05-01-2006, 12:08 AM
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->THE SECOND PHASE : (1743 TO 1766 A. D.)
<b>Chapter 1 THE MARCH OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE </b>
(i)The Change in the Relationship, Reasons:
There existed nothing but cordial relations between the Rajputs and the Maratha till 1743 A.D., but within less than 10 years, the former turned into the most bitter enemies of the latter and conspired with Najib Khan Rohilla and the Durani Chief Ahmad Shah Abdali for their destruction. And even though this enmity turned into a friendship for a temporary period of a few years during 1764 to 1769 A.D., it was the effect of the Jat ascendancy and the individual policy of Malharrao Holkar in befriending the Rohillas and the Rajputs persistently played the role of the opponents of the Marathas, throughout the latter half of the 18th century What was the reason that turned the friendly Rajputs into the deadly enemies of the Marathas?
The Maratha-Rajput friendship started on the background of Malwa politics, due to the need of coming together against Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah and the Turani party. Nizamâs role in Delhi politics after 1720 A.D. till 1723 A.D. was that of the Sayyads before him. In fact even from Deccan, it was ever possible for him to dominate Delhi with his powerful Turani supporters and create untenable situation for the weak Emperor. Even in 1741 A.D. (1), the Nizam in Deccan told the Peshwa Balajirao that he would send a word to fulfill his demands for the grant of Sanad for Malwa and 20 lakhs from Emperorâs treasury.
Emperor Muhammad Shah had the misfortune to behold the loss of provinces from his empire one after another. His inglorious career turned him a revengeful man. He forgot nothing and forgave none. He ended the powerful Sayyads by conspiring with the Nizam but when he saw that he had only added to the tyranny of the Turani faction thereby, the Nizam became his next target. The latter, thereupon, left Delhi for Deccan and created an independent kingdom for him. This was the first direct blow to the solidarity of the Mughal Empire and Mohammad Shah never pardoned the Nizam for his grave crime. As an effect, much of the development in Gujarat and Malwa during 1724 A.D. to 1735 A.D. was the result of the Emperorâs revengeful policy towards the Nizam (2). For this, he nearly ignored Kamruddin Khan, the Turani Wazir, and the nearest relative of the Nizam, and relied much on Khan Dauran, the Mir Bakshi, and the friend of Sawai Jaysing of Jaypur. The main politics centred at Malwa, so as not to allow it to fall into the hands of the Nizam, Khan Dauran naturally wanted Jaysing to be the Subhadar of Malwa but since the Marathas had to be introduced as an opposing element to the Nizam, it was they in the long run, who put aside Sawai Jaysing to be the Subhadar of Malwa but since the Marathas had to be introduced as an opposing element to the Nizam, it was they in the long run, who put aside Sawai Jaysing and became the masters of Malwa by 1732 A.D. The Marathas did not halt there, but with in a few years crossed Chambal and entered Ajmer and Agra Subha. To save the Mughal Empire from the threat of the Marathas, the Nizam was at last called to Delhi in 1737 A.D., which resulted into his defeat at the hands of Bajirao resulting into the complete hold of the Marathas on Malwa. But even after the Nizamâs coming to Delhi, friendship among the Emperor, the Mir Bakshi and Sawai Jaysing continued till the death of Khan Dauran in 1739 A.D. And even after his death the Emperor needed Sawai Jaysingâs support, when the Nizam and the Turani Party created a threatening situation (3) for him after Nadir Shahâs departure.
But with the departure of the Nizam from Delhi in 1740 A.D.(4) to face his rebellious son, Nasir Jang, in Deccan, the threat of the Turani party to the existence of the Emperor came to an end. The energies of the old Nizam were absorbed in maintaining his hold in Deccan against the powerful Marathas, and the possession of Malwa by the Maratha was ever a bar to his coming to Delhi. This was so effective that when later on Nasir Jang conspired with the Emperor against the Marathas and the Wazir Safdar Jang, the barring Maratha armies in Malwa, did not allow him to cross even the Narmada (5). It is enough to say hence that even though the Nizam held his ambition of dominating Delhi as Wazir till last, the prospects of his coming to Delhi as opposed with the exit of the powerful Turani faction in the Court with the Delhi Court dwindled and there ended the political necessity for the Rajputs of the Friendship of the Marathas as before. In another way, with the acquisition of the Sanad of Malwa by Balajirao, the Malwa politics came to an end.
