<!--emo&  --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/sad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='sad.gif' /><!--endemo--> Is a majority of India non-veg?
[ 19 Oct, 2006 1537hrs ISTINDIATIMES NEWS NETWORK ]
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India is a land of vegetarians, right? Wrong, says a recent study by the National Institute of Nutrition. A majority 64% of Indian households are meat-eaters. The South, at 92.2%, more than the North, at 40.4%, another surprise.
The study on "Knowledge, attitude, beliefs, practices study on food and drug safety in India", covered over 20,000 households in 82 districts in 28 states.
Do you think the NIN got it right? Or is it too small a sample to be an accurate representation of over a billion people. Is India largely vegetarian or non-vegetarian?
10-20-2006, 04:30 AM
(This post was last modified: 10-20-2006, 04:31 AM by Bodhi.)
In muslim parlance, idol-worshippers are referred to as "but-parast".
Someone mentioned that this term "but" was derived from word "buddha", and originally "but-parast" simply meant - "followers of buddha", and was used to refer to the Buddhists, rather than Hindus - even probably during pre-Islamic days.
Do any members have some information about this?
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->When Buddhism was implanted in Central Asia, and Buddhist temples were built for worship of Buddha-statues, the Mazdeans described the enthusiasts of this Indian religion as but-parast, âBuddha-worshippersâ, as opposed to the Mazdean âtish-parast or âfire-worshippersâ. The term but-parast came to mean more generally âidol-worshipperâ, for by the time of the Muslim invasions, but had become the generic term for âidolâ, hence but-khana, âidol-templeâ, and but-shikan, âidol-breakerâ. They made no distinction between the different sects based in India, and by the time the persianized Arabs and Turks invaded India, the word but-parast was randomly applied to all Indian unbelievers. Seeing that the Brahmins had fire-ceremonies just like the Mazdeans, the Muslims occasionally included the Indian Pagans in the category âtish-parast as well, again without bothering about distinctions between different sects.
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<b>Who is a Hindu?</b> - Koenraad Elst
<!--emo&:clapping--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/clap.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='clap.gif' /><!--endemo--> 'Indians make best husbands for Russians'
Press Trust of India
Moscow, October 25, 2006
http://www.hindustantimescom/news/181_18...050003.htm
Among the foreigners, Indians make the best husbands for Russian women as they are "more open" and share an emotional relationship with the family, says country's leading feminist intellectual Maria Arbatova.
"In my view, out of all the foreigners, the Indian men are the best husbands for Russian women since they are brought up in a different way," famous Russian playwright and poetess Arbatova said.
"The western culture worships the superman and for an Indian male it is not a shame to cry. They are more emotional and have a more open and emotional relationship with the family," she said in an interview to Russian Agrarian Gazeta.
Arbatova, a living symbol of feminist movement of post-Communist Russia, had married twice and is presently living with an Indian. Recently she has published a book The Taste of India.
She became a household name in 1990s in Russia with her feminist TV Programme I Can Do It Myself. Since 1996, she heads the club of 'Women Meddling in Politics' to seek a greater role for the Russian women in the country's politics.
She had also won many international prizes including Cambridge gold medal for her contribution to the 20th century culture.
Russian woman can adjust better with an Indian husband and "moreover the Indian cinema has showed us that we have a lot in common", she said adding that no other nation except Indians is more like Russians in terms of character.
"They are as open, lazy and dreamy as we. Russia and India have a lot in common in the economic sphere. We were destroyed by socialism and India by colonialism," she said.
"The world thinks that the future is with China but I am sure it lies with India."
"Fifty per cent of the English-speaking programmers live in Bangalore. Indians can integrate in the world better than the Chinese since they speak English," Arbatova said.
She added that in China the population is growing older whereas about 500 million in India are below the age of 25.
Dear friends,
I found a lot of eye opening literature on www.awgp.org which I believe is a treasre. It can definitely cause Thought Transformation and most amazingly more than 3000 books are written by a single author, Pt.Shriram Sharma Acharya. Its really worth going through for any one interested in Indian culture.
Datta Pandya
Lava-Kusa film to hit the screen next July
Staff Reporter
The US $ 5 million project will be of Hollywood standards
# The film is being produced by Rayudu Vision Media Ltd
# It will be released in English, Hindi and Telugu
FORTHCOMING ATTRACTION: A still from the film Lava-Kusa
HYDERABAD: A Hyderabad-based animation company -- Rayudu Vision Media Ltd (RVML) -- has embarked upon a major full-length 2D feature film Lava-Kusa, which could give the well-known Mumbai-based animation companies a run for their money.
