Makta' they would lose the right of possession of the conquered territories beyond the Narmada till Chambal. However, Jaysing was prepared to permit them to collect in their usual manner dues in Gujarat, which was not under him. There was little possibility of the acceptance of the plan as it was, by Bajirao. It was the policy of the Marathas to accept 'Patta' (fief) in preference (43) to accepting annual dues in cash. Sawai Jaysing had not realized the true aim of Maratha penetration (44) in to the North, which behind the apparent object of collection of dues to feed the army, was nothing less than possession of the territory.
Mean while another letter came from Sadashio Ballal (45) dated 10th of January 1735 A.D., who had been to Muhammad Khan Bangash to arrange for the safe journey of Radhabai, Peshwa's mother.
It was reported as told by Bangash, that Sadat Khan had demanded 4 Subhas and 2 crores of rupees for the expulsion of the Marathas and that Khan Dauran's brother and Muhammad Khan Bangash would be deputed to Malwa against the Marathas. Bangash had no desire to obstruct the Marathas collection in Malwa, but only expected concession in that respect to his Jagir in Malwa. He was further prepared to co-operate with Bajirao in destroying the 'mawa' (robbers) in Malwa on the basis of equal division of the freed territory. Sadashio Ballal then came to Jaypur. Rajadhiraj was expecting a reply from Bajirao to his proposal. He urged the envoy to convince Bajirao of his sincere friendship to wards him. He was confident that if Sadat Khan became the Subhadar of Malwa, Bajirao (46) would certainly defeat him. While Sadashio Ballal was still at Jaypur, news came, that the Emperor had agreed to the proposal of Sadat Khan and had assigned him the two Subhas (Malwa and Agra) and granted him two crores of rupees for the expedition and sent Laxshmi Narayan Vakil with the customary robes for Sadat Khan. Sadashio Ballal, then, proceeded to Udaypur.
Thus Sawai Jaysing was finally deprived of the two Subhas. But Sadat Khan had yet to justify his appointment as the Subhadar (47) of Malwa by displacing the Marathas from there. His appointment as Subhadar of Malwa was totally disagreeable to Khan Dauran who was one with the cause of Sawai Jaysing. Thus with Khan Dauran and the Rajputs (excepting Abhaysing) completely on the Maratha side, Sadat Khan had little chance of getting success against them. It appeared that nothing but a whole-hearted reception awaited (48) Bajirao in the North, if he accepted the invitation of Sawai Jaysing.
Very soon (October 1735 A.D.) a letter came from amyaram the Peshwa's Vakil at Delhi, confirming the news previously received and communicating the plans of the opposition of the Emperor. The Emperor had conciliated Abhaysing (49) with Kamrudding Khan (Sadat Khan) to whom he entrusted the Subhas of Agra, Malwa and permitted him to punish Sawai Jaysing, if the latter did not join the Mughal army with his force. The Emperor had been highly displeased with Khan Dauran and Jaysing for their compromise with the Marathas by paying them money. Khan Dauran tried to explain his Maratha policy by stating that he had given them only that portion in Malwa as Jagir, which was infested with the robbers and the Rohillas and had asked to disturb the Mughal territory no more. He told that Bajirao was ready to serve the Emperor and had sent his mother on pilgrimage, which showed his confidence and oneness with the Empire. Thus Khan Dauran tried but invain. An invitation was sent to Sadat Khan to repair to Delhi. He further asked for himself the Subha of Patna and some jagir and the Subha of Prayag (Alahabad) for Muhammad Khan Bangash, so that he would recover the lost territory by punishing Chhatrasal (i.e. sons of Chhatrasal). The Vakil further-stated that the Emperor himself intended to March with all his forces after the floods were over. Amir-ul-umrao (Khan Dauran) with Sawai Jaysing were to march Via Jaypur, whereas Kamrudding Khan, Abhaysing and Sadat Khan were to march by Gwalior route.
(viii) Bajirao Proceeds to the North (Ocotober 1725 A.D. ) :
By the 1st week of October 1735 A.D.(50) Bajirao prepared himself for the big enterprise of his life which was full of promises (51) as well as obvious dangers. He ordered him prominent Sardars like Pilaji Jadhao, to enter tents for the coming expedition to the North. Bajirao's well wishers advised him (52) to step into the matter after a full thought and adequate preparation as the issue was a complicated one. Kamrudding Khan, the Wazir was expected to march in person to Malwa, and even the Emperor might come to his help, and the Nizam was still there to add to the complications.
The Nizam was at Ajantha (53) in November 1735 A.D., and was suspicious hearing about the march of Bajirao to the North. He was in constant touch with Sadat Khan whom he instigated to beat down the prestige of Bajirao. It was also rumored that he would march towards Burhanpur. But finally he declined to go, as Bajirao and Pilaji both were in the North.
Bajirao issued from Poona during the Divali (54) of 1735 A.D. By the time he had crossed Tapi, Sadat Khan (55) on his way to Agra had given a fight with Bhagwantsing the Jamindar of Adaru and had killed him. But the contest had been a severe one and even Sadat Khan had to lose 16 Chiefs on his side. This crippled him so much that he had to leave aside his intended march on Sawai Jaysing. (November 1735 A.D.) The relation between Sawai Jaysing and Sadat Khan had strained beyond limits and dreading an assult from Sadat Khan, Sawai was anxiously awaiting Bajirao's arrival in the North.
On 10th of December 1735 A.D. Bajirao had crossed the Narmada (56) and was at Jaypalpur in Malwa. In January 1736 A.D., after capturing Kulasis (57), Bajirao was marching through Dongarpur Banswada in Mewad. His march to the North effected favourably on the position of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing in the Court and the opposition party toned down. Bajirao sent Mahadeo Bhat Hingane to Sawai Jaysing who sent along with him and Raja Malji two lakhs in cash, besides jewellery, robes, five horses and an elephant all told five lakhs of rupees and called the Peshwa to Jaypur without losing time. Sadat Khan had reached his distination. Rajoji Shinde and Ram Chandra Shenwai were active in formulating a treaty. It was proposed that Peshwa should get after meeting the Emperor 20 lakhs of rupees in cash, a jagir of 40 lakhs in Malwa and the subsidy was to be assigned on Dost Muhammad Khan of Bhopal.
While Bajirao was marching through Mewad, one of his Sardars Baji Bhivrao had marched to Datiya, Orchha (58) and by the end of january 1736 A.D. had realized dues from both these states. He then proceeded to Bhadawar and Jatwad territory (59). He came to know that in Delhi politics, Khan Dauran (60) and Jaysing were on one side and Sadat Khan, Kamruddin Khan and the rest were on the other side. He suggested to Bajirao that unless Sadat Khan and Kamruddin Khan and the rest were defeated, his plan had no chance of success. He further wrote Bajirao that there was no possibility of getting money for him after crossing the Chambal. Whatever, he might get, was from Jaysing only. He further advised Bajirao not to hurry to the Emperor relying on the vastness of his forces, for Delhi was a powerful place and it was yet dangerous for Bajirao to venture to go there. He should be, under the circumstances, cautious and should not hanker after money too much. He should not bring undue pressure on Ranaji for exacting money but should see that he was kept pleased. Also he should be satisfied with whatever Jaysing would do for him. He should not try to gather the whole world in a single day.
Baji Bhivrao was one of the most sincere adherents of the Peshwa. His letter depicts the sober Maratha policy towards the Rajputs in the first phase of their friendship. Had there been such dashing and beloved peshwa in future times and sincere friends like Baji Bhivrao, one feels that much wanton bloodshed would have been averted.
(ix) The Rana's Anxiety Over the Question of a Fief :
After capturing Kuksi Mawasi (61) and realizing 'Khandani' from lonwada Dangarpur, Bajirao entered Mawad (62) proper by the end of January 1735 A.D. and was about to ascend the Ghat. He learnt that Nijyabat Alikhan from Khan Dauran and Ayamalgi from Sawai Jaysing were approaching him with money. The Peshwa informed his mother on he return from the pilgrimage, that the Emperor was inclined for a peaceful settlement and that a favourable treaty was in sight.
Having learnt that the Peshwa had entered his territory, the Ranaji (63) sent Kesharsing to receive him. Bajirao, sent the bulk of his army to Shahapur and taking to eight thousand men with him went to meet the Rana (64) (February 1736 A.D.).
It seems that by 1734 A.D. the Rana of Mewad had definitely come under the sway of the Marathas. Full contacts had been established of the Court of Udaypur with that of Satara. One the occasion of the coming to throne of Jaysing, after the death of Maharana Sangramsing in 1734, Nagraj the foster brother (Dhybhai) of the new Rana and Somaram Munshi requested for 'Tika' (recognition) from the Chhatrapati at Satara, through the Pant Pradhan. Accordingly robes suited for the occasion, an elephant and other customary things were sent to the new Rana (65).