Ajitsing and Rana Sangram were dead long before. Bajirao died in 1740 A.D. Sawai Jaysing followed him after three years. With the departure of these Hindu Chiefs from the political stage, the generation that had witnessed or heard of the religious atrocities of Aurangzeb, came to an end. After 1739 A.D., the Mughal Empire at Delhi was a mere shadow of its former self and could scarcely be held as the symbol of the oppose of Hinduism. Thus the Hindu element in the politics of the North vanished after 1740 A.D. and there remained no necessity of Maratha-Rajput friendship on this score. On the contrary with the diminishing Mughal Empire the aggression of the Maratha imperialism became a real source of anxiety for the Rajputs.
In 1736 A.D., the Rana of Udaypur was perturbed to save his honour in the meeting with Bajirao Peshwa who courteously accepted a seat below the one of the Rana and thus the Ranaâs exalted position was saved. But the Marathas advanced in power with such rapidity that the king of Jaypur (6) felt honoured in 1751 A.D. when he was carried to throne seated on the same elephant by a Sardar of the Peshwa. By 1751 A.D., the Peshwa had been all-in-all in the Maratha also wad dead. The Peshwa mainly looked to the Maratha expansion in the South and his Sardars Shinde and Holkar looked to the affairs of the North under the Guidance of the Peshwa. The Maratha Empire from the South to the North and from the West to the East had come into existence. Sardars like Gayakwad, Shinde, Holkar, Bhosale, Patwardhan, Raste, Pethe and so many others were active in different spheres. Inevitably, the Rajputs became the payers of regular Khandani to the Marathas. The former equality of the Rajputs gave place to subordinate position in their relationship with the Marathas.
With the departed Mughal Empire, the prospects of being appointed as Subhadars of Gujarat, Malwa, Orissa or Kabul vanished forever for the Rajputs. Their vision became limited by the boundaries of their own territories. Their vanity never allowed them to be one with the Maratha Empire as they had been one with the previous Mughal Empire. With dwindling prospects of political opportunities and limited sphere at home, Civil wars started in most of the Rajput States one after another. Each side resolutely tried to win the coveted object and approached the Maratha Sardars for help. They vied with each other in raising the sum in return for the help sought. The Marathas were ever in need of money to feed the huge armies and maintain administration. It is no wonder that they fell a victim to the alluring bait. The subsequent result was that they were held deceitful, dishonest, and greedy and a bad element by the party that suffered at their hands.
By now the Marathas had grown too powerful and their help was sought by the Wazir against the Rohillas (1751 A.D.) and by the Emperor against his Wazir (1753 A.D.) The remaining provinces of the Emperor were handed over to them under Chauth or Subhadari. The Rajputs, who had departed from the former friendship, grew jealous of their position. They felt bitterly for the cession of the Subhas of Agra and Ajmer by the Emperor to them (1752 A.D.) Meanwhile, the Maratha demands were raised to territory besides Khandani. The Rajputs saw no justification for these demands. They became the bitter enemies of the Marathas and looked to the Rohillas and the Pathans, the enemies of the Marathas, as their saviours from the wanton Maratha aggressions.
Had the Rajputs a mind to took, there was much with the Marathas, that they could have appreciated. The Maratha spear, crossing Doab, had entered even Oudh (7)(1751 A.D.). Bengal had seen enough of their velour and as a result Orissa was ceded to them (1751 A.D.). In the North, Punjab had come under their Chauth, though Abdali hardly allowed them to collect it. In the South the Nizam had been rounded off by 1760 A.D. and excepting the Nawab of Karnatak (8), the rest of the South had nearly come under there away. In 1758 A.D., they had reached Sindhu at Atak and their gaze (9) had reached Persia to finish off Abdali in between them. As a Hindu power, the Marathas had gained enough to be proud of. With this expansion of their Empire, they never lost sight of relieving the Hindu holy places of Kashi, Prayag, Gaya and Mathura from the hands of the yawanas. This was the constant demand of the Peshwa to his Sardars even after(10) the defeat of Panipat.