A dedicated team of 300 technicians have been working tirelessly since one year on the feature film to match the creative excellence in animation achieved by Hollywood studios like Disney and DreamWorks.
`No compromise'
The animators involved in the production point out that they are using the best available animation software in Hollywood, including US Animation Harmony for 2D effects, Maya for 3D effects and Shake for visual effects.
"We are not holding anything back as far as the quality of the movie is concerned. The end product would be the best animated feature produced in India till date. In fact, we are the first in Hyderabad to start a project of this nature," points out Chief Technical Officer for the Project Rudra Matsa.
Project details
The dialogues and concept development for the movie, scheduled to be released by July next year, is given by well known writer K.Y.N. Pathanjali while Vetoori Sundara Rama Murthy has written lyrics for four songs to be featured in the movie.
"The final mixing would be done in UK studios because we feel the feature film should be a world class effort. It is a five million US dollars project and already 40 per cent of the production work is complete," informed Director of RVML V.V.S. Rayudu.
Keeping in view the interests of the international audience, the producers have decided to release the English version of the film apart from the Hindi and Telugu versions.
"Depending on the response we would like to dub the movie into other regional languages. However, initially it would be released in three languages," said Mr. Rayudu.
<img src='http://www.hindu.com/2006/11/15/images/2006111518220201.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />
Defining India's identity: an alternative vision
Bhikhu Parekh
The idea that India's overarching aim should be to become an economic and military superpower is deeply flawed.
NEHRU'S VISION of India, which dominated our political life for several decades, has come under considerable, often unmerited, criticism. The alternative Hindutva view of India has proved politically inept and culturally bankrupt. The resulting ideological vacuum is currently being filled by a new vision, canvassed by an influential body of opinion cutting across the usual political and ideological divide and enjoying the support of influential sections of the NRIs.
India has long felt that its size, civilisation, long historical continuity, and successful secular democratic institutions entitle it to greater international recognition and role than it has received so far. This legitimate aspiration is currently being articulated in economic and military terms. It is argued that our overarching goal should be to become a great economic and military superpower, a global player occupying a seat at the top table and shaping the affairs of the world. India, we are told, cannot do so unless it is fully integrated into the global economy, opens up its markets, liberalises and deregulates its economy, and in general does all that is needed to ensure a free inward flow of capital and goods. It should forge close ties with great powers, especially the U.S. with its control of major international institutions and ability to meet our nuclear ambitions. As Condoleezza Rice put it with a shrewd understanding of India's driving ambition, the U.S. will "will make you great." Some of our leaders and most of our media enthusiastically welcomed this patronising and even perhaps offensive remark. Hardly any of them bothered to ask how greatness can be given by others, and whether a country that acquires it in this way does not remain perpetually mortgaged to them.
I feel troubled by this vision, for several interrelated reasons. First, it is born out of fear and frustration: fear of being bypassed by history and overtaken by China, frustration at being ignored or patronised by others. It is other-determined, and does not spring from our own autonomous choices based on a careful assessment of the available alternatives.
Secondly, suppose we did become a great economic and military power by 2020, or at least 2050. So what? Military power is always relative, and cannot guarantee security beyond a certain point. We would eliminate acute poverty, and that is to be warmly welcomed, though poverty is relative and will always emerge in new forms. But if inequalities increase or persist in their current form as they certainly will, should we be willing to pay that price, especially as they impact unevenly in our religiously, ethnically, linguistically, and socially divided society? In other words, economic development cannot be an end in itself. It is a means, and requires a clear moral vision of what we intend to do with it. The dream of becoming another America with all its economic and social problems can easily degenerate into a political nightmare.
Thirdly, the proposed vision leaves unanswered the question as to the kind of people we wish to be. Unlike most western societies in which middle classes played a socially and culturally revolutionary role, ours remain intellectually superficial, culturally dilettante, and politically apathetic to the plight of their underprivileged countrymen. Recent surveys suggest that the reading habits of most of them remain disappointingly shallow. Few read serious literature even in their own languages or patronise the arts, and many of them find even the newspaper editorials and the declining group of serious columnists intellectually challenging.
