How Hindus Fought To Keep India Hindu Againt Islam

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bodhi+Jan 28 2007, 09:21 AM-->QUOTE(Bodhi @ Jan 28 2007, 09:21 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Digvijay,

<!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->शूरबाहूषु लोकोऽयं लम्बते पुत्रवत् सदा ।
तस्मात् सर्वास्ववस्थासु शूरः सम्मानमर्हित।।
न हि शौर्यात् परं किचित् त्रिलोकेषु विधते।
शूरः सर्वं पालयित सर्वं शूरे परितिष्ठतम् ।।

The world rests on the arms of brave (kshatriya) like a son on those of his sire.
He, therefore, that is a brave (kshatriya), deserves respect under every circumstance. There is nothing higher in this world than bravery.
The brave (kshatriya) protects and cherishes all, and all things depend upon the brave (kshatriya).

(Mahabharata, Shanti Parva, 99. 17-18)
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

(In my opinion) a more accurate translation would be:

Arms of the brave always support and sustain the people like (a father his) son. A brave is, for this reason, honoured by all, in all situations. There is nothing in all the three words, which is beyond (the reach of) the bravery. Brave sustains all, and all depend upon the brave.

<!--QuoteEnd--></div><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Bodhi,
Thanks for the better translation. I have updated it to the blog.

Regards,
-Digvijay

[Bharatvarsh]

Digvijay please add sections on Chhatrasal Bundela, Jaimal and Patta, Sawai Jai Singh and Raja Ajit Singh also, the last two may not have been famous warriors but their services to Hindu society cannot be brushed aside, Ajit Singh gave his daughter to a Muslim because of circumstances but later took her back after Muslim power was broken and made her discard her mussalman dress (hinting at reconversion), he banned cow slaughter and broke a few mosques built upon mandirs and banned the namaz in response to Aurangzeb's fanaticism, he along with Sawai Jai Singh helped secure cordial relations between Rajputs and Marathas and tried to forge a united Hindu front as long as they lived.

Also Rana Lakha Singh need's to be added, he was reputed to have died while liberating Gaya from the clutches of Muslims.

There are others I have in mind including Rana Kshetra Singh, Rana Raj Singh (another tough adversary of Aurangzeb), Rana Amar Singh (son of Maharana Pratap who fought Jahangir as long his resources allowed him to) and also the king mentioned in Kanhadade Prabhanda and Ranamalla of Idar, here is some info if you need:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Essay: THE HEROIC POETRY OF OLD GUJARATI
by K.M. Munshi

Gujarat had heroic poetry in Apabhransa reflecting its martial spirit
in the days of the Chalukyas and Vaghelas. A similar literature in
Old Gujarati has all but disappeared; only two poems give an idea of
its nature. They provide a brilliant picture of the epic heroism
displayed by Gujarat when it grimly contested every inch of ground
with the invader.

The poem, Ranamallachanda, is a short ballad, composed about 1400 by
Sridhara, celebrating the heroic deeds of Ranamalla of Idara. It
consists of seventy stanzas in metres like cupai and duha, and is the
earliest work of a kind which has been a favourite of the bards. This
literature, principally panegyrical, is composed in metres which lend
themselves to recitation with considerable dramatic force. The
language is very often archaic and strongly alliterative. Sometimes
words are altered out of recognition in the interest of sound
effects, and assonances and other verbal tricks abound.

Ranamalla of Idara, of the Kamadhaja or Rathoda family, was a great
warrior. About 1397, he harassed Zafar Khan, the viceroy of Patana,
and spread terror among the Mussalman chiefs.

As the army of the Sultan bristled with valour Ranamalla's whiskers
flew about with wrath.

The Sultan calls upon him to submit. Ranamalla roars :

If my lotus-like head bows before the Mlechhas' feet, the sun will
not rise in the sky. So long as the sun moves in the sky, Kamadhaja
will not bow to a block of stone. Even if the flame of the submarine
fire is extinguished, I will not yield an inch of land to the Mlechha.

A battle ensues between the two armies, and is described in jingling
rhymes. The Mussalmans are routed, and in token of submission the not
unusual humiliation of being made to eat grass is forced on them.
Ranamalla begins to think of world-wide conquest, and he says, "I
will bring under my control everything on which the sun shines."

Kanhadadeprabandha (c. 1456) follows a greater literary tradition. It
deals with the struggle which Gujarata made for self-preservation
after 1297, and breathes the grim and heroic attitude of mind which
prevailed among her people during the fourteenth century. The author,
Padmanabha of Visalanagara, was the poet-laureate of Akheraja, the
Cahamana or Cohana king of Jhalora and a descendant of the hero of
the poem. A few manuscripts of the work, luckily mistaken for those
of a religious work, were preserved by the Jaina temples. Its
language is Old Gujarati, then spoken all over Western Rajasthan
including Gujarat. The style, though not as elegant as Bhalana's,
maintains a high level of expressiveness. The language is neither
trite nor ornate; the interest is well sustained throughout. The
author, however, could not resist the temptation of recording in the
conventional manner the names of Rajput and Mussalman warriors, and
of introducing didactic verses and tedious narrative of past lives.
In some places, the chronological order has not been preserved, and
the same descriptions appear more than once. As a narrative, it is
much better than many other rasas; and it has the merit of being
without religious bias.

The poem opens with a prayer, and proceeds to mention Maravada, `the
land of nine forts', and the Sonagira Cohanas `as noble looking as
royal swans'. Karnadeva Ghelo ruled in Gujarata. Being enamoured of
Kesava's wife, he killed the husband and appropriated the wife. The
minister Madhava, Kesava's brother, moved by wrath, said, "I shall
not taste any food in Gujarata till I bring the Turks here." One
this, the poet feelingly laments :

To the place where he worshipped his God and sang His praises; where
he performed sacrifices and gave gifts to Brahmanas; where he
worshipped the sacred Tulsi plant and Pipala tree, heard recited the
Vedas and the Puranas; where all go for pilgrimage; where all sing
the Smrtis and the Puranas, there, Madhava brought the Mlechhas.

Ready to betray his country for a private wrong, Madhava goes to
Delhi. He approaches Sultan Alla-ud-din with presents and offers to
subdue Gujarat if an army is given to him. The sultan consents, and
sends a message to Kanhadade, the Cohana king of Jhalora, to let the
imperial army pass through his territory on its way to Gujarata.
Proudly, Kanhadade replies :

I owe no such duty. They will plunder the villages; take my men
prisoners; tear off women's ears. I do not make way for those who
oppress the Brahmana and the cow.