But the Rajputs, after Ajitsing, Abhaysing and Sawai Jaysing, never exhibited any religious outlook touching other spheres than their own. To them the Rohilla Najib Khan and the Brahman Peshwa of Poona were alike. They sided with the former and opposed the latter on political grounds alone. Hence inspite of the heart burning massacres of the Hindus and the destruction of the holy places like Mathura, Vrundavan in 1757 A.D. at the hands of Abdali, they could be one with his schemes in destroying the Marathas. The Marathas and the Rajputs differed fundamentally in their religious zeal in 18th century. The former had from the first till last opposed the Muslims, and their association with the Mulsim rulers was an exception. Whereas with their long association, though forced, with the Mughals from Akbar (with the lonely exception of Mewad) much of the Rajput opposition by the end of 17th century and in the first quarter of 18th century was reactionary to the Islamic rule of Aurangzeb and hence was mostly restricted for the first Rajput generation of 18th century. This period of the Rajput opposition to the Muslim rule co-incided with the career of Bajirao I, and hence we find the Rajputs and the Marathas standing on the same footing of religion. But once the Marathas took firm hold of Delhi, the Rajputs, consequently losing all broader out-look consumed their energies in regional feuds and cared little for the Hindu ideals of Sawai Jaysing (11) and had little to appreciate in the religious zeal of the Marathas. They only looked towards them as aggressors from the political point of view. The errors on the part of the Maratha Sardars added fuel to the fire and the Rajputs traversed rapidly from dislike to revengeful attitude towards them.
(ii)Malharrao Holkar Shapes the Rajput Policy :
Even when Bajirao was alive, the Sardars, Holkar and Shinde, had become famous in the North India, Sawai jaysing complained of their harassing activities to the Peshwa and hinted (12) that one day they might grow too powerful even for him.
Malharrao(13) , from the first had created his own sphere, rather independent of Peshwa (but with his understanding) at Bundi. His activities there became a source of anxiety to Sawai Jaysing, a friend of the Peshwa. In a letter to a Udaypur Chief, Peshwa Bajirao I asked to ignore Malharrao (14), whose activities were coming in between the Maratha-Rajput co-operation in 1739 A.D.
After Bajiraoâs death and with the coming of the young Peshwa Balajiraoâs to Peshwa-ship, Malharrao took liberty to shape the Rajput policy. It was he (15) who brought pressure on the inexperienced Peshwa, to ignore the arguments of Ramchandra Baba putup in favour of Ishwarising and raising his demands (16) left no way open for Ishwarising but to fight. For Kachhwada hatred of the Marathas in 1751 A.D. and onwards, Malharraoâs hasty and shortsighted policy was responsibly to a greater extent.
What the Sardars did in respect of the Rajputs till 1740 A.D., was what the Peshwa planned or guided. But what the Sardars did after that till 1766 A.D., was not all that was desired by the Peshwa. As has been explained already, there were certain political and other reasons that were responsible for the change of Rajput attitude towards the Marathas, but after stating this much, let it be said that the blunders of the Sardars at Jaypur or Jodhpur were also equally responsible for the Rajput feeling that ran so high that they preferred foreign Abdali to the Brahman Peshwa from Deccan. In both these cases, Peshwaâs instructions to his Sardars, were reasonable, just and moderate ones.
In the last days of Ranoji Shinde (17), his relations with Malharrao, were far from cordial. Peshwa was then at a loss to understand how to keep them together. After Ranojiâs death Jayappa and Malharrao soon parted company with each other and the Peshwa had to reprimand Malharrao (18) for not cooperating with Jayappa in Bundelkhand. Jayappaâs Marwad affair (1754 A.D. to 1766 A.D.) was in a reaction to Malharraoâs Jat policy. It was a selection of a special sphere for himself just as Agra Subha was a selected sphere by Malharrao for himself. Just as the Peshwa had again and again desired that Ishwarisingâs affair should not go beyond control (19), he also proposed (20) to Jayappa that after placing at different places both Ramsing and Vijaysing, he should release himself of the complications and take up other urgent tasks like relieving Kashi, Prayag etc., from the Muslim hands. It will not be too much to say that the delay of two years (1754-56 A.D.) in Marwad affair not only cost the Peshwa a Sardar of repute, but also frustrated his plans that needed to be carried on keeping other political developments into consideration. This had definitely damaging repercussions on the great battle of Panipat. Moreover they spoiled the relation of those two Houses namely the Shinde and the Holkar beyond healing. Jankoji suspected the hand of Malharrao in Jayappaâs murder and refused to see him at poona (21) . One reasonably feels that besides the trap of Madhaosing in not allowing him to depart for the succour of Dattaji, the personal ill feeling must have played to some extent a part in the delay of Malharrao in responding to the urgent calls of Dattaji in December 1759 A.D.