Finally, this vision of India as marching single-mindedly towards becoming an economic and military superpower is narrow and exclusive. It has no place for large sections of Indians, is consumerist in its orientation, morally uninspiring, and lacks shared values on which to unite all Indians. It is hardly surprising that it relies on the state as the sole source of unity and order. The poor and the underprivileged cannot count on the state to redress their heart-rending grievances nor on their morally insensitive fellow-citizens to campaign for them. They either suffer and decay quietly or direct their fury against the state, which predictably responds with violence. Since the state is widely perceived to be corrupt and in thrall to vested interests, they respond to its violence with their own, to which it replies with even greater repressive violence. Such a vicious cycle of violence, underplayed by some of the complicit media, has been the pattern for the past few years in many parts of India, and augurs ill for its stability and democracy.
The idea that India's overarching aim should be to become an economic and military superpower then is deeply flawed. We need an alternative vision of the kind of country we wish to be, and of our place in the world. That vision must have a moral core, and should embody the principles of individual liberty, social justice, equal opportunity, and fraternity or a sense of community that are articulated in the Preamble of our Constitution. Our economic development should realise and be judged and guided by these goals. This calls for a social democratic, not a neoliberal state that we are bent on becoming, carefully monitored global integration, and close attention to the quality of life available to all our citizens, especially the poor. The state must guarantee basic welfare and education to all its citizens as of right, develop their capacities to take charge of their lives, give them a stake in the country's development, and legislate against their increasing exploitation and vulnerability.
While we must be able to defend ourselves against those who wish us ill and equip ourselves accordingly, we need to make a clear and objective assessment of the likely sources of threat. We should appreciate that a sensible and generous foreign policy devoted to cultivation of friends, regional cooperation, and giving voice to the poor and oppressed people of the world is a better form of national defence than military power and dubious global alliances. The way in which we are beginning to internalise the American terms of discourse and way of seeing the world serves neither our interests nor those of the U.S. and the world at large. We led the greatest anti-imperialist movement in history, and well know how imperialism strikes roots and harms both its victims and alleged beneficiaries.
We should ensure that no country is in a position to dictate to the world, and should work with others to build up representative global institutions and international balance of power. We can also play an important role in curbing the apparently endless and brutal war on terrorism by mediating between the West, especially the U.S., and the Muslim world. Our good relations with both, our geography and the size of our Muslim population fully qualify us for such a role. An international conference in Delhi to foster better understanding between the two blocs and lay down the ground rules of their engagement would be an excellent start.
Strengths and weaknesses
Nehru's vision had its weaknesses but it also had its great strengths. We need to incorporate its abiding insights into a more satisfactory vision of India. Going a step further, we need to undertake a critical and careful assessment of our civilisational resources. No society can altogether break with its past, certainly not ours in which the past is a constant present. We have much to be ashamed of in our civilisation but also much to be proud of, and as a people we have both great strengths and weaknesses.
Our strengths include our openness to the world, our pluralist attitude to life, our capacity to take a relaxed view of and live with multiple identities; our composite culture that has resulted from the unplanned dialogue and day-to-day negotiations of the various cultures and religions that come to our land; and our aesthetic, erotic, and philosophical heritage that is so rich that few currents of thought in the world do not have analogues in ours.
Our weaknesses include our relatively rigid social order, a weak social conscience, passive tolerance that allows different cultures and relations to coexist in peace but without much critical engagement, and our inegalitarian and hierarchical self-consciousness that finds it difficult to detach individuals from their social status and nurture the spirit of equality. We need to take a calm and critical look at all this, consolidate and build on our strengths, finds ways of overcoming our weaknesses, and construct a new vision of India on that basis. We realised the vital importance of this great cultural task of self-transformation over a century and a half ago, and made some progress in that direction. Sadly we have neglected it in recent decades, and need to return to it with a renewed sense of urgency.
The alternative view of our identity that I am advocating cannot be fashioned in the Prime Minister's office, the Planning Commission or meetings of some advisory body. And nor can it be sprung upon the country by stealth. It can only grow out of a vigorous democratic debate. Democracy is not just about voting in elections and choosing a government. It is also about deciding what kind of country we wish to be. If people are not involved in the process of national self-definition or if their deliberations are distorted by misinformation and false fears, the very basis of democracy is undermined. Political freedom is not just about choice between available alternatives, it is also about exploring new alternatives.