Peshwa had in his view a recovery of a fief (Patta) amicably from the Rana since 1729 A.D., when Chimaji Appa sent Chinto-Girmaji to the Rana for that work from Gujarat(66). But since the Rana and his Court disliked to alienate land from their territory in this way, the demand remained unattended. But with the coming of the new Rana to throne, the matter was taken up again by the Peshwa, who sent Sadasho Ballal to the Rana's Court to effect a settlement in respect of the fief. Sadashio Ballal advised his master that the Rajputs would pay the dues for a year or two, but once a fief was got, it would be a thing for ever. Atlast after a stay for a year Sadashio Ballal came to the conclusion that the land would not be acquired unless recourse to force was taken (68). < check this para >(67)
Hence, even though the political situation in the North necessitated that the Marathas should be on the side of the Rajputs and even though Byanaridas (69) the minister of the Rana of Udaypur was a party to the calling of the Marathas by Sawai Jaysing, the Rana was not as happy as Sawai Jaysing, overcming of Bajirao to his Court. He wrote to his minister Byaharidas (70) Pancholi. "The Deccani question you have settled well, but if a meeting is to take place (with Bajirao) let it be byond Deola, nearer is not advisable". He wrote furthe "Bajirao has come, and he will derive reputation from having compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. Malhar came last year, but it was nothing. Bajirao is (more) powerful. But if God hears me, he will not get my land". Samvat 1792. (1736 A.D.) (71)
(x) Peshwa Meets the Ranaji :
Champabag (72) palace was reserved for the accommodation of Bajirao in Udaypur. The next day after his arrival, the Peshwa was honoured in the open Darbar, where two gold embroidered seats were arranged for the guest and the host. Bajirao was shrewd diplomat, he politely declined to accept the position of equality with the Rana and occupied a seat just below. Dresses and presents were offered and entertainments took place for five days from 3rd to 7th of February 1736 A.D. Bajirao visited various sights and monuments (73) like Jalmandir (74) at Udaypur and then left for Nath-Dwara. The Rana agreed to pay a lakh and a half annually as Chauth Bajirao did not insist for the (Patta) land as was suggested by his adviser.
At Nath-Dwara Bajirao and his wife Kashibai offered their joint devotion to the celebrated deity and proceeded further.Malharrao Holkar, Ranoji Shinde, Kanthaji Kadam and Anandrao Pawar had been dispatched towards Marwad as all the host of Maratha forces could not be fed in the territories of friendly Ranoji and Sawai Jaysing. There was alsoanother object in sending these forces into Marwad. It was to bring pressure on Abhaysing who had joined the party of Kamrudding Khan (75) (October 1735 A.D.). This more satisfied Sawai Jaysing who was displeased with Abhaysing for his joining hands with the Turani Party(76)
The Maratha forces (77) then marched upon Medta (February ary 1736 A.D.) guided by Pratapsing Hada, who went within the town of Medta and met the Chief, Umedsing, but as no settlement could be effected, the Marathas occupied the town on the very first day and laid siege to the fort. The garrison made repeated sorties on the trenches and heavy exchange of fire went of from day to day.
In another theatre of war (78), Bagash was facing Baji Bhivrao, south of Chambal, posted in a ravine created by the confluence of the Kosi river with the Chambal. The latter waited in vain at his base at the Nurabad, 15 miles north of Gwalior, hoping that Bangash would leave his difficult position and come out to measure strength. Finally he reported the Peshwa that Bangash was coward.
But as peace overtures were received (79) from Delhi, through Sawai Jaysing, Bajirao sent orders to suspend hostilities and the State of war came to an end by the first week of March 1736 A.D.
(xi) Bajirao's Meeting with Sawai Jaysing:
Bajirao and Sawai Jaysing (80) had their first meeting at Bhambhola near Kishangadh on 4th of March 1736 A.D. They arrived both ridding on their elephants, and as soon as they sighted each other, they dismounted, embraced each other and sat as the same Mansad in an open Darbar. This visit lasted upto 8th March. Presents and tributes poured upon Bajirao from all quarters.
There were plentiful demonstrations (81) of Joy and respect for Bajirao during February to April on the part of the Rajput Chief's since he entered Udaypur. But the settlement was to be effected not with Sawai Jaysing but with the Emperor. The Peshwa sent Mahadeo Bhat Hingane, Yadgar Khan munshi with Jaysing;s envoy Kriparam to Delhi, with his demands, with instructions to sent the reply about the settlement within 20 days. But even though Bajirao (82) waited eagerly for 2 months (April and May 1736 A.D.) no reply came, nor did he learn anything about the proposal or about the envoys.
(xii) Bajirao Returns Disappointed to the South :
Thus even though Bajirao's march to North during 1735 A.D. to 1736 A.D. was a success in establishing cordial relations with the Rajput Chiefs, it was not productive of any substantial gains. Even though it was proposed that Bajirao should get rupees 20 lakhs (83) in cash and a Jagir of 40 lakhs in Malwa, the entries reveal that he did not get more than a lakh from Khan Dauran (84). Add to this rupees two lakhs in cash (and three lakhs in kind) sent by Jaysing (85), and all told about half a lakh sent by way of presents by the various Rajput Chiefs. Delhi was more liberal in assurances but hardly so in actual payments. This was to be the experience of the Marathas onwards.
It was difficult (86) to feed the host of 50 to 60 thousand men with friendly territories all around. The season had advanced enough, and there seemed no immediate prospects of any reply about the settlement from Delhi. Bajirao was dejected at heart at the delaying tactics of the Court and in the long run, losing all hopes to get any money, was compelled to return south so that at least the army should not be destroyed (87) for want of funds.
Bajirao's left Malwa, by the end of May 1736 A.D. keeping Malharrao Holkar, Ranoji Shinde, Tukoji Pawar and Yashwantrao Pawar withan army of 15 thousand. He returned to Deccan with the rest of army to save it from starvation. Nothing had been received from Delhi and Bajirao had grave doubts whether the Court would keep its promise.
Foot Notes (Description)
(1) S.P.D. 14-9.
(2)S.P.D. 30-pp 307 to 311.
(3)'Later Mughals' Vol. II, p 252, 'New Hist.' Vol. II p. 156.
(4) S.P.D. 10-1.
(5) "??????????????????????????????????? " - S.P.D. 14-9
(6) S.P.D. 14-9
(7) 'Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans', p. 58-27. 'The Cambridge Hist. of India', Vol. IV, p. 346.
(8) S.P.D. 15-29
(9) 'Ait. Charitra' - 3. S.P.D. 15-75, M.I.S. 6-137.
(10) S.P.D. 30-229, 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 356.
(11) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 297. 'Hingne Dafter' I - 19, 23.
(12) S.P.D. 14-17, S.P.D. 15-30.
(13) S.P.D. 14-10, 11, 13 S.P.D. 30-61 (The date of this letter is 17th December 1733 A.D. and not 17th December 1734 A.D. This letter corresponds to letter No. 10 of S.P.D. 14th of December 1733 A.D.).
(14) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, pp. 277-78.
(15) Shiwaji Shankar Odhekar, a Maratha Sardar, after realizing Khandani from Kasba Sipri and Kularas in Subhas Agra, marched upto Kasha Sopar in Ajmer Subha, S.P.D. 14-15.
(16) Ibid - 12, 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 281.
(17) S.P.D. 14-16, "Even if the Emperor's forces approach us, we shall feed by moving to the left or right as would suit us".
(18) Ibid - 13.
(19) 'New Hist.' , Vol. II, p. 158.
(20) 'Satara Ait. Lekh' 2-270, "Rajadhiraj, assuming to be the servant (of the Emperor) seizes the territory as far as possible", Fall I, p. 250.
(21) Fall I, p. 251.
(22) Fall I, p. 252.
(23) 'Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans', p. 60-41
(24) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 279, 'New Hist.', Vol. II, p. 158.
(25)Fall I, p. 252.
(26) S.P.D. 30-108
(27) 'Later Mughals' Vol. II, pp. 283 and 284.
(28) S.P.D. 14-23.
(29) Writes Sir Jadunath (Fall I, p. 255) "In Rajputana, Khan-I-Dauran, after wasting many weeks at Bundi, in utter inaction, listened to Jaysing's advice and induced the Marathas to retire beyond the Narmada by promising them, on behalf of the Emperor, 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa."
Now compare this statement with the following :-
(a) "During January and February several Rajput princes headed by Khan Dauran fought many stiff battles with Shindia and Holkar near Rampura, Sindia kept them engaged while Holkar moved rapidly in to the North, devastated the territories of Marwar and Jaypur,⦠Jaysing and the Emperialists found thas, that they paid Rs. 22 lakhs in cash and purchased peaceâ¦." New Hist.', Vol. II, pp. 158 and 159.
(b) "In a short time, all suplies of grass and grain were cut off. The horses were no longer able to stand. When a Regiment of Ahadis-mostly of Baluch and Mughal race-some 1000 to 1500 marched out without harm and was busy collecting anything they could lay hands upon in the villages about 8 miles from the camp, were surrounded was cut-off to pieces. It was three days before Jaysing could collect the dead bodies." 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, pp. 283 and 284.
(30) 'Bramhendra Swami Charitra' - 7.
(31) S.P.D. 14-21 TO 23, and 28
(32) Ibid - 21 and 23.
(33) "Tarikh-I-Hindi' in E.D. Vol. VIII, p. 51.
(34) S.P.D. 14-24, 26, 27, S.P.D. 22-284.
(35) S.P.D. 22-293390,391,441.
(36) S.P.D. 14-39.
(37)
(a) "Raja Jaising, gave the enemy in the district of Kishangarh a sum of twenty lacs of rupees on the part of the Emperor to induce them to return to Dakin" - Tarikh-I-Hindi' in E.D. Vol. VIII, p. 52.