There was a lot of difference between the out-look of these two Houses towards the Rajput policy. During this phase (1743 A.D. to 1766 A.D.) the Shindes seem to have been comparatively much more loyal to the interests of the Peshwa and exhibited little individuality in the execution of the orders of the Peshwa (22) who was equally confident of their support, and relied mainly on them, whereas he was at pains to see that Malharrao was equally loyal to his masterâs cause. The reason for this difference in the apt language (23) of the Peshwa, was that the Shindes were soliders whereas Malharrao was a Sardar. The formers were more sensitive, more manly and more consistant to their given words, whereas the latter could assist Madhaosing after 1763 A.D., against the Jat and the Sikhs in spite of his dishonesty in 1751 A.D., and his siding Najib Khan and Abdali in 1761 A.D., and was unscrupulous to the extent of helping Najib Khan and calling him his âadopted sonâ (Dharmaputra) inspite of the fact (24) that the letter was an avowed enemy of the Marathas. Malharraoâs policy was to maintain his Sardari, to avoid extremes and to serve his purpose by a mere show of power and prestige as far as it was possible by a mere show of power and prestige as far as it was possible(25) to do. In the Panipat episode three of the brave personalities sacrified themselves for their nationâs cause with the whole of the Shinde army that cripped the Shinde Sardari at least for 8 years, whereas Malhrarao, though old, was nearly intact with all his force after Panipat and was active till his death in 1766 A.D., serving his State while keeping his own policies before him.
The grief-stricken Peshwa, while departing to Deccan gave his sole authority in the Northern affairs to Malharrao Holkar. At Poona he soon followed his beloved brother and faithful Sardars to heaven. The new Peshwa was quite young and though energetic, was handicapped to do sufficient justice, to the Northern affairs due to Nizam, Bhosale, the aggressive Haidar and ambitious uncle at home. With no Shindes to check him, Malharrao was the sole arbitrator of the Maratha policies in the North, including the Rajput policy after Panipat.
The generation of Bajirao Peshwa, under whom he had served, had gone. The following generation of Balaji Peshwa nearly perished in the national calamity of Panipat. The enemies in the North rose from all quarters, but old and infirm Malharrao was firmly facing the onslaught that came from all directions, like an old tree that heroically maintains against many a changing seasons. With his death in 1766 A.D., the IInd phase of the Maratha-Rajput relations rightly closes in.
Foot Notes (Description)
(1) 'Hingne Daftar' I - 19.
(2) "Alas! Alas! The heedless Emperor is after an innocent person like me. If only I had been assured of the satifactory conduct of the Emperor, even to a small extend, God is witness, that within the course of one year I would root out these wretches (the Marathas) from the provinces of Deccan." "The Emperor, however was day and night platting to lay his hands on Nizam-ul-Mulk. He offen asked his nobles to embark on a campaign against him." -
(3)'Hingne Daftar' I-13,15,17.
(4) Ibid - 19.
(5)'Purandare Daftar' I-157, 220
(6) S.P.D. 2-31.
(7) 'Patre Yadi' - 83.
(8)'Marathi Riyasat' (Peshwa Balajirao), pp. 146 to 149.
(9)S.P.D. 27-218, 'Marathi Riyasat' (Peshwa Balajirao), pp. 314, 315
(10) S.P.D. 29, 118.
(11) 'Hingne Daftar' I-15, 17, 19
(12)S.P.D. 14-47.
(13)'Purandare Daftar' I-185.
(14)B.I.S.M (July 1920)
(15)S.P.D. 2-1, 25, S.P.D. 27-17, 18 and 19
(16)'Purandare Daftar' I-185, 196.
(17) 'Purandare Daftar' I-157, 159.
(18) S.P.D. 21-15.
(19)S.P.D. 27-26.
(20) 'Patre Yadi' - 121, 141.
(21) M.I.S. Vol. VI-318.
(22)'Patra Yadi' - 92-127, 166.
(23)Ibid - 141.
(24)M.I.S. Vol. I-48, 'Fall of the Mughal Empire' by H. G. Keene, pp. 80 and 81, 'marathi Riyasat' Vol. VI, p. 30.
(25)'Holkar Shahi' I-226 and 227, 'Panipat' - p. 26.