(Lord Parekh of Kingston upon Hull is a political philosopher and academic who has taught at several British universities, including the London School of Economics.)
Defining India's identity: an alternative vision
Bhikhu Parekh
The idea that India's overarching aim should be to become an economic and military superpower is deeply flawed.
NEHRU'S VISION of India, which dominated our political life for several decades, has come under considerable, often unmerited, criticism. The alternative Hindutva view of India has proved politically inept and culturally bankrupt. The resulting ideological vacuum is currently being filled by a new vision, canvassed by an influential body of opinion cutting across the usual political and ideological divide and enjoying the support of influential sections of the NRIs.
India has long felt that its size, civilisation, long historical continuity, and successful secular democratic institutions entitle it to greater international recognition and role than it has received so far. This legitimate aspiration is currently being articulated in economic and military terms. It is argued that our overarching goal should be to become a great economic and military superpower, a global player occupying a seat at the top table and shaping the affairs of the world. India, we are told, cannot do so unless it is fully integrated into the global economy, opens up its markets, liberalises and deregulates its economy, and in general does all that is needed to ensure a free inward flow of capital and goods. It should forge close ties with great powers, especially the U.S. with its control of major international institutions and ability to meet our nuclear ambitions. As Condoleezza Rice put it with a shrewd understanding of India's driving ambition, the U.S. will "will make you great." Some of our leaders and most of our media enthusiastically welcomed this patronising and even perhaps offensive remark. Hardly any of them bothered to ask how greatness can be given by others, and whether a country that acquires it in this way does not remain perpetually mortgaged to them.
I feel troubled by this vision, for several interrelated reasons. First, it is born out of fear and frustration: fear of being bypassed by history and overtaken by China, frustration at being ignored or patronised by others. It is other-determined, and does not spring from our own autonomous choices based on a careful assessment of the available alternatives.
Secondly, suppose we did become a great economic and military power by 2020, or at least 2050. So what? Military power is always relative, and cannot guarantee security beyond a certain point. We would eliminate acute poverty, and that is to be warmly welcomed, though poverty is relative and will always emerge in new forms. But if inequalities increase or persist in their current form as they certainly will, should we be willing to pay that price, especially as they impact unevenly in our religiously, ethnically, linguistically, and socially divided society? In other words, economic development cannot be an end in itself. It is a means, and requires a clear moral vision of what we intend to do with it. The dream of becoming another America with all its economic and social problems can easily degenerate into a political nightmare.
Thirdly, the proposed vision leaves unanswered the question as to the kind of people we wish to be. Unlike most western societies in which middle classes played a socially and culturally revolutionary role, ours remain intellectually superficial, culturally dilettante, and politically apathetic to the plight of their underprivileged countrymen. Recent surveys suggest that the reading habits of most of them remain disappointingly shallow. Few read serious literature even in their own languages or patronise the arts, and many of them find even the newspaper editorials and the declining group of serious columnists intellectually challenging.
Finally, this vision of India as marching single-mindedly towards becoming an economic and military superpower is narrow and exclusive. It has no place for large sections of Indians, is consumerist in its orientation, morally uninspiring, and lacks shared values on which to unite all Indians. It is hardly surprising that it relies on the state as the sole source of unity and order. The poor and the underprivileged cannot count on the state to redress their heart-rending grievances nor on their morally insensitive fellow-citizens to campaign for them. They either suffer and decay quietly or direct their fury against the state, which predictably responds with violence. Since the state is widely perceived to be corrupt and in thrall to vested interests, they respond to its violence with their own, to which it replies with even greater repressive violence. Such a vicious cycle of violence, underplayed by some of the complicit media, has been the pattern for the past few years in many parts of India, and augurs ill for its stability and democracy.
The idea that India's overarching aim should be to become an economic and military superpower then is deeply flawed. We need an alternative vision of the kind of country we wish to be, and of our place in the world. That vision must have a moral core, and should embody the principles of individual liberty, social justice, equal opportunity, and fraternity or a sense of community that are articulated in the Preamble of our Constitution. Our economic development should realise and be judged and guided by these goals. This calls for a social democratic, not a neoliberal state that we are bent on becoming, carefully monitored global integration, and close attention to the quality of life available to all our citizens, especially the poor. The state must guarantee basic welfare and education to all its citizens as of right, develop their capacities to take charge of their lives, give them a stake in the country's development, and legislate against their increasing exploitation and vulnerability.
