Rebel killing raises stakes in Pakistan

and

http://governmentofbalochistan.blogspot.com/

Is India Going the Way of 1930s Germany?
by Arun R. Swamy
March 27, 2002



0203indhind.pdf

The recent rounds of violence between religious groups in India do more than reveal the fragility of India's secular state. They highlight the inability of Indian democracy to combat what is essentially a fascist onslaught.

At first glance what happened in India appears to be another--if extreme--case of religious passion gone awry. A train carrying Hindu activists to the disputed religious site of Ayodhya was firebombed by a mob, killing 58 of the activists. Several days of revenge attacks by Hindus against Muslims followed in the state of Gujarat, killing over 700.

However, India's Hindu Nationalists have always resembled 1930s European fascists more than they do contemporary "fundamentalists." Members of the core organization of Hindu nationalism, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in the 1920s, are given paramilitary instruction, not religious, and wear khaki uniforms reminiscent of Mussolini's brownshirts. While the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), founded in the 1960s, is mainly concerned with religion, it still does not prescribe how Hindus should worship or behave--an impossible task given the diversity of Hindu religious practice.

Instead, like all Hindu nationalists, it is bent on characterizing Muslims as alien and hostile while seeking to unify Hindus around a romantic nationalism, in which military prowess plays a central role. Hindu nationalists' emphasis on international prestige has won them the support of the westernized middle class, typically the target of Islamic fundamentalism. Their focus on demonizing Muslims rather than promoting Hinduism is illustrated even by the dispute over Ayodhya, where extremist Hindu groups destroyed a 16th century Muslim mosque in 1992, sparking nationwide sectarian riots in which more than 2,000 people died.

Hindu nationalists claim that a temple on the same site honoring the birthplace of the Hindu deity, Rama, was torn down to make way for the mosque. For Hindu extremist groups the claim that a temple was torn down to build a mosque--for which there is no concrete evidence--was at least as important as the claim that Rama was born at the site. The destruction of the mosque was commonly spoken of in terms of retaking territory that had been lost to invaders. Hindu nationalists have identified other mosques they wish to destroy, claiming that these too were built on temple sites. For none do they claim the sanctity associated with the birthplace of Rama. Indeed, the purpose of claiming a particular site as Rama's birthplace--for which there is no basis in theology or tradition--was to justify tearing down the existing mosque.

It is this fascist ideology, and the fact that a party espousing it is at the head of the national government, that makes the recent anti-Muslim pogroms in Gujarat so much more disturbing than earlier rounds of riots. As horrific as the recent violence was, more died in 1992. But the political establishment's response this time has been ambivalent and feeble. The paralysis in the political system is emboldening the Hindu extremist organizations responsible for the Gujarat "riots" to press their agenda more forcefully. There are times when India seems to resemble Germany in the 1920s and early 1930s.

The analogy to the rise of Hitler is not one that should be made lightly, but there are many parallels. The Gujarat attacks were not spontaneous expressions of mob rage but were highly organized and brutally efficient, probably identifying Muslim homes and businesses through the use of public records. The state government was almost certainly complicit in the wave of violence that affected the entire state and saw no effort by the police to control it. The central government was slow to dispatch the army, and has attempted to put the focus on the train attack, for which they blame Pakistani intelligence.

The state government initially sought to limit judicial inquiry to investigating the train attack, to use its emergency powers only against those accused of the train attack, and to offer higher levels of compensation to the (Hindu) victims of the train attack on the grounds that they were victims of terrorism. Even many liberal intellectuals and politicians, whose protests forced the state government to retract some of these measures, have tacitly accepted the idea that several days of targeted anti-Muslim violence can be equated with the attack on the train, and even resulted from it.

Worse, there has been no effort by those in power to hold those responsible for the Gujarat attacks accountable. The national government, run by the same party as the state government, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has chosen not to use its constitutional authority to take over the state's administration despite having attempted last year to do so on law and order grounds in another, opposition-ruled state. Although the government has banned militant Islamic groups, it has ignored calls by parties both in the opposition and in its own coalition to do this to Hindu extremist organizations. The involvement of these organizations in the Gujarat violence is widely attested to, and they were banned after they tore down the Ayodhya mosque in 1992.