(b) "An annual sum of 22 lakhs of rupees from Malwa was promised", 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 280.
© "22 lakhs were promised as the Chauth of Malwa". Fall I, p. 255.
(d) "They paid 22 lakhs in cash and purchased peace." 'New Hist.' , Vol. II, p. 159.
(e) "On behalf of the Emperor, Khan Dauran offered the Marathas, 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa" - 'Malwa in Tran', p. 232. Thus the total revenue of Malwa during 1719 A.D. to 1725 A.D.under the Nizam, as the Subhadar of Malwa, was 30 to 40 lakhs of rupees a year, the 'Chauth' of which comes to 10 lakhs. Deepsing had also promised Chhatrapati Shahu 11 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa, (S.P.D. 10-66) Hence it is clear that 22 lakhs could never be the 'Chauth' of Malwa. In similar circumstance, Jaysing had paid six lakhs of rupees and the 'Khandani' of 28 paraganas already recovered in 1733 A.D. (S.P.D. 14-2) to the Maratha. In 1734 A.D., the Marathas had exacted their dues with vigorous movement. (S.P.D. 14-10, 11, 13, 18) . In all probability the sum paid by Khan Dauran in April 1735 A.D. cannot exceed rupees 12 lakhs.
(38) S.P.D. 14-29.
(39) S.P.D. 14-31.
(40) Ibid - 47, 31.
(41) S.P.D. 30-143, S.P.D. It is clearly stated that Sadat Khan was permitted to attack Sawai Jaysing, if the latter did not join the Mughal army against the Marathas. - Ibid-42 Sadat Khan had marched with all intention to fall upon Sawai Jaysing, also Fall I, p. 259..
(42) S.P.D 30-134.
(43) S.P.D. 30-128.
(44) S.P.D. 14-31 ( especially the half of the letter ) S.P.D. 30-301, also 325.
(45) S.P.D. 30-134.
(46)(46) "??????????????????????????????????????????"
(47) S.P.D. 14-39
(48) "Shivdas the Nayab Subha of Agra told Sadashiv Ballal that Raya's (Bajirao's) prestige had attained such a level that if he intended to capture the Empire of Hastinapur (Delhi) and handed it over to Chhatrapati of Satara, it was possible" . -
(49) S.P.D. 30-134.
(50) S.P.D. 14-39.
(51) Writes Sir Jadunath (in Fall I, p. 267) "At the close of 1735 A.D. when peace talks broke down. Chimaji advanced with large army towards Gwalior by way of Sironj and Bundelkhand". Now, the first thing to be noted here is that Bajirao's march into the North at the close of 1735 A.D. was not due to any break down of peace talks but due to the invitation from Sawai Jaysing (as per S.P.D. 14-31, -47, S.P.D. 12-76 and S.P.D. 30-134) to serve the purpose of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing, and the second thing to be noted is that Chimaji did not accompany Bajirao is this expedition to the North. In 1735 A.D. he was in Deccan and from March to July 1736 A.D., he was in kokan - M.I.S. II, p. 27.
(52) S.P.D. 14-35, S.P.D. 10-19.
(53) S.P.D. 14-40, 41, 42.
(54) Ibid, 39, 43, S.P.D. 30-144, 158.
(55) 'New Hist.' , II, p. 162.
(56) S.P.D. 14-43.
(57) Ibid, 50.
(58) Ibid, 48, 52, S.P.D. 15-14.
(59) S.P.D. 14-54.
(60) S.P.D. 14-54.
(61) S.P.D. 30-158.
(62) S.P.D. 14-51.
(63) S.P.D. 30-160.
(64) Writes Sir Jadunath (Fall, I p. 260.), "The agreement of 22nd March 1735 A.D. (A promise of payment of 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa-Fall I, p. 255) not having been ratified by the Emperor, Bajirao planned a grand campaign under his own command in the coming winter. The failure of the entire force of the Empire. In the first quarter of 1735 A.D. had convinced the Rajputs in particular tat the Marathas were invincible. The news of coming of the Peshwa in prson threw all Rajputana into and despair." (i) It has been already stated that Bajirao was going to the North, of the invitation of Sawai Jaysing besides his object of obtaining the 'Sanad' of Malwa, and hence his visit had nothing to do with the agreement of 22nd March 1735 A.D.
(ii) Bajirao's march was to assist to maintain the position of Sawai Jaysing at the Court of the Emperor. He was going to the North as the friend of the Rajputs and hence no question arises of the feeling of alarm or dispair in Rajputana. The particular letter of the Rana to Biharidas Pancholi, is in connection of a grant of fief, which the Rana was averse to grant. Instead of a feeling of alarm or despair, the reception given to Bajirao by the Rajput Chiefs, display a feeling of Joy and friendship, (S.P.D. 30-p. 321-26).
(65) S.P.D. 14-20
(66) S.P.D. 12-32
(67) S.P.D. 30-128, S.P.D. 9-12
(68) S.P.D. 30-142.
(69) S.P.D. 14-47.
(70) 'Annals' Vol. I (1960), p. 335. Fall I, p. 261.
(71) The above letter do not exhibit a felling of alarm and disperse as Sir Jadunath Sarkar infers (Fall I, p. 260) but a false anxiety of losing the dignity by way of meeting one who was superior in power but lower in dignity from his own pint of view and a determination to save from the demand of land.
(72)S.P.D. 30-32
(73) Marathi record is silent over the suspected trap of murder of Bajirao in Jalmandir palace Udaypur (Fall I, p. 262.), Sir Jadunath states that as fine 7 lakhs was agree, out of which 3 lakhs were paid in cash. Sardesai ( New Hist. Ii, p. 163) makes no mention of the episode. The only sum that seems to have been promised was of a lakhs of rupees for the feast ('mejawani') and forty five thousand rupees for a village, Utall in Banheda paragan, for the payment of which Bajirao had to remained devichand Pancholi, the surety-B.I.S.M letters from Vyas family-5.
(74) S.P.D. 14-54
(75) S.P.D. 14-39.
(76) S.P.D. 13-49 (February 1736 A.D.) Sir Jadunath places this letter (S.P.D. 13-49) wrongly in April 1735 A.D. He writes (Fall I, p. 255 footnote). "But before this, in April 1735 A.D. Holkar and Shinde invaded Marwad, under orders of Bajirao to punish Abhaysing for his recent hostile actions. The orders were to spare the territories of Jaypur and Mewad with scrupulous care. Bajirao wrote this to his master that this would please Jaysing." Now (I) Abhaysing had not committed any hostile action by joining. Kamrudding Khan 'recently' i.e. before April 1735 A.D. but he certainly had committed a hostile action 'after the said campaign was over', in Oct. 1735 A.D. (S.P.D. 14-39). (II) In the campaign of early 1735 A.D., Abhaysing was with Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing in Malwa, and hence the question of sparing "territories of Jaypur and Mewad with scrupulous care" and "to punish Abhaysing for recent hostile actions" did not arise in April 1735. (III) It was not Bajirao who wrote that "this would please Jaysing", but it was written by Purandare to Bajirao, communicating Shahu's approval of the letter's action. (IV) The political situation with Mewad and Jaypur being friendly to the Marathas and Marwad being hostile occurred in the campaign of early 1736 A.D. and hence this letter must be of February 1736 A.D. Because the Peshwa then only could askhis Sardars to punish Abhaysing for his 'recent' hostile action.
(77) S.P.D. 14-14, 56, S.P.D. 30-151 (1936 A.D.) - Sir Jadunath writes (Fall I, p. 266-foot-note), "This letter (S.P.D. XIV-14) is dated Ist April 1736 A.D. by the Editor but as Sambhar was sacked on 28 February 1735 A.D., that year is most likely for this letter." But that year is most unlikely for this letter. In early 1735 A.D., with a host of Mughal army amounting to two lakhs with Artilary and ammunition carts beyond count in the rear in Malwa (S.P.D. 14-23), It seems unreasonable that malharrao and Ranoji Shinde would commit to siege operation of such severty. It was only possible in early 1736 A.D., with the backing of the powerful Maratha army under Peshwa himself in the North. Secondly as per S.P.D. 14-56, Baji-Bhivrao from paragana somavali enquires Bajirao before the latter's meting with Sawai Jaysing (8 March 1736 A.D.) Whether the forces from marwad had been recalled or not further suggested that they should be ordered to join him with out loss of time. Hence this reference to Marwad campaign in S.P.D. 14-56, and the above conclusins make it obligatory to place this letter (S.P.D. 14-14) in February 1736 A.D.
(78) S.P.D. 14-55, Fall I, p. 26.
(79) S.P.D. 14-53, 56.
(80) S.P.D. 30-156, also p. 322, 'New Hist' Vol. II, p. 163.
(81) S.P.D. 30-pp. 322 to 326. On 4th of March 1736 A.D. sawai Jaysing paid rupees five thousand for feast, presented an elephant with its accessories and 35 camels (all told worth rupees 13,500). In return the Peshwa presented him with a palanquin wth the accessories. On 17th March 1736 A.D., Gopalsing of Keroli presented Bajirao various guns and articles, on 7th of April. Roop Ray, the son of Bhagwantsing of Adaru presented the Peshwa a 'Baj' bird. On 30th of April, the kings of Nagore and Datiya presented various decorated guns.