While we must be able to defend ourselves against those who wish us ill and equip ourselves accordingly, we need to make a clear and objective assessment of the likely sources of threat. We should appreciate that a sensible and generous foreign policy devoted to cultivation of friends, regional cooperation, and giving voice to the poor and oppressed people of the world is a better form of national defence than military power and dubious global alliances. The way in which we are beginning to internalise the American terms of discourse and way of seeing the world serves neither our interests nor those of the U.S. and the world at large. We led the greatest anti-imperialist movement in history, and well know how imperialism strikes roots and harms both its victims and alleged beneficiaries.
We should ensure that no country is in a position to dictate to the world, and should work with others to build up representative global institutions and international balance of power. We can also play an important role in curbing the apparently endless and brutal war on terrorism by mediating between the West, especially the U.S., and the Muslim world. Our good relations with both, our geography and the size of our Muslim population fully qualify us for such a role. An international conference in Delhi to foster better understanding between the two blocs and lay down the ground rules of their engagement would be an excellent start.
Strengths and weaknesses
Nehru's vision had its weaknesses but it also had its great strengths. We need to incorporate its abiding insights into a more satisfactory vision of India. Going a step further, we need to undertake a critical and careful assessment of our civilisational resources. No society can altogether break with its past, certainly not ours in which the past is a constant present. We have much to be ashamed of in our civilisation but also much to be proud of, and as a people we have both great strengths and weaknesses.
Our strengths include our openness to the world, our pluralist attitude to life, our capacity to take a relaxed view of and live with multiple identities; our composite culture that has resulted from the unplanned dialogue and day-to-day negotiations of the various cultures and religions that come to our land; and our aesthetic, erotic, and philosophical heritage that is so rich that few currents of thought in the world do not have analogues in ours.
Our weaknesses include our relatively rigid social order, a weak social conscience, passive tolerance that allows different cultures and relations to coexist in peace but without much critical engagement, and our inegalitarian and hierarchical self-consciousness that finds it difficult to detach individuals from their social status and nurture the spirit of equality. We need to take a calm and critical look at all this, consolidate and build on our strengths, finds ways of overcoming our weaknesses, and construct a new vision of India on that basis. We realised the vital importance of this great cultural task of self-transformation over a century and a half ago, and made some progress in that direction. Sadly we have neglected it in recent decades, and need to return to it with a renewed sense of urgency.
The alternative view of our identity that I am advocating cannot be fashioned in the Prime Minister's office, the Planning Commission or meetings of some advisory body. And nor can it be sprung upon the country by stealth. It can only grow out of a vigorous democratic debate. Democracy is not just about voting in elections and choosing a government. It is also about deciding what kind of country we wish to be. If people are not involved in the process of national self-definition or if their deliberations are distorted by misinformation and false fears, the very basis of democracy is undermined. Political freedom is not just about choice between available alternatives, it is also about exploring new alternatives.
(Lord Parekh of Kingston upon Hull is a political philosopher and academic who has taught at several British universities, including the London School of Economics.)
This guy is a socialist. Its muddled thinking to dream that he can mediate between Islam and the West ie Islam and christianity a sort of new non alignment. If he is a British Lord whose interests is he pursuing or does he belive that the British power elites are the global voice of Hindus and Indians?
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Dr.N.Gopalakrishnan & IISH:"In quest of our Heritage"</b>
Author: Manjula Ramakrishnan
Publication: Haindava Keralam
Date: November 19, 2006
URL: http://www.haindavakeralam.org/PageModule....=2367&SKIN=1705
LimeLight : Science and not fiction
He is a senior scientist working in CSIR, Trivandrum and Honorary Director for Indian Institute of Scientific Heritage. He has amassed a host of academic qualifications that ranges from Masters in pharmaceutical chemistry, industrial sociology and journalism, all the way up to a D Lit in Sanskrit. He has earned these accolades for studying Indian Scientific Heritage, for this is his area of passion.
Meet Dr N Gopalakrishnan, who travels the hither to yon of the world spreading the message that there is a distinct link between Indian heritage and science and there are indisputable scientific explanations to what we practise as our heritage.