Worse still, even after the Gujarat riots the government negotiated with the VHP over its plans to begin construction of a temple on the disputed site. The compromise involved an official in the Prime Minister's Office accepting possession of two pillars intended for inclusion in the temple structure. Even though this seriously compromised the Indian state's claims to religious neutrality, the government has congratulated itself for defusing a potentially explosive situation.

To be sure, the government is in a tight spot. BJP members of parliament have expressed outrage at the government's refusal to let temple construction proceed until the Supreme Court rules on the subject. However, statements and actions by Hindu extremist organizations since suggest that they have been emboldened by the concessions the government has made. Over the weekend of March 15 members of several right-wing Hindu organizations stormed and sacked the legislative assembly of the state of Orissa for unknown reasons, while the RSS warned Indian Muslims that their safety depended on the goodwill of the Hindu majority. The next week the VHP indicated that it had plans to carry the ashes of the train attack victims in processions throughout the country--an act calculated to incite mob fury. It later disavowed its plans when many of the BJP's coalition allies threatened to pull out of the coalition if the plans were carried through.

The opposition parties and some of the BJP's coalition allies have succeeded in checking the VHP to some degree. They have called for Hindu extremist organizations to be banned, and condemned the compromise with the VHP over the performance of the temple ceremony, as well as the attack on the Orissa assembly and the RSS' statement on Muslims. In addition to blocking the alleged plans to carry the ashes of Hindus killed in the train attack in a procession many have threatened to withdraw their support if the Ayodhya temple is built. The BJP leadership has promised to abide by the Supreme Court's ruling on the temple site. However, the VHP can undertake many provocative acts short of actually constructing the temple and has announced plans for more religious ceremonies centering on the temple issue around the country. There is a limit to how many battles the allies can fight and win from within the government.

The BJP's allies have been reluctant to withdraw from the government and indeed, voted with the government in passing a Prevention of Terrorism Bill that will significantly weaken protections for civil liberties including allowing confessions extorted from prisoners by police to be admitted as evidence. The Act, the provisions of which are currently in operation as an executive order, was defeated in the upper house of parliament where the opposition parties are in a majority, but it then passed in an unusual joint session of parliament. During the acrimonious debate two former prime ministers charged that the existing ordinance was used selectively against Muslims in Guajarat, while the current Leader of the Opposition, Sonia Gandhi, argued that the law would be used by the national government to intimidate its opponents and divide the country.

Short-term political calculations keep the government in power. Most of the BJP's allies are regional parties. The opposition Congress Party, which has won a string of recent elections is their local rival. Similar divisions between the Congress and other opposition parties have also hindered efforts to form an alternate coalition. Indeed, some opposition parties are gravitating toward the government out of tactical considerations even as some of its allies pull away from it. Meanwhile the two communist parties, outwardly the most opposed to the BJP, have announced that they would refuse to support a Congress government because of differences with that party's economic policy.

This combination of organized thugs affiliated with the ruling party who terrorize a minority community and intimidate a silent majority, with a divided opposition in which the center is getting squeezed from both sides, is only the most obvious parallel to Germany in the early 1930s. Over the past few years, the BJP has tried to reshape the secondary school curriculum by stealth in ways that fit with Hindu nationalist ideology and has presided over the slow militarization of the polity. By casting the Pakistan-supported insurgency in Kashmir as a crisis of national security, military expenditures have been increased while social welfare expenses have been cut. The command structure of the armed forces, which were kept divided for decades to ensure civilian control, has been unified in recent years. With the passage of the Prevention of Terrorism Bill, the government will have most of the tools it requires to gradually reduce the space for dissent.