But Alla-ud-din, determined to conquer Gujarat, secures a passage
through Mevada. Battada of Modasa vainly bars the way of the
onrushing hosts.

Pillaging, burning, destroying, the Sultan's army marches towards
Patana. The Mussalmans, with Madhava at their head, invest the city.
The ex-minister, traitor to the last, advises Karna to escape with
his life. The king takes the advice; the queen flees on foot; and the
capital falls into the hands of Alafkhan, the general of Alla-ud-din.
`And from what once were temples was sounded the muezzin's call to
prayers.'

The army then started on a further campaign of conquest and
destruction to the south. It carried carnage right up to Surat,
Rander, and the sea; returned to Saurashtra, destroyed many of its
towns, and proceeded to Prabhasa. The Rajputs mobilised their
strength to protect the shrine of Somanatha, and valiantly fought the
enemy. But the fortress fell; and in front of the temple which they
had vainly sought to protect, the heroic warriors, after ceremonial
bathing and anointment, fell fighting, `surrendered themselves to
Somanatha'. Madhava, the cause of all this evil, was also killed.

The temple had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Alafkhan broke
open the shrine, shattered the idol to pieces, and carried away the
fragments in a cart to Delhi. "We shall make chunam out of it", he
said. The poet then piteously asks Siva :

O Rudra! By your wrath you burnt the demons. You spread virtue in the
world; You removed the terror which oppressed the gods; You put to
flight the powerful demon, Tripura, even as the wind blows away
chaff. Padmanabha asks you : O Rudra ! Where is now your mighty
trident ?

The conquering army, the poet proceeds, burnt villages, devastated
the land, plundered people's wealth; took Brahmanas, children and
women of all castes captive, and flogged them with thongs of raw
hide; carried a moving prison with it, and converted the prisoners
into obsequious Turks. Alafkhan then turned his attention to
Kanhadade, who had declined to give a passage to his army.

Parvati and Ganga, God Somanatha's spouses, urge Kanhadade in a dream
to save the god from the hands of the Mlechha. When Alafkhan sends a
message to Kanhadade, he gets a fitting reply : "A hero never praises
himself. He who performs heroic deeds alone wins fame." Alafkhan
thereupon continues his march and encamps at Sirana.

Ministers of the Cohana king call on the Khan, who shows them his
army and his prisoners. The ministers report the state of things to
Kanhadade, who gets ready for battle. The goddess Asapura is
worshipped; necessary orders are given; and the Rajput armies go
forward to meet the foe.

In the battle that follows, the Turks are routed. Alafkhan flees for
life. The idol of Somanath is recovered, and nine lacs of prisoners
are set free. The victory is then celebrated in Jhalora, and the
conqueror returns home amidst the rejoicings of his people.

----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------
excerpted from GUJARATA AND ITS LITERATURE by K.M.MUNSHI"

http://www.geocities.com/ungandhi/kmmunshi1.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

Good thread.. i wish i had participated in this. The ganga Dynasty which ruled eastern India were responsible for building the KonarakSun temple near Bhuvaneshwar. Somebody brought their name up in this thread. They are onen of the great dynasties of india which we never hear about. In fact the story of the numerous kings who resitsted and held back the invader is yet to be told. It isthe combined efforts of many of these fairly minor kingdoms that contributed to the survival of hinduism in india.
It is an old shibboleth spread by the Brits that there never was any unity in India.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bharatvarsh+Jan 29 2007, 08:14 AM-->QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Jan 29 2007, 08:14 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Digvijay please add sections on Chhatrasal Bundela, Jaimal and Patta, Sawai Jai Singh and Raja Ajit Singh also, .....

Also Rana Lakha Singh need's to be added, he was reputed to have died while liberating Gaya from the clutches of Muslims.

There are others I have in mind including Rana Kshetra Singh, Rana Raj Singh (another tough adversary of Aurangzeb), Rana Amar Singh (son of Maharana Pratap who fought Jahangir as long his resources allowed him to) and also the king mentioned in Kanhadade Prabhanda and Ranamalla of Idar, here is some info if you need
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->


Good suggestions Bharat. Kanhad Dev is already mentioned though briefly:

http://hindurajput.blogspot.com/#Hammir_Dev_Chauhan

Rao Ranmal is the reason why Rana Kumbha survived and was able to avenge to murder of his father, Rana Mokal. He was truely an amazing personality though he is demonized in a lot of history books.

I will add these heroes as time permits.
-Digvijay

[Bharatvarsh]

Digvijay Kanhad Dev Songara is a different person from the protagonist in the work Kanhadade Prabhanda (which takes place in Gujarat), V.S Bhatnagar has translated the latter work into English, you can get your info about this other king from there.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Bharatvarsh+Jan 30 2007, 06:15 AM-->QUOTE(Bharatvarsh @ Jan 30 2007, 06:15 AM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Digvijay Kanhad Dev Songara is a different person from the protagonist in the work Kanhadade Prabhanda (which takes place in Gujarat), V.S Bhatnagar has translated the latter work into English, you can get your info about this other king from there.
[right][snapback]63764[/snapback][/right]
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Bharat,
They are identical. Kanhad Dev Songara is the Jalore Chauhan rajput that you mentioned in your post and is the hero of Kanhade Parbandh by Padmanabh. He is the one who attacked Khilji's troops and recovered the broken pieces of Shivalinga that were being taken from Somnath to Delhi.

-Digvijay

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->They are identical. Kanhad Dev Songara is the Jalore Chauhan rajput that you mentioned in your post and is the hero of Kanhade Parbandh by Padmanabh. He is the one who attacked Khilji's troops and recovered the broken pieces of Shivalinga that were being taken from Somnath to Delhi.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Thanks for the correction.

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-Kaushal+Jan 29 2007, 02:30 PM-->QUOTE(Kaushal @ Jan 29 2007, 02:30 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Good thread.. i wish i had participated in this. The ganga Dynasty which ruled eastern India were responsible for building the KonarakSun temple near Bhuvaneshwar. Somebody brought their name up in this thread. They are onen  of the great dynasties of india which we never hear about. In fact the story of the numerous kings who resitsted and held back the invader is yet to be told. It isthe combined efforts of many of these fairly minor kingdoms that contributed to the survival of hinduism in india. 
It is an old shibboleth spread by the Brits that there never was any unity in India.
[right][snapback]63724[/snapback][/right]
<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
Hello Kaushal,
This is still work in progress. So there is ample time to contribute and participate. Please tell us more about Ganga Dynasty.