"Working as a senior scientist and also having studied the Indian scientific heritage in-depth, I wanted to contribute something original to the society. After nearly two decades of research I found that there is very deep scientific knowledge that existed in Indian heritage. My mission is to bring this back with the help of ultra modern science and instruments and ensure this is accepted by the more modern Indians world over, some of whom are losing touch with their own roots and heritage.
"The overwhelming response that I have received in this love's labour from the audience globally, constantly motivates me to probe and find out further about this mesmerising subject and also to spread the message far and wide," says Dr Gopalakrishnan.
Explaining with a small example he says, the most sensitive part of the body is the forehead.
"A section of Indians apply sandalwood paste on the forehead as it cools and activates the brain. The red vermilion applied on the forehead by married women again absorbs and radiates mild UV rays. The most sensitive skin area in an entire body is that of the ear, particularly the area behind the ear and when people tuck 'Thulasi' leaves behind the ears it enhances blood circulation.
"Sitting on a plank or mat while praying is being practised by several religions and this is because squatting on the ground should not diffuse the bioelectrical radiation and this happens when the body is in contact with the floor. It has been scientifically established that the cadaver when cremated is reduced to a mere 58 grammes of ash -- however obese the person might have been during his lifetime -- all that is left of him is this and such findings often have a bearing on the psychology of an individual prompting him to lead a sin free life. Thus every act of Indian heritage has strong scientific connotation," declares the scientist.
The Surya Namaskaram or the salutation to the sun that is considered spiritual also involves the use of 186 movable joints of the body that work in perfect harmony with one another. It is also a remarkable combination of seven yogas and hence this salutation is considered scientifically as the king of exercises..
"Indian heritage has very deep biological, psychological, scientific and spiritual meaning. When practised it leads to social, family and national integration. And travelling within the borders of India and outside it, I was alarmed at the level of ignorance of people about their own heritage. At the same time what was uplifting was their extreme level of interest to know more. I often have as part of my audience, people from various walks of life, from many ethnic groups and what is the core concept of my speech is that I address them not to exhibit my knowledge, but to ensure I talk in a manner that they are able to comprehend, such that their interest does not waver or wane and thus my purpose is achieved.
"A few months back when I visited 17 universities in the USA and another seven universities in Canada, I found youngsters willing to sit for close to five hours to listen and grasp the nuances of our Indian scientific heritage. As long as I could link our various practices to science, it appealed to their contemporary thinking and what they had been rebelling against is authority flaunted by seniors saying, 'this is what has been practiced by generations. Don't question it, just learn to abide by it,' and blind acceptance is something they are not ready for."
The fact that he has been successful with spreading scientific Indian heritage is evident from the fact that various demographics respond to him in different ways. The youngsters ask a variety of probing questions, refuse to accept unless fully convinced, make notes diligently, "and if I am able to create an impression in their
youthful, vibrant minds, I can draw strength from such modest success," says Dr Gopalakrishnan.
"When I am lecturing, I ensure that at no point am I caught droning on endlessly unmindful of audience participation or response. I always keep three people sitting in various corners of the auditorium as my reference point. I note with care, changes in their facial expressions, just one yawn will quickly make me introduce a joke, somebody glancing at their watch will prompt me to narrate an event from real life and thus as much as my audience has learnt from me, each lecture demonstration is a learning experience for me too," he smiles.
He derives strength from the fact that every single practice of our Indian heritage can be scientifically explained leading to information dissemination in the wavelength of the present day generation. And this is also precisely why students -- both Indian and non-Indian -- from Harvard, Oxford and Cambridge have invited him year after year to address them.
In 18 years of lecturing, Dr Gopalakrishnan has given over 5,500 lectures. He is still a student for he would like to acquire an academic degree once every five years, studying something new and facing the viva voce, for this is an experience that keeps the brain constantly in alert mode.
Besides it is important for a teacher to be continuously learning in order to impart the best to the taught he observes.