(82) Bajirao's letter to Mahadeo Bhat Hingne, 'Hingne Daftar' I-6.
(83) S.P.D. 14-50.
(84) S.P.D. 30-pp. AND 22.
(85) S.P.D. 14-50.
(86) 'Hingne Daftar, I, -6.
(87) Wites Sir Jadunath (Fall I, p. 264) , "It was settled in the meeting (with Jaysing) that the time was not favourable for Bajirao's intended attack on Delhi. However Jaysing promised to use his influence at the imperial Court to secure for Raja Shahu the grant of Chauth and cession of Malwa from the Emperor". Firstly: - This was not at all the cause of Bajirao's return to Deccan.
Secondly :- No where it is stated that this march of Bajirao to the North at the close of 1735 A.D. was to attack Delhi. And
Thirdly :- When Jaysing was himself in the anxiety to save the two provinces of Malwa and Agra, and when his influence was at the lowest ebb in early 1736 A.D. the statement of Bajirao's return to Deccan on receiving the promise of jaysing in nearly meaningless. Infact the breakdown of talks meant the defeat of the last effect of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing to retain their positions with the Emperor, through the medium of peaceful settlement with the Marathas. For the first time, diplomacy had go a set back, and the Maratha strength and prestige came face to face with the grim determination of the Emperor and the Turani party, to retain their remaining Empire against the eneroaching Marathas.
http://www.maratharajputrelations.com/3fp.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
THE IMPERIAL RESISTANCE
(i) The Maratha Involved in Delhi Politics :
From the letter of Mudhaji Hari (1), written from Banda, to Bajirao (dated 28th July 1733 A.D.) we learn about the developments in Bundelkhand (2) after Chimaji's invasion of 1733 A.D. in that province. Of the two brothers (sons of Chhatrasal) Hirdeshah was more favorable to the Marathas. It was he who had encouraged Chimaji Appa to march to Orchha in his expedition to Bundelkhand. He had designs on Orchha and Datiya. When Chimaji had marched on Orchha, the king of Orchha had called Kamrudding Khan to assist him and accordingly the latter had come with an intention to fight with Chimaji, but he had already gone to Deccan. Kamruddinn Khan, being a friend of the king of Orchha, was hence opposed to Hirdeshah. The Amirs of Delhi had been by now convinced of the Maratha strength. Just as due to his vested interests in Bundelkhand, Kamrudding Khan was opposed to the Marathas, some new friends at Delhi were desirous of seeking their support, and Sadat Khan, strangely enough, was one of them.
He was a deadly enemy of the Nizam. He had heard of the meeting of Bajirao with the Nizam (27th December 1732 A.D.)(3) And as such was doubtful, whether Bajirao would be friendly towards him. He hence sent his overtures through Hirdeshah, knowing his friendship with Bajirao. He informed that the (Sadat Khan was ready to form friendship with Bajirao. He was prepared to appoint the persons of Bajirao's choice as the Subhardars of Deccan and of Malwa to meet the constant demand of the Marathas from early 1734 A.D. i.e.(4) from the rebellion of the Nizam against the Emperor. He was prepared to fulfil other demands of Bajirao and was ready to meet him in Malwa or at Orchha but it was detemination (5) to finish Nizam-ul-Mulk.
This letter clearly explains why the Nizam was so much watchful over the activites of Bajirao in the North, and why he took pains to be in constant touch with the Amirs of Delhi. Bajirao's success in getting his names accepted as the Subhadars of Malwa and Deccan meant practically his political extermination.
(ii) The Under Currents of the Delhi Politics :
The Court of the Emperor Muhammad Shah was divided house in itself. Its policies were shaped due to the impact of ambitious rivalries of the four personalities in the main. They were thus:
(1) The Wazir Kamrudding Khan :
He was the leader of the Turani party and was a determined apponent of the Marathas. In all the actions fought between him and the Marathas during 1734 A.D. to 1736 A.D., we see him operating in Budelkhand, which seems to be his special sphere of interest. With the adherance of the Orchha King and one Ramchandra, it was his effort to prevent the Maratha from creating a base in Bundelkhand (6) . He was the nearest relation of the Nizam-ul-Mulk and as such accepted his lead in opposing the Hindusthani party led by Khan Dauran.
(2) Sadat Khan :
He was the Subhadar of Oudh. The Subha of Agra also belonged to him, before it was transferred to Sawai Jaysing by Khan Dauran (7) in 1723 A.D. He was ambitious and desired the first place in the Court of Muhammad Shah. He was naturally opposed to Khan Dauran and Jaysing. But being a Shia, his natural place was not the Turani party, Inwardly he was a deadly opponent of Nizam-ul-Mulk and to oppose him, he desired friendship with Bajirao. Among the Courtiers of Muhammad Shah, he alone seems to have the capacity to oppose the Marathas. Being a rival of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing. There was no question of him coming in closer contacts with Bajirao in spite of his overtures through Hirdeshah. He finally lost ground with the Emperor and left the Court in disgust (8) when it was decided that the Nizam should be called to save Delhi from the threat of the Marathas in 1737 A.D. His rivalry with the Nizam carried him to such extremity (9) that he brought the calamity of Nadirshah on the people of Delhi. Finally he had to relieve himself by swallowing poison (10)
3. The Nizam-ul-Mulk :
From 1724 A.D. onwards he was continuously held as a rebel by the Emperor, till he was called to save Delhi against the Marathas in 1737 A.D. He was never content with the independent Kingdom he had created in Deccan, but ever cherished the ambition of being the dictator (11) of the Mughal Empire as its Chief minister. With the conciliating policy of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing towards the Marathas since 1732 A.D. onwards, he was particular in watching the movements of Bajirao in the North, lest his activities might endanger his position. With his association with Kamrudding Khan and the Truani party, he was really a powerful factor in Delhi politics.
4. Khan Dauran, Amir-ul-umra :
He was the leader of the Hindustani party and a sincere friend of Sawai Jaysing (12) . Along with Sawai Jaysing, he was mainly responsible for the Maratha advance in the North. His opposition to Nizam-ul-Mulk and Turani party was the key point behind his attitude of conciliation towards the Marathas.
The success of the maratha expansion towards Delhi, within a shor to period of 12 years after the fall of Giridhar Bahadur, under Bajirao Peshwa, was due to Bajirao's skilful handling of the situation, a result of his thorough knowledge of the currents and undercurrents of the Delhi politics.
(iii) The Maratha Offencive of 1734 A.D. :
By the end of 1733 A.D., Bajirao had freed himself from the engagement with Siddi. Early in 1734 A.D. a powerful Maratha army crossed the Narmada (13). This year the vigorious activities (14) of the Marathas extended from Gwalior to Ajmer and to the Subha of Agra beyond Chambal(15). A favorable Bundelkhand (16) served as the base for these Maratha activities, which continued without any fear (17) of the Mughal forces. The object of this invasion was to realize 'Khandani'. Pilaji Jadhao, Malharrao Holakar and Ranoji Shinde were active in collecting dues from Bundi-Kota, Narwar, Ahirwada, Gwalior, Datiya and Orchha(18). After consulting Govind Ballal for the management of Bundelkhand, Pilaji proceeded to Deccan before rains. Malharrao and Ranoji, from Ahirwada, went to Bundi and captured (19) it for budhasing on 12th April 1734 A.D. But after their return to Deccan before rains, Sawai Jaysing took it back from Budhsing.
(iv) Bundi Affairs, and the attempts of Sawai Jaysing to check the Marathas :
Sawai Jaysing wanted (20) to expand the limits of his kingdom, in keeping with the tradition of the great ancient kings of India. He knew that the time was favourable especially after the fall of Farrukh Siyar. He seized Bundi from Budhasing Hada and transferred it to Dalelsing, the second son of Salimsing Hada of Karwar. (September 1729 A.D.) Budhsing's attempt to recover Bundi failed in April 1730 A.D. Jaysing crowned Dalelsing as the king of Bundi and gave his daughter in marriage to him. Thus Bundi (21) came under his over lord ship. (May, 1730 A.D.)
The defeated Budhsing, who took refuge in Udaypur and then at Begham, go an unexpected ally in Pratapsing, the elder brother of Dalelsing Hada, the new ruler of Bundi. Budhsing's queen sent him to Satara to bring Maratha and against Dallying. Accepting six lakhs of rupees for the help, Malharrao Holkar and Ranoji Shinde attacked and captured Bundi from Salem sing, the regent of Bundi on 12 April 1734 A.D. Budhsingh's queen tied(22) the secred thread, 'Rakhi' round the wrist of Malharrao Holkar, and become his sister. Thus the first Maratha invasion of Rajasthan was welcomed by one of the Rajput Chiefs. But the success was short-lived, recaptured. Bundi Marathas had gone, a strong Jaypur force, recaptured Budi back for Dalelsing (23).
But Jaysing knew that in the Bundi affair, it was not Budhising or his able son Immersing, that he had to deal with. He had faced Malharrao and Ranoji in early 1733 A.D. and now once more they had threatened his designs of expansion. In the oposition of the Marathas, Dalelsing's throne was insecure.