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<b>Chapter 1 THE MARCH OF THE MARATHA EMPIRE </b>
(i)The Change in the Relationship, Reasons:
There existed nothing but cordial relations between the Rajputs and the Maratha till 1743 A.D., but within less than 10 years, the former turned into the most bitter enemies of the latter and conspired with Najib Khan Rohilla and the Durani Chief Ahmad Shah Abdali for their destruction. And even though this enmity turned into a friendship for a temporary period of a few years during 1764 to 1769 A.D., it was the effect of the Jat ascendancy and the individual policy of Malharrao Holkar in befriending the Rohillas and the Rajputs persistently played the role of the opponents of the Marathas, throughout the latter half of the 18th century What was the reason that turned the friendly Rajputs into the deadly enemies of the Marathas?
The Maratha-Rajput friendship started on the background of Malwa politics, due to the need of coming together against Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah and the Turani party. Nizamâs role in Delhi politics after 1720 A.D. till 1723 A.D. was that of the Sayyads before him. In fact even from Deccan, it was ever possible for him to dominate Delhi with his powerful Turani supporters and create untenable situation for the weak Emperor. Even in 1741 A.D. (1), the Nizam in Deccan told the Peshwa Balajirao that he would send a word to fulfill his demands for the grant of Sanad for Malwa and 20 lakhs from Emperorâs treasury.
Emperor Muhammad Shah had the misfortune to behold the loss of provinces from his empire one after another. His inglorious career turned him a revengeful man. He forgot nothing and forgave none. He ended the powerful Sayyads by conspiring with the Nizam but when he saw that he had only added to the tyranny of the Turani faction thereby, the Nizam became his next target. The latter, thereupon, left Delhi for Deccan and created an independent kingdom for him. This was the first direct blow to the solidarity of the Mughal Empire and Mohammad Shah never pardoned the Nizam for his grave crime. As an effect, much of the development in Gujarat and Malwa during 1724 A.D. to 1735 A.D. was the result of the Emperorâs revengeful policy towards the Nizam (2). For this, he nearly ignored Kamruddin Khan, the Turani Wazir, and the nearest relative of the Nizam, and relied much on Khan Dauran, the Mir Bakshi, and the friend of Sawai Jaysing of Jaypur. The main politics centred at Malwa, so as not to allow it to fall into the hands of the Nizam, Khan Dauran naturally wanted Jaysing to be the Subhadar of Malwa but since the Marathas had to be introduced as an opposing element to the Nizam, it was they in the long run, who put aside Sawai Jaysing to be the Subhadar of Malwa but since the Marathas had to be introduced as an opposing element to the Nizam, it was they in the long run, who put aside Sawai Jaysing and became the masters of Malwa by 1732 A.D. The Marathas did not halt there, but with in a few years crossed Chambal and entered Ajmer and Agra Subha. To save the Mughal Empire from the threat of the Marathas, the Nizam was at last called to Delhi in 1737 A.D., which resulted into his defeat at the hands of Bajirao resulting into the complete hold of the Marathas on Malwa. But even after the Nizamâs coming to Delhi, friendship among the Emperor, the Mir Bakshi and Sawai Jaysing continued till the death of Khan Dauran in 1739 A.D. And even after his death the Emperor needed Sawai Jaysingâs support, when the Nizam and the Turani Party created a threatening situation (3) for him after Nadir Shahâs departure.
But with the departure of the Nizam from Delhi in 1740 A.D.(4) to face his rebellious son, Nasir Jang, in Deccan, the threat of the Turani party to the existence of the Emperor came to an end. The energies of the old Nizam were absorbed in maintaining his hold in Deccan against the powerful Marathas, and the possession of Malwa by the Maratha was ever a bar to his coming to Delhi. This was so effective that when later on Nasir Jang conspired with the Emperor against the Marathas and the Wazir Safdar Jang, the barring Maratha armies in Malwa, did not allow him to cross even the Narmada (5). It is enough to say hence that even though the Nizam held his ambition of dominating Delhi as Wazir till last, the prospects of his coming to Delhi as opposed with the exit of the powerful Turani faction in the Court with the Delhi Court dwindled and there ended the political necessity for the Rajputs of the Friendship of the Marathas as before. In another way, with the acquisition of the Sanad of Malwa by Balajirao, the Malwa politics came to an end.