"My message to Indians around the world is that unmindful of your political, religious or other leaning, learn about India, for it is your country. Even if you wish to criticise India, first learn comprehensively about it in order to help you highlight its flaws. Do not criticise with superficial knowledge. My studies have reaffirmed my faith in people and none can be categorised as bad"
"Every individual is a manifestation of the divine. With the right approach, hard to dispute logic and sound reasoning, up to 60 per cent of negatives in any individual can be corrected. And when I say this I do not want to sound like a sanyasin for I am at all times a scientist. I want to fulfill my promise to Indian President Dr Abdul Kalam that by Aug.15, 2007, when India will celebrate the 60th anniversary -- Shashtiapthipoorthy -- as it is called, at least 100 million people would have got my message of Indian scientific heritage. This target is my constant motivation, as I move from one lecture demonstration to another, looking at the eager faces in front of me, thirsty for knowledge and hungry to know more about their own heritage"<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<b>Lord Hanumanâs idol sheds âtearsâ </b>
Sunday, 21 January , 2007, 00:37
Mathura: A priest in this holy city on Saturday claimed that a devotee in his temple had seen tears rolling down the eyes of Lord Hanuman's idol.
Priest Mahesh Gaur of the Ganga Temple, on the Mathura-Agra road, said the devotee had told him that he saw the eyes of Lord Hanuman welling with tears when he entered the shrine on Saturday morning.
News spread and many people went to the temple.
<b>Some people said this was a bad omen and began chanting bhajans. </b>
<!--QuoteBegin-Mudy+Jan 21 2007, 04:12 AM-->QUOTE(Mudy @ Jan 21 2007, 04:12 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>Lord Hanumanâs idol sheds âtearsâ </b>
<b>Some people said this was a bad omen and began chanting bhajans. </b>
[right][snapback]63329[/snapback][/right]
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
People should not lose hope thinking it is a bad omen. In fact it is a GOOD omen. Bhashpavaari paripoorna lochanam, maaruthim namatharakshasaanthakam. (Hanuman is said to have tears overflowing - when he hear's Rama's name chanted - and thence Hanuman destroys the evil forces - or Rakshasas.)
This has to be taken as a positive sign and instill courage and enthusiasm. Fearing a calamity or thinking it is a bad omen is only naivety.
01-21-2007, 05:02 AM
(This post was last modified: 01-21-2007, 06:40 AM by Husky.)
<!--emo&:clapping--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/clap.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='clap.gif' /><!--endemo--> Thank you, thank you Sundareshwara. Incredibly grateful to your post.
I plan to chant Nama Ramayanam along with M.S. Subbulakshmi, as my contribution in helping the Great Hanuman.
(Bodhi, in case you ever read this, M.S.S.'s rendition of Nama Ramayanam is beautiful - it is a Samskrit shloka summarising the entire Ramayanam. You and anyone else interested will love it.)
01-21-2007, 06:40 AM
(This post was last modified: 07-09-2007, 02:08 PM by Husky.)
Subbulakshmi singing Nama Ramayanam for temporary downloading here (zipped) - click on the link
'Download file' in the page that loads. The shloka's words can be found at http://www.carnatica.net/lyrics/slokabank.htm
01-21-2007, 07:35 AM
(This post was last modified: 01-21-2007, 07:36 AM by Husky.)
Mudy, no worries. <!--emo&  --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/smile.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='smile.gif' /><!--endemo-->
I'll try and put up a new shloka every ten days (they're from my sister's CD collection <!--emo&  --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo--> but I have them saved), just in case anyone's interested. I'll try to put up the ones we have in Samskritam, because many here won't understand the Tamil or Kannada ones.
And each time, I'll chose a shloka dedicated to a different Bhagavan. Ganesha Pancharatnam (MSS), Mahishasura Mardhini, Shiva Panchaksharam (MSS - this one is a recording, but I love it), Lakshmi Ashtothram (MSS), Sri Aditya Hridayam, Durga Pancharatnam (MSS), Dasavatharam (MSS), Sri Saraswati Stothram, and Hanuman Chalisa (MSS, Hindi original). And any others that I find.
<!--QuoteBegin-Husky+Jan 21 2007, 07:35 AM-->QUOTE(Husky @ Jan 21 2007, 07:35 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Mudy, no worries. <!--emo& --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/smile.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='smile.gif' /><!--endemo-->
I'll try and put up a new shloka every ten days (they're from my sister's CD collection <!--emo& --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/biggrin.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='biggrin.gif' /><!--endemo--> but I have them saved), just in case anyone's interested. I'll try to put up the ones we have in Samskritam, because many here won't understand the Tamil or Kannada ones.
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Husky, please put up Tamil and Kannada ones too <!--emo& --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/smile.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='smile.gif' /><!--endemo-->
http://www.gsbkonkani.net/OurHistory.htm
History and Culture
KASHI : The most ancient living city in the world, the sacred seat of learning scriptures since Vedic times, supposed to be the capital of Hinduism.