Regards,
-Digvijay

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Rajasthan’s wandering blacksmiths
From Balwant Garg

SRIGANGANAGAR: On the outskirts of a town or near a water of reservoir in the rural areas of Rajasthan and the neighbouring states found Gadulya Lohars or wandering blacksmiths. Having no house, not even tents, braving the scorching sun and torrential rains — they lead a hard life beneath their carts. Dressed in shabby clothes, they park their bullock carts with their men, women and children and go about their day-to-day routine preparing knives, scissors, bolts, nails, etc.

This gypsy tribe’, movement on the wheels is an outcome of a historic decision taken almost four centuries back.

The origin of Gadulya Lohars can be traced to the fall of Chittorgarh which was invaded by Emperor Akbar in 1568 AD. Legend has it that the Gadulya Lohars who fought with Rana Partap against the Mughal emperor on returning to the fort were shocked to find death and destruction. The Mughal army did not even spare temples. So enormous and massive was the destruction and massacre that the weight of the “janeoo” ( a sacred thread worn around the chest and neck by Hindus) itself of those laid down their lives, came to over 5,000 kg. In desperation and sorrow, the Gadulya Lohars took a vow that neither they nor their descendants would ever live in a house till Chittorgarh Fort was liberated. At the same time, they also decided to observe the custom of not sleeping under a roof or on a cot until their “lost glory” was restored.

In view of their wandering character, it is difficult to collect data on the population of Gadulya Lohars but according to the 1961 census, their population in Rajasthan is about 10,000.

Earlier their main work was making and repairing of farm tools and the forging of the metal of bullock carts and tools for carpenters and weavers . Technical advances in agriculture reduced their business and brought them to penury as cheap machines and farm tools became available at almost every village shop.

With the intention to let them lead a settled life, the Rajasthan Government drew up an elaborate scheme in 1994 allotting every Gadulya Lohar family land in a town. Under this scheme, many of them were provided a small plot where they have constructed one room mud houses.

Although a room made of non-baked bricks is not large enough to accommodate all family members at the same time, feels Mela Ram, a Gadulya Lohar, settled life is a new experience for them. Mela Ram’s family is among the 10 families who have settled permanently at Purani Abadi area of this town. Keeping his bond for the bullock cart intact, Rekhi Ram has adjusted the cart in his small house.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/1998/98nov11/nation.htm#12<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->dated April 8, 1955: Nehru leads a procession

Over four thousand Gadia Lohars on April 6 made a triumphant entry into Chittor Fort to fulfil a pledge their ancestors had taken 400 years ago to set foot there only after it was liberated. Led by Prime Minister Nehru, the Gadia Lohars walked in a procession amidst a fanfare of trumpets and beating of drums to the massive main gate of the fort, sanctified by the heroism of their Rajput ancestors. Over two lakh people lined the two-mile route from the Ghambhiri river bridge to the main gate of the Chittor Fort, through which the procession passed, amidst wild scenes of enthusiasm. Earlier, the Gadia Lohars, who came in their bullock carts, decked with the national flag and their own flags, waited at one end of the bridge for Mr. Nehru to arrive. With their beards parted in the Rajput style, the Lohars chanted slogans like "Victory to the brave land of Chittor," "Chittor is now free and Gadia Lohars are also free" and "Pandit Nehru Zindabad." Life-size portraits of Rana Pratap, their hero who had fought Akbar to the end of his life in a bid to recapture Chittor, formed part of the procession. The Lohars burst into cheers as the Prime Minister arrived in a jeep from the Neemuch airport. Mr. Nehru shook hands with the Lohar leader, and, standing in the jeep, told the Lohars: "Our country is free now and I invite you to come with me, cross this river and enter the Fort of Chittor." Cries of "Chittor Azad" and "Nehru Zindabad" rent the air, as, with a wave of his hand, the Prime Minister asked the procession to follow him to the Fort.

http://www.hindu.com/2005/04/08/stories/...160900.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Gaduliya Lohars derive their name from their beautiful bullock carts or gadis that have taken them wandering from their original land Mewar (Udaipur), to different parts of India. Legend has it that they were  committed to fight on behalf of Maharana Pratap of Chittaurgarh, who battled bravely against the Mogul emperor Akbar.

When Maharana Pratap was ousted from Chittaurgarh and he fought the historic battle of Haldi Ghati, the Gaduliya Lohars were a clan of warring Rajputs who swore to enter the Mewar stronghold of Chittaur only after the victory of their Maharana Pratap. As the guerilla warfare continued, Maharana died on the battlefield. This loyal clan was compelled to become nomad i.e. blacksmiths, travel and thus seek their living.

Despite the efforts of former Prime Minister Nehru to take a procession of Gaduliya Lohars back into Chittaur fort in an effort to settle them in their homeland, most of them preferred to keep their vow to their brave Maharana.

http://www.rextours.com/rajasthan.asp?http...s.com/bhils.asp<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Above all, there is the question: Would the SC / ST by themselves accept to change their way of life and accept the assistance? Perhaps yes, perhaps no. An example may help understand the position. In June 1576 Maharana Pratap of Chittor had to face Akbar’s armies in the famous battle of Haldighati. Rana Pratap fought with exemplary courage and of his soldiers only a little more than half could leave the field alive. In the darkness of the evening, the wounded Rana left the field on his favourite horse Chetak.95 A little later, in October, Akbar himself marched in person in pursuit of the Rana, but the latter remained untraced and unsubdued. Later on he recovered all Mewar except Mandalgarh and Chittor. His nearest associates, the Bhil and Lohia tribals, had taken a vow that until their motherland was not freed, they would not eat in metal plates, but only on leaves; they would not sleep on bedsteads, but only on the ground; and they would renounce all comforts. The bravest among them even left Chittor, to return to it only when Mewar had regained independence. That day was not destined to come in their life-time. It was not to come for decades, for generations, for centuries. During these hundreds of years they lived as tribals and nomads, moving from city to city. On India regaining independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who knew about these people’s poignant history, decided to rehabilitate them in Chittor. In March 1955 an impressive function was arranged there and Pandit Nehru led the descendants of these valiant warriors back to their homes in independent Chittor in independent India. But most of them did not care to return. They live as nomads even today.