Ajitsing and Rana Sangram were dead long before. Bajirao died in 1740 A.D. Sawai Jaysing followed him after three years. With the departure of these Hindu Chiefs from the political stage, the generation that had witnessed or heard of the religious atrocities of Aurangzeb, came to an end. After 1739 A.D., the Mughal Empire at Delhi was a mere shadow of its former self and could scarcely be held as the symbol of the oppose of Hinduism. Thus the Hindu element in the politics of the North vanished after 1740 A.D. and there remained no necessity of Maratha-Rajput friendship on this score. On the contrary with the diminishing Mughal Empire the aggression of the Maratha imperialism became a real source of anxiety for the Rajputs.
In 1736 A.D., the Rana of Udaypur was perturbed to save his honour in the meeting with Bajirao Peshwa who courteously accepted a seat below the one of the Rana and thus the Ranaâs exalted position was saved. But the Marathas advanced in power with such rapidity that the king of Jaypur (6) felt honoured in 1751 A.D. when he was carried to throne seated on the same elephant by a Sardar of the Peshwa. By 1751 A.D., the Peshwa had been all-in-all in the Maratha also wad dead. The Peshwa mainly looked to the Maratha expansion in the South and his Sardars Shinde and Holkar looked to the affairs of the North under the Guidance of the Peshwa. The Maratha Empire from the South to the North and from the West to the East had come into existence. Sardars like Gayakwad, Shinde, Holkar, Bhosale, Patwardhan, Raste, Pethe and so many others were active in different spheres. Inevitably, the Rajputs became the payers of regular Khandani to the Marathas. The former equality of the Rajputs gave place to subordinate position in their relationship with the Marathas.
With the departed Mughal Empire, the prospects of being appointed as Subhadars of Gujarat, Malwa, Orissa or Kabul vanished forever for the Rajputs. Their vision became limited by the boundaries of their own territories. Their vanity never allowed them to be one with the Maratha Empire as they had been one with the previous Mughal Empire. With dwindling prospects of political opportunities and limited sphere at home, Civil wars started in most of the Rajput States one after another. Each side resolutely tried to win the coveted object and approached the Maratha Sardars for help. They vied with each other in raising the sum in return for the help sought. The Marathas were ever in need of money to feed the huge armies and maintain administration. It is no wonder that they fell a victim to the alluring bait. The subsequent result was that they were held deceitful, dishonest, and greedy and a bad element by the party that suffered at their hands.
By now the Marathas had grown too powerful and their help was sought by the Wazir against the Rohillas (1751 A.D.) and by the Emperor against his Wazir (1753 A.D.) The remaining provinces of the Emperor were handed over to them under Chauth or Subhadari. The Rajputs, who had departed from the former friendship, grew jealous of their position. They felt bitterly for the cession of the Subhas of Agra and Ajmer by the Emperor to them (1752 A.D.) Meanwhile, the Maratha demands were raised to territory besides Khandani. The Rajputs saw no justification for these demands. They became the bitter enemies of the Marathas and looked to the Rohillas and the Pathans, the enemies of the Marathas, as their saviours from the wanton Maratha aggressions.
Had the Rajputs a mind to took, there was much with the Marathas, that they could have appreciated. The Maratha spear, crossing Doab, had entered even Oudh (7)(1751 A.D.). Bengal had seen enough of their velour and as a result Orissa was ceded to them (1751 A.D.). In the North, Punjab had come under their Chauth, though Abdali hardly allowed them to collect it. In the South the Nizam had been rounded off by 1760 A.D. and excepting the Nawab of Karnatak (8), the rest of the South had nearly come under there away. In 1758 A.D., they had reached Sindhu at Atak and their gaze (9) had reached Persia to finish off Abdali in between them. As a Hindu power, the Marathas had gained enough to be proud of. With this expansion of their Empire, they never lost sight of relieving the Hindu holy places of Kashi, Prayag, Gaya and Mathura from the hands of the yawanas. This was the constant demand of the Peshwa to his Sardars even after(10) the defeat of Panipat.