We are Hindus.
Our religion is called Hindu Dharma or Hinduism.
This religion was not founded or started by one Prophet or one Saint.
Our scriptures categorically say that the Holy Books were created at the time of creation itself by God for the benefit and guidance of the mankind. They are eternal laws that will never change with the changing time.
Our sages and wise men who interpreted these eternal laws never called the Religion by any name; even Hindu Dharma.
The word, Hindu was coined by foreigners, may be Greeks or Persians who had declared that the inhabitants in the region beyond the eastern bank of the River Sindhu are Hindus substituting 'H' for 'S'. The same River Indus gave our country the name of INDIA, although all our ancient books called this country, "BHARATA KHANDA", "BHARAT VARSHA" or simply "BHARAT", the Kingdom ruled by BHARATA, a very very noble monarch who happened to be the son of King Dushyanta and Shakuntala, the famous characters immortalized by Kalidas, the Shakespeare of India.
The story of Shakuntala is narrated in Mahabharata and this great epic is stated to have been composed some 5,000 years ago which means the King Bharata must have lived and ruled long long ago, somewhere in the dim past.
But we as a part of the Aryan Society have been living as Brahmins from the very beginning of the Indian Civilization and quite interestingly without our knowledge we have become the vehicles of many facets of the Indian Culture.
And our name is GOWDA SARASWAT BRAHMINS having resided in two great and famous mythological regions, the banks of the river SARASWATI and also GOWDA DESHA which had contributed significantly to the shaping of the Indian nation.
We salute our forefathers.
01-21-2007, 10:49 AM
(This post was last modified: 01-22-2007, 03:50 AM by Bodhi.)
RudraHusky!
Thank you very much.. Namaramayanam is awesome.
Here are a couple of my favourites, uploading if you (or anyone else) would be interested:
Tandava Stotram by Shruti Sadolikar . When I hear this, I can feel Rudra dancing with all His anger channelised into destruction of the evil. All my anguish and worries go away, giving way to courage.
Dwadash Jyotirlinga Stotram by K Vishwanath Sharma. Hearing this, It feel like a soulful tour around Hindu boundaries - from Kedarnath in North to Rameshwaram in South and from Somnath in west to Vaidyanath in East. Something awakens inside. Can feel the same oneness expressed in all the directions.
<!--emo& --><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/sad.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='sad.gif' /><!--endemo--> à¤à¤¾à¤¤à¤¿ सॠनिà¤à¤¾à¤² दिया à¤à¤¯à¤¾ था à¤à¤¾à¤à¤§à¥à¤à¥ à¤à¥
[Sunday, January 21, 2007 09:12:13 pm ]
नठदिलà¥à¤²à¥ (à¤à¤¾à¤·à¤¾) : दà¥à¤¨à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ à¤à¤° मà¥à¤ à¤
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धà¥à¤¯à¤¯à¤¨ à¤à¥ लिठविदà¥à¤¶ à¤à¤¾à¤¨à¥ मà¥à¤ à¤à¤¨à¤à¥ सहायता à¤à¤°à¤¨à¥à¤µà¤¾à¤²à¥ शà¤à¥à¤¸ पर सवा रà¥à¤ªà¤¯à¥ à¤à¥à¤°à¥à¤®à¤¾à¤¨à¥ à¤à¥ à¤à¥à¤·à¤£à¤¾ à¤à¥ à¤à¥ थà¥à¥¤ यह à¤à¥à¤²à¤¾à¤¸à¤¾ à¤à¤¾à¤à¤§à¥à¤à¥ à¤à¥ पà¥à¤¤à¥ राà¤à¤®à¥à¤¹à¤¨ à¤à¤¾à¤à¤§à¥ नॠà¤
पनॠà¤à¤¿à¤¤à¤¾à¤¬ 'à¤
à¤à¥à¤°à¥ सà¥à¤à¥à¤°à¥ à¤à¤« ठमà¥à¤¨ हिठपà¥à¤ªà¤² à¤à¤à¤¡ à¤à¤¨ à¤à¤à¤ªà¤¾à¤¯à¤°' मà¥à¤ à¤à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ हà¥à¥¤
Minimal translation:
Gandhi was outcast by people of his own community at 1 point of time in his life.
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