http://voiceofdharma.com/books/tlmr/ch7.htm<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->The Reconquest of Chitor
Monday, Apr. 18, 1955 Article ToolsPrintEmailReprints

In Rajputana in central India lies the high rock of Chitor. "The swell of its sides," wrote Rudyard Kipling, "follows the form of a ship—from bow to stern more than three miles long and from three to five hundred feet high." Four centuries ago, in the land battleship of Chitor, the Rajputs held out against the invading Moguls. The Rajputs wore armor and fought with spears; the Moguls used cannon. In the last decisive engagement, a lucky Mogul shot killed the Rajput chieftain Jaimal, and the garrison, losing hope, performed the dreaded rite of jauhar,

The women and children were immolated on funeral pyres, and the warriors threw themselves on the Mogul swords. To complete his victory (which consolidated the Moslem conquest of Hindustan), the Mogul Emperor Akbar massacred 30,000 Rajput retainers, but failed to arrest the flight of the Rajput's famed armorers. With their families they followed their own Prince Pratap Singh into the forests, and took a solemn oath never to sleep under a roof or on a bed until Chitor was reconquered.

The Long Vow. Abandoned, Chitor became a haunt of tigers, one of a thousand Hindu shrines, and today the only recurring evocation of its stirring last days is the curse which may sometimes be heard on Indian lips: "By the sin of the sack of Chitor." The Rajput armorers became a tribe of wandering blacksmiths called the Gadia Lohars, big, fork-bearded men in pink turbans, women wearing silver bangles and big silver nose rings, and untouchables worshiping the smallpox goddess, Sheetala. Without quite knowing why, they still observe their ancient vow: never do they sleep under a roof, but live in carts, wherein children are born and the old die, in which their beds, or charpais, are always upside down. Instead of swords and spears, they make axes and sickles, but in recent years their ancient craft products, overwhelmed by a flood of cheap manufactured tools, have been less in demand. The Gadia Lohars have been facing an extinction more complete, if slower, than that offered by the Moguls.

Last week from all over India the Lohars converged on Chitor. In the great plain below the landship fortress, their 4,000 bullock carts were drawn up in huge circles like the covered wagons of American pioneers. Over their wagons flew tattered Rajput sun flags (symbolizing the god Rama) and banners reading, "Hail Emperor Nehru." Few of the tribesmen had ever heard of Prime Minister Nehru, but they knew that a great badshah (ruler) had offered to succor them at Chitor, a place they had always avoided in their wanderings.

The Return. Riding in a jeep, Badshah Nehru led the Lohars up the steep winding road to one of the fort's seven iron-spiked gateways, wide enough for two elephants to pass abreast. Here he ceremoniously applied the vermilion-tinted rice dust to the forehead of the leading Lohar, while the Indian flag was raised on a 120-ft. marble tower erected to commemorate a Rajput victory in the 15th century. "Brothers, come on. Let us enter our fort," cried Nehru.

A hundred top security officials having flushed the ruin for potential assassins—men or beasts—Nehru wandered through the old walls, peered down the deep, dark stone pit where the Rajput women were cremated, then squatted on the stone floor to take sugar cakes with the Lohars. Said Nehru: "What was once for 13 centuries yours is yours again from today onward."

A page of forgotten history, an outmoded fort, a chance to sleep on a bed and under a roof, was not all that the Indian government was offering: on the nearby Gambiri River there would be land for the Lohars to farm. The big, bearded descendants of the Rajput armorers, victims of modern India's shift from village craft to modern industry, grinned happily.

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...,866198,00.html<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

<b>Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires </b>

<img src='http://assets.cambridge.org/97805218/51688/cover/9780521851688.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Many people assume, largely because of Gandhi’s legacy, that Hinduism is a religion of non-violence. William R. Pinch shows just how wrong this assumption is. Using the life of Anupgiri Gosain, a Hindu ascetic who lived at the end of the eighteenth century, to explore the subject, he demonstrates that Hindu warrior ascetics were not only pervasive in the medieval and early modern Indian past, but were also an important component of the South Asian military labor market and crucial to the rise of British imperialism. Today, these warriors occupy a prominent place in modern Indian imaginations, ironically as romantic defenders of a Hindu India against foreign invasion, even though they are almost totally absent from the pages of Indian history. William Pinch’s innovative and gloriously composed book sets out to correct this historiographical deficiency and to piece together the story of the rise and demise of warrior asceticism in India from the 1500s to the present. Implicit in his approach is the need to measure modern mythologies of Hindu warrior asceticism against the real-life experiences of powerful, violence-prone ascetics. This is a book which has as much to say to students of religion as to historians of empire, and will no doubt be taken up by both.

WILLIAM R. PINCH is Professor of History at Wesleyan University in Middletown, Connecticut. He is the author of Peasants and Monks in British India (1996).


<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

From review pasted in post 131: <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->ironically as romantic defenders of a Hindu India against foreign invasion
[...]
mythologies of Hindu warrior asceticism against the real-life experiences of powerful, violence-prone ascetics
[...]
WILLIAM R. PINCH is Professor of History at <b>Wesleyan</b> University in Middletown, Connecticut. He is the author of Peasants and Monks in British India (1996).<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->This explains so much, the author is from a Wesleyan University: a christian university. Hence the dawaganda.

Let's look at the idol of Wesleyan University:
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->[Reformer, founder of the <b>Methodist</b> movement] John Wesley (1703-91): "Wife: Be content to be insignificant. What loss would it be to God or man had you never been born."
Link<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd--><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Another prominent Protestant, John Wesley (1703-1791), the founder of the Methodist Church, wrote that anyone who denied the reality of witchcraft was:
<!--QuoteBegin--><div class='quotetop'>QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->in direct opposition not only to the Bible, but to the suffrage of the wisest and best of men in all ages and nations ... Thus giving up of witchcraft is in effect giving up the Bible.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->Link<!--QuoteEnd--></div><!--QuoteEEnd-->( http://freetruth.50webs.org/ )

So reformer Wesley was just another superstitious misogynist (in other words, a 'True Christian': well-versed in the Bible, being a respected reformer, indeed he is founder of the methodist church). No wonder the Wesleyan University, and its professors - like its (no doubt handpicked-for-the-cause) William R. Pinch who wrote the book/christo lies mentioned - are trying their best to imitate their esteemed role model.
May we expect the aforementioned Pinch, 'Professor of History' at Wesleyan University, to next turn his 'scholarly' mind to a book on proving witchcraft and justifying the subsequent christian torture and murder of 8 to 9 million in the dark ages? It will be perfectly matched to the 'scholastic' level of his output on India and also be a fitting eulogy to his master Wesley, vindicating the methodist superstition.