There are many factors that could prevent this from happening. The Supreme Court has blocked both the VHP's plans for Ayodhya and the release of new textbooks following the social studies curricula. The National Human Rights Commission, which in India has some judicial powers, has rejected the Gujarat government's initial report on the riots as "perfunctory" and demanded a more thorough accounting. With the opposition parties controlling the presidency, upper house of parliament, most state governments, and therefore the electoral college for electing the next president this summer, it would be difficult for the BJP to significantly alter the constitutional balance or to declare a state of national emergency. Moreover, the government has a stake in preserving India's credentials as a secular state, in order to maintain U.S. pressure on neighboring Pakistan to crack down on militant Islamic groups and in order to develop economic ties with Islamic countries like Iran. Continued provocations by Hindu extremist organizations could yet force a rift between the BJP and its allies or even within the BJP, which is divided over the temple issue.

However, the difficulty India's mainstream parties have had in maintaining a united opposition to the BJP's agenda, and the change in the international attitude toward civil liberties following September 11, make it difficult to feel confident that Hindu fascism will be defeated. For this to happen, both centrist parties in the ruling coalition, and India's friends abroad will need to recognize that what happened in Gujarat was not just another instance of religious communities in conflict. Rather, as Indian opposition leaders have charged, it was part of a broader tendency toward eliminating civil liberties and scapegoating cultural minorities in an aggressive effort to impose a unified sense of nationhood on one of the world's most culturally diverse societies.

(Arun R. Swamy <swamya@EastWestCenter.org> is a fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii.)

http://www.fpif.org/commentary/2002/0203indhind.html

<img src='http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/42012000/jpg/_42012422_solar_system_planets3_416.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image' />

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/5282440.stm

Pluto loses status as a planet
Artist's impression of Pluto, BBC
Pluto's status has been contested for many years
Astronomers have voted to strip Pluto of its status as a planet.

About 2,500 scientists meeting in Prague have adopted historic new guidelines that see the small, distant world demoted to a secondary category.

The researchers said Pluto failed to dominate its orbit around the Sun in the same way as the other planets.

The International Astronomical Union's (IAU) decision means textbooks will now have to describe a Solar System with just eight major planetary bodies.

Pluto, which was discovered in 1930 by the American Clyde Tombaugh, will be referred to as a "dwarf planet".

There is a recognition that the demotion is likely to upset the public, who have become accustomed to a particular view of the Solar System.

Named after underworld god
Average of 5.9bn km to Sun
Orbits Sun every 248 years
Diameter of 2,360km
Has at least three moons
Rotates every 6.8 days
Gravity about 6% of Earth's
Surface temperature -233C
Nasa probe visits in 2015

Taslima Nasreen for UCC <!--emo&:thumbsup--><img src='style_emoticons/<#EMO_DIR#>/thumbup.gif' border='0' style='vertical-align:middle' alt='thumbup.gif' /><!--endemo-->

<!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin-->Addressing a meet-the-press programme here, Nasreen said Muslim fundamentalists should not be treated as representative of the Muslim community. "The code should be based on equality and justice and not on religion," she said adding that the biggest tragedy of mankind was that morality has been hijacked by religion<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->
No doubt current secular govt is not interested in her stay in India.

<b>Mid-air terror: All detained in Amsterdam are Indians</b><!--QuoteBegin-->QUOTE<!--QuoteEBegin--><b>They "got something" that was not allowed on board the flight and this matter was "important enough to be investigated", he said.</b>

..........
Those detained were identified as Sohail Abdul Aziz Nizami, Ayub Qadir, Sajid Qadir, Yusuf Haji Ghaffar Memon, Nur Mohammed Batliwala, Shakeel Usman Chotani, Ayub Khan, Ehsan Farooqi, Ghulam Mustafa, Mohammed Yusuf, Mohammed Imran and Mohammed Iqbal Batliwala.<!--QuoteEnd--><!--QuoteEEnd-->

Previous thread link

PART -1
LINK TO PART -1

Friends,

Here is an essay on what happend with Islamic rulers in India. Most of the history that is taught to us is very biased as it is taken directly from the court historians of muslim rulers.

The essay is organized into three parts:
a) First section is from William Wilson Hunter, a famous indologist of 19th century.
b) Second section is a partial list of rulers who fought the muslims and the battles they fought are described. (I am working on an update in which all I will add info about the marathas, Sikhs, the empires of south India, Assam, Kashmir, UP, MP).
c) Section on references that were used to create this article.