We can very well imagine the feelings of Sawai Jaysing, towards the Marathas. He urged the Emperor (24) to send him additional troops with funds and supplies under Muzaffer Khan, the Mir Atish and the brother of Khan Duaran. But the Khan returned to the capital without fighting the Marathas, who had gone to Deccan before the Monsoon. Jaysing then tried to enlist the co-operation of the Rajput Chiefs in October 1734 A.D. at Hurda, in driving out the Marathas beyond Chambal. But nothing came out of it (25).
Due to the opposition of the Marathas, Plans of expansion of Sawai Jaysing with respect to Malwa and Bundi, were upset. At the same time, he was powerless to check them. Hence he was dejected and complained about the activities of Malharrao and Ranoji to the Peshwa. He expresses his desire to meet him and showed his willingness for the comporomise (26) . However partial Sawai Jaysing might be for the Marathas as opposed to the Turani faction at the Court, it is impossible to believe that he was ready to compromise his personal interests to win over their friendship.
Hence, when the year 1735 A.D. opened with a trial of the strength between the Emperor and the Maratha, there is no reason to believe that Sawai Jaysing was Luke-warn in his support to the Emperor's cause against the Marathas. It should not be inferred from the easy victories of the Marathas over the Imperialists, that they were due to the halfhearted attempts of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing. The Marathas were victorious, because they surpassed (27) in guerilla tactics, and there was hardly any general to match them in the unweidly Mughal army which amounted nearly to two lakhs as per the Maratha letter(28).
What is needed to be understood is that the compaigns of 1735 A.D. led by Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing were not carried on for the sake of any formality. If the Marathas could have been defeated, there is no reason to believe that out of any policy or partiality (29), Sawai Jaysing and Khan Dauran would have spared them. After all it was a fight on the part of Sawai Jaysing to retain Malwa and his leading position in Rajasthan in general and Bundi in particular.
But after saying this much let it be said that even though finally over powered by the Marathas, Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing had no will to carry on the issue to extremity by supporting whole-heartedly Kamrudding Khan and the Turani party. They knew that in the final suppression of the Marathas, they themselves would be the losers in the politics of Delhi where they had to face the powerful opposition of the Turani party and hence while opposing the Marathas, they could never afford to allow the Turani party to grow more stronger so as to threaten their political existence in the Court of Delhi. In fact for Khan Dauran it was a fight on two fronts. But the ultimate effect was the gain of the Marathas who were shrewed enough to utilize (30) this under current for their Northen expansion. Finally the more the Maratha arms were victorious against the imperial generals, the more Turani Party gained in the confidence of the Emperor and consequently the losing Hindusthani party leaned more towards the Marathas.
(v) Imperial Campaign of 1735 A.D. :
In early 1735 A.D., a formidable Mughal army in two seetions, well equipped with guns and ammunition, marched against the Marathas. The one under Kamruddin Khan by way of Agra encountered Pilaji Jadhao near Orchha (beginning of March 1735 A.D.) Pilaji Jadhao succeeded in capturing two to three hundred camels and horses from the Mughal army, then he went to Pohri Shivpur (31) , while Kamruddin Khan was at Narwar, Pilaji then proceeded to Deccan via Bundelkhand, Chanda, and Deogadh route.
The other section under Khan Dauran, (32) Sawai Jaysing and Abhaysing and Malharrao Holkar and Ranoji Shinde in Rampura. But the Marathas completely surrounded the host of the Mughal army and totally stopped the supply of grain and folder. Then leaving the unwieldy Mughal army behind they descended Mukundara and marching through Bundi and Kota, entered into the territory of Sawai Jaising and Abhaysing. On February 28 (33), they plundered the rich commercial town of Sambhar. The Mughals ran after them. Khan Dauran halted at Bundi, where as Sawai Jaysing went to Jaypur to save hiss territory from plnder. Malharrao was ten Kos beyond him.
Holkar and Ranoji (34) then come to Bundi, while Khan Dauran was at Kota. There the Maratha Sardars met Khan Dauran through Sawai Jaysing. After affecting a successful (35) treaty with Khan Dauran and Jaysing, both Ranoji and Malharrao went to Deccan and reached Poona on 6th July 1735 A.D.
It is definite that Khan Dauran had to pay a certain (36) sum to the Maratha in the name of Chauth of Malwa, but there is no mention of the exact sum received by them in the available Marathi record.
Generally (37) it is held that the Marathas got in cash or promise, a sum of 22 lakhs of rupees.
Thus even with the Wazir and Mir Bakshi in the campaign, the Mughals met with a grand failure. The Emperor (38) was displeased tohear it. Especially, he was pained to learn that Sawai Jaysing and Khan Dauran purchased the peace by paying off the Marathas.
(vi) Sawai Jaysing Loses the Subhas of Malwa and Agra :
Having been proved incompetent to check the Marathas beyond the Narmada, Jaysing was afraid that he would lose the Subhas of Malwa and Agra. His fear proved to be true (39).
The Emperor was convinced by now that the appeasement policy of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing was incapable to check the tide of the Marathas and was intending to hand over the two provinces of Malwa and Agra to Sadat Khan.
Sawai Jaysing, called the Peshwa's agent (40) with Srichand Diwan and Vyaharidasji for a confidential talk (August 1735 A.D.). He told the agent that he had up till then tried to raise the prestiage of Bajirao because he had no faith in the Turks. He knew that had they been victorious over the Marathas, they would have thought little of the Rajputs. He told the agent that he and Khan Dauran were of one mind. But Sadat Khan and Sarbuland Khan had been successful in gaining an upper hand over them by convincing the Emperor that Jaysing had ruined the Empire by siding with the Decanis. Sadat Khan demanded the Subhas of Malwa and Agra and told that while others demanded crores (for driving away the Marathas) he demanded nothing for his treasury was full. Jaysing told the agent that Sadat Khan was in league with the Nizam who had written to the Emperor, that he would not allow the Marathas to cross the Narmada. Khan Dauran and Jaysing pleaded that they had adopted the policy of appeasement because they were convinced that the Marathas could not be defeated in fighting. They had promised the Emperor, that they would affect a treaty with the Marathas so that either Bajirao or his brother Chimaji Appa would come to the presence, and having got their demands satisfied, no further trouble would be caused to the Emperor's territory by them. Khand Dauran and Sawai Jaysing further had hinted that if Sadatkhan and the Nizam were united, they would place another Prince on the throne. The Emperor seemed to be convinced by the trught behind the argument but Jaysing could trust him no more.
(vii) Sawai Jaysing Plans to Retain Malwa :
He told the Peshwa's agent that he was prepared to pay 20 lakhs in cash, instantly, if the Peshwa would come to him, with his Sardars, without devastating his territory. This amount was to be paid in lieu of the amount received by the Marathas in Malwa, Sironj, Datiya, Orchha and from the talus of Pilaji Jadhao. Besides, he would pay 5 thousand rupees per day for expenses (after the Marathas had crossed the Narmada). After meeting with Sawai Jaysing, if any settlement was to be effected at the Court through Khan Dauran, Bajirao was to visit the Emperor or he was free to return to Deccan.
This was the last effort of Sawai Jaysing to retain the two Subhas of Malwa and Agra. The object of calling the Maratha force to Jaypur was three fold. Firstly it would bring moral force on the Emperor and would help Jaysing and Khan Dauran to retain their positions at the Court against the combination of Kamruddin Khan, Abhaysing, Muhammad Khan Bagash and Sadat Kha. Secondly, it would serve the immediate purpose of Sawai Jaysing of the retention of the Subhas in question. The acceptance of money in cash by the Marathas, meant the end of their direct contact with the territories beyond the Narmada for the realization of the dues. (Had the Marathas accepted the proposal, their position would amount to nothing more than an auxiliary force subordinate to Sawai Jaysing). The last object of calling htem was his personal safety. He was in danger of being attacked by Sadat Khan (41), who was also a rival of Khan Dauran (42)
The Maratha agent hesitated to commit anything to the plan of Jaysing. By accepting 20 lakhs in cash, without 'Makta' they would lose the right of possession of the conquered territories beyond the Narmada till Chambal. However, Jaysing was prepared to permit them to collect in their usual manner dues in Gujarat, which was not under him. There was little possibility of the acceptance of the plan as it was, by Bajirao. It was the policy of the Marathas to accept 'Patta' (fief) in preference (43) to accepting annual dues in cash. Sawai Jaysing had not realized the true aim of Maratha penetration (44) in to the North, which behind the apparent object of collection of dues to feed the army, was nothing less than possession of the territory.
Mean while another letter came from Sadashio Ballal (45) dated 10th of January 1735 A.D., who had been to Muhammad Khan Bangash to arrange for the safe journey of Radhabai, Peshwa's mother.
It was reported as told by Bangash, that Sadat Khan had demanded 4 Subhas and 2 crores of rupees for the expulsion of the Marathas and that Khan Dauran's brother and Muhammad Khan Bangash would be deputed to Malwa against the Marathas. Bangash had no desire to obstruct the Marathas collection in Malwa, but only expected concession in that respect to his Jagir in Malwa. He was further prepared to co-operate with Bajirao in destroying the 'mawa' (robbers) in Malwa on the basis of equal division of the freed territory. Sadashio Ballal then came to Jaypur. Rajadhiraj was expecting a reply from Bajirao to his proposal. He urged the envoy to convince Bajirao of his sincere friendship to wards him. He was confident that if Sadat Khan became the Subhadar of Malwa, Bajirao (46) would certainly defeat him. While Sadashio Ballal was still at Jaypur, news came, that the Emperor had agreed to the proposal of Sadat Khan and had assigned him the two Subhas (Malwa and Agra) and granted him two crores of rupees for the expedition and sent Laxshmi Narayan Vakil with the customary robes for Sadat Khan. Sadashio Ballal, then, proceeded to Udaypur.