[Bharatvarsh]

Well the sadhus did defend Hindus but some of them were also traitors (example: the ones who served as mercenaries for Muslim rulers or the ones who fought for Abdali against the Marathas).

Some instances of these warrior ascetic heroism include the defense of the Naga Sadhus of the Gokulnath mandir when Abdalis men attacked it, their numerous attempts to regain Rama Jhanmabhoomi, one especially memorable one was the bloody battle they fought after which they gained control of Hanuman Garhi.

A good book to publish would be about all the attempts made by Hindu warriors and common people to regain Rama Jhanmabhoomi through the centuries.

[Guest]

Post 133: <!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Well the sadhus did defend Hindus but some of them were also traitors (example: the ones who served as mercenaries for Muslim rulers or the ones who fought for Abdali against the Marathas).<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->From the summary of the book 'Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires' pasted in post 131, the indication is that the treatment is one-sided: "these warriors occupy a prominent place in modern Indian imaginations, ironically as romantic defenders of a Hindu India against foreign invasion".

If you had written a book on the matter, it would deal with the facts which would inevitably need to document both the treachery of certain Sadhus and the heroism of others. It would therefore be a reliable book.
But, going by the book summary in #131, Pinch knows to tell only of that aspect of history that is expected of him (that's what he's paid to do). The summary at least seems to imply that that's all there is to the matter: any defenders of Hindu India amongst the Sadhus is relegated to 'modern Indian imagination'.

[Bharatvarsh]

I didn't read his book Husky, I am just talking in the general sense, it is well known that some Naga Sanyasins fought for Abdali even though his Muslim soldiers and himself despised them and kept them at arms length away from the camp.

That Pinch is a biased fellow no doubt, I remember reading an online article of his floating around on this subject on the net and the treatment was one sided.

Even his book is available online but after reading the article I couldn't be bothered to go through the book.

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><<<Sundara Pandyan made off with Rajaraja III's queen.>>>

What is the primary evidence?

In case you are referring to Maravarman Sundara Pandyan (1206 A.D.),
then you are wrong. This king attacked Kulotunga III and defeated
him. He then drove the crown prince Raja Raja III and the king into
exile. But, Kulottunga III sought the help of Hoysala king Ballala
II, who responded by despatching his army under the command of his
crown prince Narasimha. Maravarman Sundara Pandyan didn't see much
hope of winning, and returned the kingdom to Kulottunga, after the
latter accepted him as suzerain.

In case you are referring to Sundara Pandya (1310 A.D.), then there
was no Raja Raja III who was his contemporary. This Sundara Pandya
was the son of Kulasekhara Pandya, who preferred his younger son Vira
Pandya to be the crown prince. A bitter feud ensued. Sundara Pandya
turned a fellow traveller of Malik Kafur, the eunuch general of Alla-
ud-din-khilji and invited him to attack his brother. He also put his
army at the services of Kafur. Initially, after a few skirmishes,
Vira Pandya started retreating and Malik Kafur sacked all the cities.
While he looted much of the treasure, he entrusted the kingdom to his
fellow traveller Sundara Pandya. When finally he descended on
Madurai, he decided to attack Sundara Pandya himself. Sundara Pandya,
who had turned a zimmi, and practically a Muslim, was shocked by
this, and ran away. Madurai was left undefended, and Malik Kafur
sacked it. He looted the treasure, killed children and raped women.

This brought the deeply religious Vikrama Pandya, over 80 years old
then, and the maternal uncle of Vira Pandya, out of retirement. Ably
assisted by his aging (name not mentioned in records) brahmin
general, he put together a force of 30,000 and launched a ferocious
and courageous attack on Malik Kafur. After 4 days of battle, Vikrama
had lost over 2,000 soldiers, but Kafur had lost over 12 times that
number. Worse, Kafur was made to retreat over 40 miles in that time
span. Many battalions of the Muslim army was terrorized by the
suicidal Pandya army that was furiously and successfully set to
avenge the rape of their women. The Muslims often took flight and
Kafur's army was in total disarray. Towards twilight on day 4, Kafur
was personally caught by the aging brahmin general, who spat on
Kafur's face, dragged and brought in front of Vikrama. Kafur
prostrated at Vikrama's feet, begged for life and promised to
retreat. But Kafur was a smart man. He had already conveyed the vast
treasure to Delhi.

Vikrama Pandya made the cardinal mistake of forgiving Kafur and let
him return with his army, instead of ruthlessly putting them all to
sword. He had repeated the same mistake of Prithviraj over 100 years
ago. This was another instance when the Hindus hadn't learnt their
lesson.

Nevertheless, here too, I have not come across any instance when a
Hindu king violated women. Even the fellow traveller of Muslims
Sundara Pandya is not known to have done that. I would wait for your
primary evidence. Even if he had done - quite unlikely, unless you
cite primary evidence - we must remember that this was post-Islamic
era, and this king was a fellow traveller and colloborator of the
Muslims. He couldn't have taken Raja Raja III's queen, as they
weren't contemporary. If at all he did, it must be someone else's
queen.

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IndianCivili...n/message/36430<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->VA: It is not true that the Bairagis did not regain occupied temples.
The Hanuman Garhi was also demolished by a Muslim Emperor and in
1800's it was captured by Hindu monks after a bloddy battle with the
muslims.
I believe that the Hanuman Garhi was subsequently used as a bastion
by Hindu monks to launch an attack on the Babri temple itself, but it
failed.
The Muslims tried to regain possession of teh Hamuman Garhi itself.
Matters reached a boiling point and Wajid Ali Shah, the then ruler of
Awadh, warned Muslim zealots not to attempt that.
The Muslim group was covertly funded by the Begum of Bhopal, while
the Hindu group had support from the Raja of Gwalior. When the Muslim
group decided to advance, they were shot dead by the soldiers of
Wajid Ali Shah, and about 400 Muslims died (this was around 1850 AD)
and were buried in graveyard called 'Kabristan e shahidaan' on the
side of the Babri mosque.
Apparently, during the demolition of the mosque in 1992, the
graveyard was also obliterated.

In Ayodhya itself, there is a 'Brahmakunda Gurudwara' which was built
at the spot where Guru Gobind Singh led a Hindu attack on the Babri
Masjid and occupied it. The Granthis/Gianis of the Gurudwara
therefore follow the Guru's tradition and have been firm supporters
of the Temple movement, and are constant seen in the company of
Ramachandra Pramahans.