But the Rajputs, after Ajitsing, Abhaysing and Sawai Jaysing, never exhibited any religious outlook touching other spheres than their own. To them the Rohilla Najib Khan and the Brahman Peshwa of Poona were alike. They sided with the former and opposed the latter on political grounds alone. Hence inspite of the heart burning massacres of the Hindus and the destruction of the holy places like Mathura, Vrundavan in 1757 A.D. at the hands of Abdali, they could be one with his schemes in destroying the Marathas. The Marathas and the Rajputs differed fundamentally in their religious zeal in 18th century. The former had from the first till last opposed the Muslims, and their association with the Mulsim rulers was an exception. Whereas with their long association, though forced, with the Mughals from Akbar (with the lonely exception of Mewad) much of the Rajput opposition by the end of 17th century and in the first quarter of 18th century was reactionary to the Islamic rule of Aurangzeb and hence was mostly restricted for the first Rajput generation of 18th century. This period of the Rajput opposition to the Muslim rule co-incided with the career of Bajirao I, and hence we find the Rajputs and the Marathas standing on the same footing of religion. But once the Marathas took firm hold of Delhi, the Rajputs, consequently losing all broader out-look consumed their energies in regional feuds and cared little for the Hindu ideals of Sawai Jaysing (11) and had little to appreciate in the religious zeal of the Marathas. They only looked towards them as aggressors from the political point of view. The errors on the part of the Maratha Sardars added fuel to the fire and the Rajputs traversed rapidly from dislike to revengeful attitude towards them.
(ii)Malharrao Holkar Shapes the Rajput Policy :
Even when Bajirao was alive, the Sardars, Holkar and Shinde, had become famous in the North India, Sawai jaysing complained of their harassing activities to the Peshwa and hinted (12) that one day they might grow too powerful even for him.
Malharrao(13) , from the first had created his own sphere, rather independent of Peshwa (but with his understanding) at Bundi. His activities there became a source of anxiety to Sawai Jaysing, a friend of the Peshwa. In a letter to a Udaypur Chief, Peshwa Bajirao I asked to ignore Malharrao (14), whose activities were coming in between the Maratha-Rajput co-operation in 1739 A.D.
After Bajiraoâs death and with the coming of the young Peshwa Balajiraoâs to Peshwa-ship, Malharrao took liberty to shape the Rajput policy. It was he (15) who brought pressure on the inexperienced Peshwa, to ignore the arguments of Ramchandra Baba putup in favour of Ishwarising and raising his demands (16) left no way open for Ishwarising but to fight. For Kachhwada hatred of the Marathas in 1751 A.D. and onwards, Malharraoâs hasty and shortsighted policy was responsibly to a greater extent.
What the Sardars did in respect of the Rajputs till 1740 A.D., was what the Peshwa planned or guided. But what the Sardars did after that till 1766 A.D., was not all that was desired by the Peshwa. As has been explained already, there were certain political and other reasons that were responsible for the change of Rajput attitude towards the Marathas, but after stating this much, let it be said that the blunders of the Sardars at Jaypur or Jodhpur were also equally responsible for the Rajput feeling that ran so high that they preferred foreign Abdali to the Brahman Peshwa from Deccan. In both these cases, Peshwaâs instructions to his Sardars, were reasonable, just and moderate ones.
In the last days of Ranoji Shinde (17), his relations with Malharrao, were far from cordial. Peshwa was then at a loss to understand how to keep them together. After Ranojiâs death Jayappa and Malharrao soon parted company with each other and the Peshwa had to reprimand Malharrao (18) for not cooperating with Jayappa in Bundelkhand. Jayappaâs Marwad affair (1754 A.D. to 1766 A.D.) was in a reaction to Malharraoâs Jat policy. It was a selection of a special sphere for himself just as Agra Subha was a selected sphere by Malharrao for himself. Just as the Peshwa had again and again desired that Ishwarisingâs affair should not go beyond control (19), he also proposed (20) to Jayappa that after placing at different places both Ramsing and Vijaysing, he should release himself of the complications and take up other urgent tasks like relieving Kashi, Prayag etc., from the Muslim hands. It will not be too much to say that the delay of two years (1754-56 A.D.) in Marwad affair not only cost the Peshwa a Sardar of repute, but also frustrated his plans that needed to be carried on keeping other political developments into consideration. This had definitely damaging repercussions on the great battle of Panipat. Moreover they spoiled the relation of those two Houses namely the Shinde and the Holkar beyond healing. Jankoji suspected the hand of Malharrao in Jayappaâs murder and refused to see him at poona (21) . One reasonably feels that besides the trap of Madhaosing in not allowing him to depart for the succour of Dattaji, the personal ill feeling must have played to some extent a part in the delay of Malharrao in responding to the urgent calls of Dattaji in December 1759 A.D.