Thus Sawai Jaysing was finally deprived of the two Subhas. But Sadat Khan had yet to justify his appointment as the Subhadar (47) of Malwa by displacing the Marathas from there. His appointment as Subhadar of Malwa was totally disagreeable to Khan Dauran who was one with the cause of Sawai Jaysing. Thus with Khan Dauran and the Rajputs (excepting Abhaysing) completely on the Maratha side, Sadat Khan had little chance of getting success against them. It appeared that nothing but a whole-hearted reception awaited (48) Bajirao in the North, if he accepted the invitation of Sawai Jaysing.
Very soon (October 1735 A.D.) a letter came from amyaram the Peshwa's Vakil at Delhi, confirming the news previously received and communicating the plans of the opposition of the Emperor. The Emperor had conciliated Abhaysing (49) with Kamrudding Khan (Sadat Khan) to whom he entrusted the Subhas of Agra, Malwa and permitted him to punish Sawai Jaysing, if the latter did not join the Mughal army with his force. The Emperor had been highly displeased with Khan Dauran and Jaysing for their compromise with the Marathas by paying them money. Khan Dauran tried to explain his Maratha policy by stating that he had given them only that portion in Malwa as Jagir, which was infested with the robbers and the Rohillas and had asked to disturb the Mughal territory no more. He told that Bajirao was ready to serve the Emperor and had sent his mother on pilgrimage, which showed his confidence and oneness with the Empire. Thus Khan Dauran tried but invain. An invitation was sent to Sadat Khan to repair to Delhi. He further asked for himself the Subha of Patna and some jagir and the Subha of Prayag (Alahabad) for Muhammad Khan Bangash, so that he would recover the lost territory by punishing Chhatrasal (i.e. sons of Chhatrasal). The Vakil further-stated that the Emperor himself intended to March with all his forces after the floods were over. Amir-ul-umrao (Khan Dauran) with Sawai Jaysing were to march Via Jaypur, whereas Kamrudding Khan, Abhaysing and Sadat Khan were to march by Gwalior route.
(viii) Bajirao Proceeds to the North (Ocotober 1725 A.D. ) :
By the 1st week of October 1735 A.D.(50) Bajirao prepared himself for the big enterprise of his life which was full of promises (51) as well as obvious dangers. He ordered him prominent Sardars like Pilaji Jadhao, to enter tents for the coming expedition to the North. Bajirao's well wishers advised him (52) to step into the matter after a full thought and adequate preparation as the issue was a complicated one. Kamrudding Khan, the Wazir was expected to march in person to Malwa, and even the Emperor might come to his help, and the Nizam was still there to add to the complications.
The Nizam was at Ajantha (53) in November 1735 A.D., and was suspicious hearing about the march of Bajirao to the North. He was in constant touch with Sadat Khan whom he instigated to beat down the prestige of Bajirao. It was also rumored that he would march towards Burhanpur. But finally he declined to go, as Bajirao and Pilaji both were in the North.
Bajirao issued from Poona during the Divali (54) of 1735 A.D. By the time he had crossed Tapi, Sadat Khan (55) on his way to Agra had given a fight with Bhagwantsing the Jamindar of Adaru and had killed him. But the contest had been a severe one and even Sadat Khan had to lose 16 Chiefs on his side. This crippled him so much that he had to leave aside his intended march on Sawai Jaysing. (November 1735 A.D.) The relation between Sawai Jaysing and Sadat Khan had strained beyond limits and dreading an assult from Sadat Khan, Sawai was anxiously awaiting Bajirao's arrival in the North.
On 10th of December 1735 A.D. Bajirao had crossed the Narmada (56) and was at Jaypalpur in Malwa. In January 1736 A.D., after capturing Kulasis (57), Bajirao was marching through Dongarpur Banswada in Mewad. His march to the North effected favourably on the position of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing in the Court and the opposition party toned down. Bajirao sent Mahadeo Bhat Hingane to Sawai Jaysing who sent along with him and Raja Malji two lakhs in cash, besides jewellery, robes, five horses and an elephant all told five lakhs of rupees and called the Peshwa to Jaypur without losing time. Sadat Khan had reached his distination. Rajoji Shinde and Ram Chandra Shenwai were active in formulating a treaty. It was proposed that Peshwa should get after meeting the Emperor 20 lakhs of rupees in cash, a jagir of 40 lakhs in Malwa and the subsidy was to be assigned on Dost Muhammad Khan of Bhopal.
While Bajirao was marching through Mewad, one of his Sardars Baji Bhivrao had marched to Datiya, Orchha (58) and by the end of january 1736 A.D. had realized dues from both these states. He then proceeded to Bhadawar and Jatwad territory (59). He came to know that in Delhi politics, Khan Dauran (60) and Jaysing were on one side and Sadat Khan, Kamruddin Khan and the rest were on the other side. He suggested to Bajirao that unless Sadat Khan and Kamruddin Khan and the rest were defeated, his plan had no chance of success. He further wrote Bajirao that there was no possibility of getting money for him after crossing the Chambal. Whatever, he might get, was from Jaysing only. He further advised Bajirao not to hurry to the Emperor relying on the vastness of his forces, for Delhi was a powerful place and it was yet dangerous for Bajirao to venture to go there. He should be, under the circumstances, cautious and should not hanker after money too much. He should not bring undue pressure on Ranaji for exacting money but should see that he was kept pleased. Also he should be satisfied with whatever Jaysing would do for him. He should not try to gather the whole world in a single day.
Baji Bhivrao was one of the most sincere adherents of the Peshwa. His letter depicts the sober Maratha policy towards the Rajputs in the first phase of their friendship. Had there been such dashing and beloved peshwa in future times and sincere friends like Baji Bhivrao, one feels that much wanton bloodshed would have been averted.
(ix) The Rana's Anxiety Over the Question of a Fief :
After capturing Kuksi Mawasi (61) and realizing 'Khandani' from lonwada Dangarpur, Bajirao entered Mawad (62) proper by the end of January 1735 A.D. and was about to ascend the Ghat. He learnt that Nijyabat Alikhan from Khan Dauran and Ayamalgi from Sawai Jaysing were approaching him with money. The Peshwa informed his mother on he return from the pilgrimage, that the Emperor was inclined for a peaceful settlement and that a favourable treaty was in sight.
Having learnt that the Peshwa had entered his territory, the Ranaji (63) sent Kesharsing to receive him. Bajirao, sent the bulk of his army to Shahapur and taking to eight thousand men with him went to meet the Rana (64) (February 1736 A.D.).
It seems that by 1734 A.D. the Rana of Mewad had definitely come under the sway of the Marathas. Full contacts had been established of the Court of Udaypur with that of Satara. One the occasion of the coming to throne of Jaysing, after the death of Maharana Sangramsing in 1734, Nagraj the foster brother (Dhybhai) of the new Rana and Somaram Munshi requested for 'Tika' (recognition) from the Chhatrapati at Satara, through the Pant Pradhan. Accordingly robes suited for the occasion, an elephant and other customary things were sent to the new Rana (65).
Peshwa had in his view a recovery of a fief (Patta) amicably from the Rana since 1729 A.D., when Chimaji Appa sent Chinto-Girmaji to the Rana for that work from Gujarat(66). But since the Rana and his Court disliked to alienate land from their territory in this way, the demand remained unattended. But with the coming of the new Rana to throne, the matter was taken up again by the Peshwa, who sent Sadasho Ballal to the Rana's Court to effect a settlement in respect of the fief. Sadashio Ballal advised his master that the Rajputs would pay the dues for a year or two, but once a fief was got, it would be a thing for ever. Atlast after a stay for a year Sadashio Ballal came to the conclusion that the land would not be acquired unless recourse to force was taken (68). < check this para >(67)
Hence, even though the political situation in the North necessitated that the Marathas should be on the side of the Rajputs and even though Byanaridas (69) the minister of the Rana of Udaypur was a party to the calling of the Marathas by Sawai Jaysing, the Rana was not as happy as Sawai Jaysing, overcming of Bajirao to his Court. He wrote to his minister Byaharidas (70) Pancholi. "The Deccani question you have settled well, but if a meeting is to take place (with Bajirao) let it be byond Deola, nearer is not advisable". He wrote furthe "Bajirao has come, and he will derive reputation from having compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. Malhar came last year, but it was nothing. Bajirao is (more) powerful. But if God hears me, he will not get my land". Samvat 1792. (1736 A.D.) (71)
(x) Peshwa Meets the Ranaji :
Champabag (72) palace was reserved for the accommodation of Bajirao in Udaypur. The next day after his arrival, the Peshwa was honoured in the open Darbar, where two gold embroidered seats were arranged for the guest and the host. Bajirao was shrewd diplomat, he politely declined to accept the position of equality with the Rana and occupied a seat just below. Dresses and presents were offered and entertainments took place for five days from 3rd to 7th of February 1736 A.D. Bajirao visited various sights and monuments (73) like Jalmandir (74) at Udaypur and then left for Nath-Dwara. The Rana agreed to pay a lakh and a half annually as Chauth Bajirao did not insist for the (Patta) land as was suggested by his adviser.