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IndianCivili...n/message/19770<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Re-Imposition of the Jizya.

With the object of curbing the infidels, and of distinguish­ing the land of the faithful from an infidel land, the jizya, or poll-tax, was imposed upon the Hindús throughout all the provinces.* Upon the publication of this order, the Hindús all round Dehlí assembled in vast numbers under the jharokha of the Emperor on the river front of the palace, to represent their inability to pay, and to pray for the recall of the edict. But the Emperor would not listen to their complaints. One day, when he went to public prayer in the great mosque on the Sabbath, a vast multitude of Hindús thronged the road from the palace to the mosque, with the object of seeking relief. Money-changers and drapers, all kinds of shopkeepers from the Urdú bázár, mechanics, and workmen of all kinds, left off work and business, and pressed into the way. Notwithstanding orders were given to force a way through, it was impossible for the Emperor to reach the mosque. Every moment the crowd in­creased, and the Emperor's equipage was brought to a stand-still. At length an order was given to bring out the elephants and direct them against the mob. Many fell trodden to death under the feet of the elephants and horses. For some days the Hindús continued to assemble in great numbers and complain, but at length they submitted to pay the jizya.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/index.j...=80201017&ct=81<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Death of Rája Jasnant Singh.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 259.] * Intelligence now arrived of the death of Rája Jaswant Singh, who had gone to Kábul with reinforce­ments. After the death of the Rája, his foolish servants took away the Rája's two sons, named Ajít Singh and Dalathaman,* who were of tender years, and the Ránís also. Without waiting for permission from Aurangzeb, and without even obtaining a pass from the Súbadár of the province, they set off towards the capital. When they reached the ferry of Atak, they were unable to produce any pass, so the commander of the boats refused to let them proceed. They then attacked him, killed and wounded some of his men, and by force made good their way over the river and went onwards towards Dehlí.

There was an old standing grievance in the Emperor's heart re­specting Rája Jaswant's tribute, which was aggravated by these presumptuous proceedings of the Rájpúts. He ordered the kotwál to take his own men, with an additional force obtained from the mansabdárs, as well as some artillery, and to surround the camp of the Rájpúts, and keep guard over them. After some days, a party of Rájpúts sought permission to go home. Their request was made known to Aurangzeb, and, as it seemed right and proper, it was granted.

Meanwhile the Rájpúts had obtained two boys of the same age as the Rája's children. They dressed some of the female attendants in the garments of the ránís, and taking every pre­caution that their stratagem should not be discovered, they left these women and the boys under guard in their camp. The (real) ránís, disguised as men, went off at night in charge of two trusty servants and a party of devoted Rájpúts, and made their way with all speed to their own country. The brave and active chiefs, who might have stopped or overtaken them, were keeping guard over the tents in which the pretended children of the Rája were. After two or three watches, when a report of the fact was made, some officials were sent to make inquiries, and it was repeatedly stated that the ránís and the children were still there. Orders were then given for taking all the Rája's followers into the fortress. The Rájpúts and the disguised women, who were ready to fight like men for the honour of their Rája, made a determined resistance. Many were killed, but a party escaped.

The flight of the ránís was not clearly proved. Some men, who wished to show their zeal, and to cover their negligence in the matter, asserted that the boys had escaped, and that the wazír had sent out a force to secure them. The royal forces went in pursuit twenty kos from Dehlí, but they could not overtake the Rájpúts, and returned unsuccessful. The two (substituted) boys were given into the charge of the women of the royal harem, and were there brought up. The two boys which the Rájpúts carried off were for a long time rejected by Aurang-zeb, who refused to acknowledge that they were the sons of Jaswant, until all doubt was removed by the Ráná of Chitor, who married Ajít Singh to a girl of his family.

The Ráná and other Rájpúts. Defection of Prince Akbar.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 261.] At the beginning of Zí-l hijja of the twenty-second year of the reign, Aurangzeb started from Ajmír, with the intention of bringing the refractory Rájpúts to punish­ment. * * A strict farmán was sent to the Ráná of Chitor, calling upon him to assent to the payment of the jizya, and directing him to bring from the territories of Jodhpúr the two alleged sons of Rája Jaswant Singh. After a short stay at Ajmír, the army marched with the intention of ravaging Jodhpúr, and other Rájpút districts. The Ráná, feeling himself incapable of resistance, sent his vakíls with tribute and a letter declaring his obedience in the matter of the jizya, but offering to give over two or three parganas (districts) in commutation. He declared that he was not supporting the sons of Jaswant, and finally begged forgiveness for his offences. Aurangzeb left Khán-Jahán Bahádur to complete the arrangements in this quarter, and re­turned to Dehlí. His journey to Ajmír and back occupied seven months and twenty days.

When the Ráná heard of these preparations, he laid Údípúr, his capital, waste, and with the treasure and family and followers of himself and Jaswant Singh, he fled to the mountains and difficult passes. The Prince was ordered to follow him into the hills with a strong force of brave men suited for mountain warfare. Another force was sent to ravage the country of the Ráná, and destroy the crops. When Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived at Ujjain, he was directed to march against the lake of Aná-ságar, which belonged to the Ráná, and was about eighty kos from Ajmír. His orders were to station his army about that neighbourhood, and to trample every scrap of cultivation under the hoofs of his horses.

It was now announced that Prince Muhammad A'zam had shown such alacrity in the execution of the orders issued to him, that he had compressed four months' march into less than one, and came up with his army. He was ordered to march through the mountains and central fastnesses of the Ráná, into the territories of the Ráhtors, and there to kill, ravage and make prisoners among the Rájpúts. He was also ordered to employ a force in preventing the transport of supplies to the Ráná, and in stopping cultiva­tion. Nearly twenty-five thousand horse, Ráhtors, belonging to the territories of Jaswant, and other Rájpúts, assembled to support the Ráná, and had the boldness to attack the royal forces, and to fall upon their supplies. They allured several thousand of the royal forces into the heart of the Ráná's fastnesses. There they attacked them, and killed many, both horse and foot; but the royal forces at length prevailed and beat them. Notwithstand­ing that the Rájpúts held all the roads through the hills, and came down occasionally from the hills, and attacked the Prince's forces by surprise, the Prince's army fought bravely, and Tahawwur Khán and others rendered distinguished service in chastising the enemy. They employed themselves in laying waste the country, destroying temples and buildings, cutting down fruit-trees, and making prisoners of the women and children of the infidels who had taken refuge in holes and ruined places.