There was a lot of difference between the out-look of these two Houses towards the Rajput policy. During this phase (1743 A.D. to 1766 A.D.) the Shindes seem to have been comparatively much more loyal to the interests of the Peshwa and exhibited little individuality in the execution of the orders of the Peshwa (22) who was equally confident of their support, and relied mainly on them, whereas he was at pains to see that Malharrao was equally loyal to his masterâs cause. The reason for this difference in the apt language (23) of the Peshwa, was that the Shindes were soliders whereas Malharrao was a Sardar. The formers were more sensitive, more manly and more consistant to their given words, whereas the latter could assist Madhaosing after 1763 A.D., against the Jat and the Sikhs in spite of his dishonesty in 1751 A.D., and his siding Najib Khan and Abdali in 1761 A.D., and was unscrupulous to the extent of helping Najib Khan and calling him his âadopted sonâ (Dharmaputra) inspite of the fact (24) that the letter was an avowed enemy of the Marathas. Malharraoâs policy was to maintain his Sardari, to avoid extremes and to serve his purpose by a mere show of power and prestige as far as it was possible by a mere show of power and prestige as far as it was possible(25) to do. In the Panipat episode three of the brave personalities sacrified themselves for their nationâs cause with the whole of the Shinde army that cripped the Shinde Sardari at least for 8 years, whereas Malhrarao, though old, was nearly intact with all his force after Panipat and was active till his death in 1766 A.D., serving his State while keeping his own policies before him.
The grief-stricken Peshwa, while departing to Deccan gave his sole authority in the Northern affairs to Malharrao Holkar. At Poona he soon followed his beloved brother and faithful Sardars to heaven. The new Peshwa was quite young and though energetic, was handicapped to do sufficient justice, to the Northern affairs due to Nizam, Bhosale, the aggressive Haidar and ambitious uncle at home. With no Shindes to check him, Malharrao was the sole arbitrator of the Maratha policies in the North, including the Rajput policy after Panipat.
The generation of Bajirao Peshwa, under whom he had served, had gone. The following generation of Balaji Peshwa nearly perished in the national calamity of Panipat. The enemies in the North rose from all quarters, but old and infirm Malharrao was firmly facing the onslaught that came from all directions, like an old tree that heroically maintains against many a changing seasons. With his death in 1766 A.D., the IInd phase of the Maratha-Rajput relations rightly closes in.
Foot Notes (Description)
(1) 'Hingne Daftar' I - 19.
(2) "Alas! Alas! The heedless Emperor is after an innocent person like me. If only I had been assured of the satifactory conduct of the Emperor, even to a small extend, God is witness, that within the course of one year I would root out these wretches (the Marathas) from the provinces of Deccan." "The Emperor, however was day and night platting to lay his hands on Nizam-ul-Mulk. He offen asked his nobles to embark on a campaign against him." -
(3)'Hingne Daftar' I-13,15,17.
(4) Ibid - 19.
(5)'Purandare Daftar' I-157, 220
(6) S.P.D. 2-31.
(7) 'Patre Yadi' - 83.
(8)'Marathi Riyasat' (Peshwa Balajirao), pp. 146 to 149.
(9)S.P.D. 27-218, 'Marathi Riyasat' (Peshwa Balajirao), pp. 314, 315
(10) S.P.D. 29, 118.
(11) 'Hingne Daftar' I-15, 17, 19
(12)S.P.D. 14-47.
(13)'Purandare Daftar' I-185.
(14)B.I.S.M (July 1920)
(15)S.P.D. 2-1, 25, S.P.D. 27-17, 18 and 19
(16)'Purandare Daftar' I-185, 196.
(17) 'Purandare Daftar' I-157, 159.
(18) S.P.D. 21-15.
(19)S.P.D. 27-26.
(20) 'Patre Yadi' - 121, 141.
(21) M.I.S. Vol. VI-318.
(22)'Patra Yadi' - 92-127, 166.
(23)Ibid - 141.
(24)M.I.S. Vol. I-48, 'Fall of the Mughal Empire' by H. G. Keene, pp. 80 and 81, 'marathi Riyasat' Vol. VI, p. 30.
(25)'Holkar Shahi' I-226 and 227, 'Panipat' - p. 26.
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