At Nath-Dwara Bajirao and his wife Kashibai offered their joint devotion to the celebrated deity and proceeded further.Malharrao Holkar, Ranoji Shinde, Kanthaji Kadam and Anandrao Pawar had been dispatched towards Marwad as all the host of Maratha forces could not be fed in the territories of friendly Ranoji and Sawai Jaysing. There was alsoanother object in sending these forces into Marwad. It was to bring pressure on Abhaysing who had joined the party of Kamrudding Khan (75) (October 1735 A.D.). This more satisfied Sawai Jaysing who was displeased with Abhaysing for his joining hands with the Turani Party(76)
The Maratha forces (77) then marched upon Medta (February ary 1736 A.D.) guided by Pratapsing Hada, who went within the town of Medta and met the Chief, Umedsing, but as no settlement could be effected, the Marathas occupied the town on the very first day and laid siege to the fort. The garrison made repeated sorties on the trenches and heavy exchange of fire went of from day to day.
In another theatre of war (78), Bagash was facing Baji Bhivrao, south of Chambal, posted in a ravine created by the confluence of the Kosi river with the Chambal. The latter waited in vain at his base at the Nurabad, 15 miles north of Gwalior, hoping that Bangash would leave his difficult position and come out to measure strength. Finally he reported the Peshwa that Bangash was coward.
But as peace overtures were received (79) from Delhi, through Sawai Jaysing, Bajirao sent orders to suspend hostilities and the State of war came to an end by the first week of March 1736 A.D.
(xi) Bajirao's Meeting with Sawai Jaysing:
Bajirao and Sawai Jaysing (80) had their first meeting at Bhambhola near Kishangadh on 4th of March 1736 A.D. They arrived both ridding on their elephants, and as soon as they sighted each other, they dismounted, embraced each other and sat as the same Mansad in an open Darbar. This visit lasted upto 8th March. Presents and tributes poured upon Bajirao from all quarters.
There were plentiful demonstrations (81) of Joy and respect for Bajirao during February to April on the part of the Rajput Chief's since he entered Udaypur. But the settlement was to be effected not with Sawai Jaysing but with the Emperor. The Peshwa sent Mahadeo Bhat Hingane, Yadgar Khan munshi with Jaysing;s envoy Kriparam to Delhi, with his demands, with instructions to sent the reply about the settlement within 20 days. But even though Bajirao (82) waited eagerly for 2 months (April and May 1736 A.D.) no reply came, nor did he learn anything about the proposal or about the envoys.
(xii) Bajirao Returns Disappointed to the South :
Thus even though Bajirao's march to North during 1735 A.D. to 1736 A.D. was a success in establishing cordial relations with the Rajput Chiefs, it was not productive of any substantial gains. Even though it was proposed that Bajirao should get rupees 20 lakhs (83) in cash and a Jagir of 40 lakhs in Malwa, the entries reveal that he did not get more than a lakh from Khan Dauran (84). Add to this rupees two lakhs in cash (and three lakhs in kind) sent by Jaysing (85), and all told about half a lakh sent by way of presents by the various Rajput Chiefs. Delhi was more liberal in assurances but hardly so in actual payments. This was to be the experience of the Marathas onwards.
It was difficult (86) to feed the host of 50 to 60 thousand men with friendly territories all around. The season had advanced enough, and there seemed no immediate prospects of any reply about the settlement from Delhi. Bajirao was dejected at heart at the delaying tactics of the Court and in the long run, losing all hopes to get any money, was compelled to return south so that at least the army should not be destroyed (87) for want of funds.
Bajirao's left Malwa, by the end of May 1736 A.D. keeping Malharrao Holkar, Ranoji Shinde, Tukoji Pawar and Yashwantrao Pawar withan army of 15 thousand. He returned to Deccan with the rest of army to save it from starvation. Nothing had been received from Delhi and Bajirao had grave doubts whether the Court would keep its promise.
Foot Notes (Description)
(1) S.P.D. 14-9.
(2)S.P.D. 30-pp 307 to 311.
(3)'Later Mughals' Vol. II, p 252, 'New Hist.' Vol. II p. 156.
(4) S.P.D. 10-1.
(5) "??????????????????????????????????? " - S.P.D. 14-9
(6) S.P.D. 14-9
(7) 'Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans', p. 58-27. 'The Cambridge Hist. of India', Vol. IV, p. 346.
(8) S.P.D. 15-29
(9) 'Ait. Charitra' - 3. S.P.D. 15-75, M.I.S. 6-137.
(10) S.P.D. 30-229, 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 356.
(11) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 297. 'Hingne Dafter' I - 19, 23.
(12) S.P.D. 14-17, S.P.D. 15-30.
(13) S.P.D. 14-10, 11, 13 S.P.D. 30-61 (The date of this letter is 17th December 1733 A.D. and not 17th December 1734 A.D. This letter corresponds to letter No. 10 of S.P.D. 14th of December 1733 A.D.).
(14) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, pp. 277-78.
(15) Shiwaji Shankar Odhekar, a Maratha Sardar, after realizing Khandani from Kasba Sipri and Kularas in Subhas Agra, marched upto Kasha Sopar in Ajmer Subha, S.P.D. 14-15.
(16) Ibid - 12, 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 281.
(17) S.P.D. 14-16, "Even if the Emperor's forces approach us, we shall feed by moving to the left or right as would suit us".
(18) Ibid - 13.
(19) 'New Hist.' , Vol. II, p. 158.
(20) 'Satara Ait. Lekh' 2-270, "Rajadhiraj, assuming to be the servant (of the Emperor) seizes the territory as far as possible", Fall I, p. 250.
(21) Fall I, p. 251.
(22) Fall I, p. 252.
(23) 'Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans', p. 60-41
(24) 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 279, 'New Hist.', Vol. II, p. 158.
(25)Fall I, p. 252.
(26) S.P.D. 30-108
(27) 'Later Mughals' Vol. II, pp. 283 and 284.
(28) S.P.D. 14-23.
(29) Writes Sir Jadunath (Fall I, p. 255) "In Rajputana, Khan-I-Dauran, after wasting many weeks at Bundi, in utter inaction, listened to Jaysing's advice and induced the Marathas to retire beyond the Narmada by promising them, on behalf of the Emperor, 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa."
Now compare this statement with the following :-
(a) "During January and February several Rajput princes headed by Khan Dauran fought many stiff battles with Shindia and Holkar near Rampura, Sindia kept them engaged while Holkar moved rapidly in to the North, devastated the territories of Marwar and Jaypur,⦠Jaysing and the Emperialists found thas, that they paid Rs. 22 lakhs in cash and purchased peaceâ¦." New Hist.', Vol. II, pp. 158 and 159.
(b) "In a short time, all suplies of grass and grain were cut off. The horses were no longer able to stand. When a Regiment of Ahadis-mostly of Baluch and Mughal race-some 1000 to 1500 marched out without harm and was busy collecting anything they could lay hands upon in the villages about 8 miles from the camp, were surrounded was cut-off to pieces. It was three days before Jaysing could collect the dead bodies." 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, pp. 283 and 284.
(30) 'Bramhendra Swami Charitra' - 7.
(31) S.P.D. 14-21 TO 23, and 28
(32) Ibid - 21 and 23.
(33) "Tarikh-I-Hindi' in E.D. Vol. VIII, p. 51.
(34) S.P.D. 14-24, 26, 27, S.P.D. 22-284.
(35) S.P.D. 22-293390,391,441.
(36) S.P.D. 14-39.
(37)
(a) "Raja Jaising, gave the enemy in the district of Kishangarh a sum of twenty lacs of rupees on the part of the Emperor to induce them to return to Dakin" - Tarikh-I-Hindi' in E.D. Vol. VIII, p. 52.
(b) "An annual sum of 22 lakhs of rupees from Malwa was promised", 'Later Mughals', Vol. II, p. 280.
© "22 lakhs were promised as the Chauth of Malwa". Fall I, p. 255.
(d) "They paid 22 lakhs in cash and purchased peace." 'New Hist.' , Vol. II, p. 159.
(e) "On behalf of the Emperor, Khan Dauran offered the Marathas, 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa" - 'Malwa in Tran', p. 232. Thus the total revenue of Malwa during 1719 A.D. to 1725 A.D.under the Nizam, as the Subhadar of Malwa, was 30 to 40 lakhs of rupees a year, the 'Chauth' of which comes to 10 lakhs. Deepsing had also promised Chhatrapati Shahu 11 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa, (S.P.D. 10-66) Hence it is clear that 22 lakhs could never be the 'Chauth' of Malwa. In similar circumstance, Jaysing had paid six lakhs of rupees and the 'Khandani' of 28 paraganas already recovered in 1733 A.D. (S.P.D. 14-2) to the Maratha. In 1734 A.D., the Marathas had exacted their dues with vigorous movement. (S.P.D. 14-10, 11, 13, 18) . In all probability the sum paid by Khan Dauran in April 1735 A.D. cannot exceed rupees 12 lakhs.
(38) S.P.D. 14-29.
(39) S.P.D. 14-31.
(40) Ibid - 47, 31.