Orders were also issued to Muhammad Amín Khán, Súbadár of Ahmadábád, directing him to take up a position with his forces between Ahmadábád and the territories of the Rájpúts, and to march against them wherever he heard of them. Khán-Jahán Bahádur Kokaltásh was re-appointed Súbadár of the Dakhin, and sent to lay siege to the fort of Sálír,* which had fallen into the possession of the enemy.

When the Ráná was hard pressed, and his allies were crippled, when not a scrap of grain was left, and not a trace of cultivation was to be found, the Ráná and the Ráhtor Rájpúts had recourse again to lies and stratagems. They first addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, and sought to make him an intercessor for their forgiveness, or to persuade him to rebel and join them. The Prince paid no heed to their allurements, and Nawáb Báí, the mother of the Prince, being informed of what was passing, gave good counsel to the Prince, and strongly dissuaded him from yielding an assent; and from giving any aid, assistance, or inter­cession on behalf of the Rájpúts. She even persuaded him not to allow the vakils of the Ráná to approach him. When they despaired of success in this quarter, the Rájpúts betook them­selves to Prince Muhammad Akbar, taking advantage of his youth, and the favour of some of his friends. Durgá Dás was their spokesman. He was noted among them for his plausibility, and he used all his arts and wiles to persuade the Prince that they would supply him with forty thousand Rájpút horse, and with abundance of treasure. This so dazzled the Prince that he was deluded, and several of his evil companions artfully used their persuasions. So the inexperienced Prince was led astray from the path of rectitude, and through his youth and covetousness he fell into the snares of the Rájpúts.

Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, when he heard of these doings, wrote a few words of friendly counsel to the Prince, to whom he was much attached. He also wrote a letter to Aurangzeb, informing him that the false and deceitful infidels were using all their wiles to mislead the Prince, and that he must watch against being taken unawares. Aurangzeb entertained no suspicions of Muhammad Akbar; but report had cast an evil aspersion on the name of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam at the time when Aurangzeb was at Hasan Abdál. The infidels had addressed themselves to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam in the first instance, and Aurang-zeb had received information about it, so he now thought that Mu'azzam's letter about his brother Akbar was sheer calumny. Accordingly he wrote to him, and accused him of making a false charge, and praying that the Almighty would keep him in the right course, and preserve him from listening to the evil sugges­tions of designing people.

Soon afterwards the secret became public. Thirty thousand Rájpúts under Durgá Dás joined the Prince. The news spread from tent to tent, and was the talk of young and old. It was reported that he had ascended the throne, and that coins had been struck in his name; that Tahawwur Khán had been made a haft-hazárí, and had received the title of Amíru-l umará; that Mujáhid Khán, and other great servants of the State, who were with the Prince, had received distinguished honours, which some of them had felt themselves constrained to accept. The Prince was doing his best to win the affections of all, and was said to be marching against Aurangzeb.

On the forces being sent off, under the command of Prince Akbar, against the infidels, only Asad Khán and a limited number of officers and men were left in attendance upon the Emperor. All his retinue, counting the eunuchs and writers, did not exceed seven or eight hundred horsemen. A great panic fell upon the royal camp, and wild confusion followed. A letter under the royal signature was sent off in haste to Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, urging him to come with all his army, and with the greatest haste, to Aurangzeb. When the Prince received it, he marched without a moment's delay to join his father. Leaving his ladies and attendants behind under protection, he set off with all speed, and, pressing nine or ten days' journey into the space of two or three, he joined his father, bringing with him Prince Mu'izzu-d dín and Muhammad 'Azím.

When Muhammad Mu'azzam arrived with his nine or ten thousand horse, and they heard the reports about the mighty force of seventy thousand horse with which Prince Muhammad Akbar was approaching to the attack, no man of the army had any hope of escape. The expressions of some of Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam's thoughtless companions roused Aurangzeb's caution and prudence. Suspicion arose in his heart, and he thought it advisable to order that his guns should be pointed against the Prince's army, and he sent a message desiring the Prince to leave his army, and to come to him in all speed with his two sons. The Prince obeyed the summons, and hastened to wait upon his father.

The precautions taken by the Rájpúts prevented intelli­gence being obtained of the movements of Prince Muhammad Akbar. Shahábu-d dín, son of Kalich Khán, a brave and intelligent man, was sent out with a force to reconnoitre. On coming in sight of the Prince's army, Shahábu-d dín's brother, Mujáhid Khán, who was with the Prince, and had found it necessary to temporize, but watched for an opportunity to escape, went to the Prince, and said that if he were allowed he would go to his brother, and bring him over to the Prince's side. Permission being given, Mujáhid Khán took all the money and valuables he could carry, and joined his brother. The two brothers then went together to the Emperor.

Aurangzeb had been greatly depressed by the adverse news which reached him; but on hearing of the approach of the two brothers, he recovered his spirits. He directed that Shahábu-d dín should be addressed with the title of Khán, and he also conferred great favours on Mujáhid Khán. From the latter he learnt the state of the Prince's army, and about those who were acting with him from choice or from necessity. Some other men of note now came over, and it was ascertained that after the departure of Mujáhid Khán, dissensions had arisen in the Prince's army.

Khwája Makárim, a confidential adherent of Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam, led an advanced force towards the army of Prince Muhammad Akbar. A skirmish took place. The Khwája was wounded, and so were two or three men on the other side; but he ascertained that Tahawwur Khán had advanced from the Prince's army with a small escort, intend­ing to desert the Prince and join Aurangzeb. On this being reported to the Emperor, he ordered that Tahawwur Khán should take off his arms before being admitted to the presence. The Khán demurred to putting off his arms, so Prince Mu­hammad Mu'azzam made a sign to kill the unhappy man. It was now stated to the Emperor that Tahawwur Khán had come, under the orders of Prince Muhammad Akbar, to make known his pretensions and demands. On hearing this, Aurangzeb's anger blazed forth, and he placed his hand upon his sword, and ordered that the Khán should be allowed to enter with his arms. But one of the attendants, in an insulting way, placed his hand upon the Khán's breast to stop him. The Khán struck him a blow on the face and retreated, but his foot caught in a rope, and he fell down. Cries of “Strike! slay!” arose on all sides. Numbers fell upon him, and he was soon killed, and his head was cut off. After he was dead, it was found that he had armour under his clothes, but there were various opinions as to what his real intentions were.