(41) S.P.D. 30-143, S.P.D. It is clearly stated that Sadat Khan was permitted to attack Sawai Jaysing, if the latter did not join the Mughal army against the Marathas. - Ibid-42 Sadat Khan had marched with all intention to fall upon Sawai Jaysing, also Fall I, p. 259..
(42) S.P.D 30-134.
(43) S.P.D. 30-128.
(44) S.P.D. 14-31 ( especially the half of the letter ) S.P.D. 30-301, also 325.
(45) S.P.D. 30-134.
(46)(46) "??????????????????????????????????????????"
(47) S.P.D. 14-39
(48) "Shivdas the Nayab Subha of Agra told Sadashiv Ballal that Raya's (Bajirao's) prestige had attained such a level that if he intended to capture the Empire of Hastinapur (Delhi) and handed it over to Chhatrapati of Satara, it was possible" . -
(49) S.P.D. 30-134.
(50) S.P.D. 14-39.
(51) Writes Sir Jadunath (in Fall I, p. 267) "At the close of 1735 A.D. when peace talks broke down. Chimaji advanced with large army towards Gwalior by way of Sironj and Bundelkhand". Now, the first thing to be noted here is that Bajirao's march into the North at the close of 1735 A.D. was not due to any break down of peace talks but due to the invitation from Sawai Jaysing (as per S.P.D. 14-31, -47, S.P.D. 12-76 and S.P.D. 30-134) to serve the purpose of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing, and the second thing to be noted is that Chimaji did not accompany Bajirao is this expedition to the North. In 1735 A.D. he was in Deccan and from March to July 1736 A.D., he was in kokan - M.I.S. II, p. 27.
(52) S.P.D. 14-35, S.P.D. 10-19.
(53) S.P.D. 14-40, 41, 42.
(54) Ibid, 39, 43, S.P.D. 30-144, 158.
(55) 'New Hist.' , II, p. 162.
(56) S.P.D. 14-43.
(57) Ibid, 50.
(58) Ibid, 48, 52, S.P.D. 15-14.
(59) S.P.D. 14-54.
(60) S.P.D. 14-54.
(61) S.P.D. 30-158.
(62) S.P.D. 14-51.
(63) S.P.D. 30-160.
(64) Writes Sir Jadunath (Fall, I p. 260.), "The agreement of 22nd March 1735 A.D. (A promise of payment of 22 lakhs as the Chauth of Malwa-Fall I, p. 255) not having been ratified by the Emperor, Bajirao planned a grand campaign under his own command in the coming winter. The failure of the entire force of the Empire. In the first quarter of 1735 A.D. had convinced the Rajputs in particular tat the Marathas were invincible. The news of coming of the Peshwa in prson threw all Rajputana into and despair." (i) It has been already stated that Bajirao was going to the North, of the invitation of Sawai Jaysing besides his object of obtaining the 'Sanad' of Malwa, and hence his visit had nothing to do with the agreement of 22nd March 1735 A.D.
(ii) Bajirao's march was to assist to maintain the position of Sawai Jaysing at the Court of the Emperor. He was going to the North as the friend of the Rajputs and hence no question arises of the feeling of alarm or dispair in Rajputana. The particular letter of the Rana to Biharidas Pancholi, is in connection of a grant of fief, which the Rana was averse to grant. Instead of a feeling of alarm or despair, the reception given to Bajirao by the Rajput Chiefs, display a feeling of Joy and friendship, (S.P.D. 30-p. 321-26).
(65) S.P.D. 14-20
(66) S.P.D. 12-32
(67) S.P.D. 30-128, S.P.D. 9-12
(68) S.P.D. 30-142.
(69) S.P.D. 14-47.
(70) 'Annals' Vol. I (1960), p. 335. Fall I, p. 261.
(71) The above letter do not exhibit a felling of alarm and disperse as Sir Jadunath Sarkar infers (Fall I, p. 260) but a false anxiety of losing the dignity by way of meeting one who was superior in power but lower in dignity from his own pint of view and a determination to save from the demand of land.
(72)S.P.D. 30-32
(73) Marathi record is silent over the suspected trap of murder of Bajirao in Jalmandir palace Udaypur (Fall I, p. 262.), Sir Jadunath states that as fine 7 lakhs was agree, out of which 3 lakhs were paid in cash. Sardesai ( New Hist. Ii, p. 163) makes no mention of the episode. The only sum that seems to have been promised was of a lakhs of rupees for the feast ('mejawani') and forty five thousand rupees for a village, Utall in Banheda paragan, for the payment of which Bajirao had to remained devichand Pancholi, the surety-B.I.S.M letters from Vyas family-5.
(74) S.P.D. 14-54
(75) S.P.D. 14-39.
(76) S.P.D. 13-49 (February 1736 A.D.) Sir Jadunath places this letter (S.P.D. 13-49) wrongly in April 1735 A.D. He writes (Fall I, p. 255 footnote). "But before this, in April 1735 A.D. Holkar and Shinde invaded Marwad, under orders of Bajirao to punish Abhaysing for his recent hostile actions. The orders were to spare the territories of Jaypur and Mewad with scrupulous care. Bajirao wrote this to his master that this would please Jaysing." Now (I) Abhaysing had not committed any hostile action by joining. Kamrudding Khan 'recently' i.e. before April 1735 A.D. but he certainly had committed a hostile action 'after the said campaign was over', in Oct. 1735 A.D. (S.P.D. 14-39). (II) In the campaign of early 1735 A.D., Abhaysing was with Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing in Malwa, and hence the question of sparing "territories of Jaypur and Mewad with scrupulous care" and "to punish Abhaysing for recent hostile actions" did not arise in April 1735. (III) It was not Bajirao who wrote that "this would please Jaysing", but it was written by Purandare to Bajirao, communicating Shahu's approval of the letter's action. (IV) The political situation with Mewad and Jaypur being friendly to the Marathas and Marwad being hostile occurred in the campaign of early 1736 A.D. and hence this letter must be of February 1736 A.D. Because the Peshwa then only could askhis Sardars to punish Abhaysing for his 'recent' hostile action.
(77) S.P.D. 14-14, 56, S.P.D. 30-151 (1936 A.D.) - Sir Jadunath writes (Fall I, p. 266-foot-note), "This letter (S.P.D. XIV-14) is dated Ist April 1736 A.D. by the Editor but as Sambhar was sacked on 28 February 1735 A.D., that year is most likely for this letter." But that year is most unlikely for this letter. In early 1735 A.D., with a host of Mughal army amounting to two lakhs with Artilary and ammunition carts beyond count in the rear in Malwa (S.P.D. 14-23), It seems unreasonable that malharrao and Ranoji Shinde would commit to siege operation of such severty. It was only possible in early 1736 A.D., with the backing of the powerful Maratha army under Peshwa himself in the North. Secondly as per S.P.D. 14-56, Baji-Bhivrao from paragana somavali enquires Bajirao before the latter's meting with Sawai Jaysing (8 March 1736 A.D.) Whether the forces from marwad had been recalled or not further suggested that they should be ordered to join him with out loss of time. Hence this reference to Marwad campaign in S.P.D. 14-56, and the above conclusins make it obligatory to place this letter (S.P.D. 14-14) in February 1736 A.D.
(78) S.P.D. 14-55, Fall I, p. 26.
(79) S.P.D. 14-53, 56.
(80) S.P.D. 30-156, also p. 322, 'New Hist' Vol. II, p. 163.
(81) S.P.D. 30-pp. 322 to 326. On 4th of March 1736 A.D. sawai Jaysing paid rupees five thousand for feast, presented an elephant with its accessories and 35 camels (all told worth rupees 13,500). In return the Peshwa presented him with a palanquin wth the accessories. On 17th March 1736 A.D., Gopalsing of Keroli presented Bajirao various guns and articles, on 7th of April. Roop Ray, the son of Bhagwantsing of Adaru presented the Peshwa a 'Baj' bird. On 30th of April, the kings of Nagore and Datiya presented various decorated guns.
(82) Bajirao's letter to Mahadeo Bhat Hingne, 'Hingne Daftar' I-6.
(83) S.P.D. 14-50.
(84) S.P.D. 30-pp. AND 22.
(85) S.P.D. 14-50.
(86) 'Hingne Daftar, I, -6.
(87) Wites Sir Jadunath (Fall I, p. 264) , "It was settled in the meeting (with Jaysing) that the time was not favourable for Bajirao's intended attack on Delhi. However Jaysing promised to use his influence at the imperial Court to secure for Raja Shahu the grant of Chauth and cession of Malwa from the Emperor". Firstly: - This was not at all the cause of Bajirao's return to Deccan.
Secondly :- No where it is stated that this march of Bajirao to the North at the close of 1735 A.D. was to attack Delhi. And
Thirdly :- When Jaysing was himself in the anxiety to save the two provinces of Malwa and Agra, and when his influence was at the lowest ebb in early 1736 A.D. the statement of Bajirao's return to Deccan on receiving the promise of jaysing in nearly meaningless. Infact the breakdown of talks meant the defeat of the last effect of Khan Dauran and Sawai Jaysing to retain their positions with the Emperor, through the medium of peaceful settlement with the Marathas. For the first time, diplomacy had go a set back, and the Maratha strength and prestige came face to face with the grim determination of the Emperor and the Turani party, to retain their remaining Empire against the eneroaching Marathas.
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