The author of this work heard from Khwája Makárim, afterwards Ján-nisár Khán, and from several of his contem­poraries, in their old age, that Tahawwur Khán returned in good faith, in consequence of a letter he had received from 'Ináyat Khán, his father-in-law, who was a private secretary of Aurangzeb, but that he felt the order to put off his arms was an insult to his position, his services, and his character. However it may be, his murder caused great divisions in the Prince's army, and among his Rájpúts, and they were much dispirited.

It was commonly reported that Aurangzeb craftily wrote a letter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, and contrived that it should fall into the hands of the Rájpúts. In it he praised the Prince for having won over the Rájpúts as he had been instructed, and that now he should crown his service by bringing them into a position where they would be under the fire of both armies. This letter was the cause of great divisions among them. Such is the story I have heard, but not from any trustworthy person. For all the mighty force which Prince Akbar brought against his father, the sword was not drawn, and no battle was fought, but his army was completely broken. The Prince was soon informed that the Rájpúts had abandoned him. There remained with him only Durgá Dás, two or three confidential officers of the Ráná, and a small force of two or three thousand horse. Of all his old servants and men, these alone remained. He lost all courage, self-reliance, and hope, and being utterly cast down, he took to flight. * * Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was ordered to pursue him.

It was soon after reported that the mean-spirited Ráná had again broken his engagements, and showed rebellious designs, so that Khán-Jahán could bring him to no final settlement. This kindled the flames of the Emperor's wrath, and towards the end of the same year, he set off again to Ajmír, with the intention of punishing the Ráná and the other evil-disposed Rájpúts. He wrote to Prince Mu'azzam, directing him to come from the Dakhin to Ujjain, and Prince Muhammad A'zam was ordered to march with all speed from Bengal. When the King's tents were pitched near Ajmír, Prince Muhammad Akbar was sent with a large force to attack and chastise the Ráná. Sháh Kulí Khán, who was promoted and received the title of Tahawwur Khán, was placed in command of his advanced guard.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/index.j...=80201017&ct=81<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Bharatvarsh]

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Turbulence of the Játs.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 394.] It was now reported from Ágra that when Ághar Khán came there under orders from Kábul, a party of Játs attacked the caravan near Ágra. They seized the cattle and plundered the carts which were in the rear, and carried off some women as prisoners. Ághar Khán pursued them to the neighbourhood of a fort, where, after a sharp struggle, he rescued the women. He then boldly invested the fort, but he was killed by a musket-ball. His son-in-law was also killed. Khán-Jahán Kokaltásh had formerly failed in executing a commission to re­strain the Játs, and for this and some displeasing actions he was recalled, and Prince Bedár Bakht was appointed on the duty.

An order was issued that no Hindú should ride in a pálkí or on an Arab horse without permission.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/index.j...=80201017&ct=92<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Ajít Singh and other Rájpúts.

[Text, vol. ii. p. 605.] Towards the end of the year 1119 the Emperor marched from Ágra, with the intention of chastising the Rájpúts in the vicinity of Údípúr and Jodpúr. From the reports of the news-writers of the province of Ajmír, and the parganas around Jodpúr, the following matters became known to His Majesty. Rája Ajít Singh, who was called the son of Rája Jaswant, had been brought up by the wiles of Durgá Dás, and other evil-disposed infidels, as the son of the deceased Rája.* He had cast off his allegiance to the late Emperor, and done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb he again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing Musulmáns, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the summons to prayer, razing the mosques which had been built after the destruction of the idol-temples in the late reign, and repairing and building anew idol-temples. He warmly supported and assisted the army of the Ráná of Údípúr, and was closely allied with Rája Jai Singh, whose son-in-law he was. He had carried his disaffection so far that he had not attended at Court since the accession. On the 8th Sha'bán the Emperor marched to punish this rebel and his tribe, by way of Ámber, the native land of Jai Singh, between Ajmír and Chitor. * *

Ajít Singh and his allied Rájas knew that submission and obedience alone could save them and their families and pro­perty; so he addressed himself to Khán-khánán and his son Khán-zamán, expressing his sorrow, humility, and obedience; and he sent a message humbly asking that Khán-zamán and the Kázíu-l Kuzát might come into Jodpúr, to rebuild the mosques, destroy the idol-temples, enforce the provisions of the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of cows, to appoint magistrates and to commission officers to collect the jizya. His submission was graciously accepted, and his requests granted.* Officers of justice, kázís, muftís, imáms, and muazzins (criers to prayer) were appointed in Jodpúr and other towns in the country. Ajít Singh and Jai Singh, with the concurrence of Durgá Dás, who was the very soul of the opposition, came to Court in hope of receiving pardon for their offences, and each was honoured with the gift of a robe, elephant, etc.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/index.j...80201017&ct=106<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Rája Ajít Singh, Súbadár of Ahmadábád and Ajmír, had exceeded his authority by prohibiting the slaughter of cows in his jurisdiction; so Sa'ádat Khán, Súbadár of Ágra, was summoned to Court, and sent to punish him; but he begged to be excused. Afterwards Samsámu-d daula, Kamru-d dín Khán Bahádur, and Haidar Kulí Khán, were ordered to discharge this duty. Each one accepted the duty reposed in him, and even sent on his travelling equipage; but they all retracted, and did not think it advisable to proceed; especially Samsámu-d daula, who was afraid that it would be a tedious undertaking, and that the royal funds would not suffice. It might even cause disturbances in other parts, where men were ill disposed. So not one of these amírs was willing to go. At this time intelligence arrived that Nizámu-l Mulk had given Rája Ajít Singh a sharp warning. So the Rája sent a message professing obedience, announcing his withdrawal from Ahmad-ábád, and praying for his retention in the súba of Ajmír. * * Haidar Kulí Khán was appointed to succeed him at Ahmadábád.

http://persian.packhum.org/persian/index.j...80201017&ct=132<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

[Guest]

<!--QuoteBegin-digvijay+Jan 27 2007, 07:05 PM-->QUOTE(digvijay @ Jan 27 2007, 07:05 PM)<!--QuoteEBegin-->Major update to the site. Sections updated:

Definition
Organization_of_Indian_kingdoms_during_invasions
Paramvir Chakra Winners
Mahavir Chakra Winners
Meera

-Digvijay
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More update to the section:

Definition

Ancient texts and inscriptions relating to rajputs updated.

-Digvijay