Source: Rajputs and Invasions of India (This has better formatting and nice pictures then what has been cut and pasted below).
(Extensive updates to the site. New section on Chivalry added. A new section on
Banda Bhadur added. Organization of Indian Kingdoms is updated and so
is the protection of Hinduism section). Aug-2006 update.



-Digvijay

PS: Thanks Viren for letting me post the link and I encourage forum members to ask a lot of questions.

=============================================

The Rajputs suffered the brunt of the aggression from various Mongol-Turkic-Afghan warlords who repeatedly invaded the Indian subcontinent, then known as Hindustan. Hindustan was one of the most economically prosperous regions in the world till 18-th century and had grabbed the attention of several neighbouring Islamic kingdoms.

Organization of Indian kingdoms during invasions

W.W. Hunter describes in Chapter X of his book, The Indian Empire, Its People, History And Products, the organization of Indian kings and how they fought these invaders.

Within a hundred years after his (Muhammad's) death, his followers had invaded the countries of Asia as far as the Hindu Kush. Here there progress was stayed and Islam had to consolidate itself during three more centuries before it grew strong enough to grasp the rich prize of India. But almost from first the Arabs had fixed eager eyes upon that wealthy country. Fifteen years after the death of prophet, Usman sent a sea expedition to Thana and Broach on the Bombay coast (647 ? AD). Other raids towards Sindh took place in 662 and 664 with no results.

The armies of Islam had carried the crescent from the Hindu Kush westwards, through Asia, Africa and Southern Europe, to distant Spain and Gaul, before they obtained a foothold in Punjab. This long delay was due, not only to the daring of individual tribes, such as Sindh Rajputs, just mentioned but to the military organization of the Hindu Kingdoms.

Each of these groups of kingdoms, alike in the north and in the south, had a certain power of coherence to oppose to a foreign invader; while the large number of groups and units rendered conquest a very tedious process. For even when the overlord or central authority was vanquished, the separate units had to be defeated in detail, and each state supplied a nucleus for subsequent revolt. We have seen how the brilliant attempt in 711, to found a lasting Muhammedan dynasty in Sindh, failed. Three centuries later, the utmost efforts of two great Musalman invaders (Mahmud of Ghazni and Mohammed Ghori) from the north-west only succeeded in annexing a small portion of the frontier Punjab Province between 977 and 1176 A.D. The Hindu power in Southern India was not completely broken till the battle of Talikot in 1565; and within a hundred years, in 1650, the great Hindu revival had commenced which under the form of Maratha confederacy, was destined to break up the Mughal Empire in India. That Empire, even in the north of India, had only been consolidated by Akbar's policy of incorporating Hindu chiefs into his government(1556-1605). Up to Akbar's time, and even during the earlier years of his reign a series of Rajput wars had challenged the Muhammadan supremacy. In less than two centuries after his death, the succesor of Akbar was a puppet in the hand of the Hindu marathas at Delhi.

The popular notion that India fell an easy prey to the Musalmans is opposed to the historical facts. Muhammadan rule in India consists of a series of invasions and partial conquests, during eleven centuries, from Usman's raid, circ.647, to Ahmad Shah's tempest of invasion in 1761 A.D.

At no time was Islam triumphant throughout the whole of India. Hindu dynasties always ruled over large areas. At the height of the Muhammadan power, the hindu princes paid tribute, and sent agents to the Imperial court. But even this modified supremacy of Delhi lasted for little over a century (1578-1707). Before the end of that brief period the Hindus had begun the work of reconquest. The native chivalry of Rajputana was closing in upon Delhi from the south; the religious confederation of the Sikhs was growing into a military power on the north-west. The Marathas had combined the fighting powers of the low-castes with the statesmen ship of the Brahmans, and were subjecting the Muhammadan kingdoms throughout all India to tribute. So far as can now be estimated, the advance of the English power at the beginning of the present century alone saved the Mughal Empire from passing to the Hindus.

Partial list of Rajputs who fought the invaders

Bappa Rawal

The Chittorgarh fort in Rajasthan was the site of several battles between the Rajputs and the Islamic invaders.
The Chittorgarh fort in Rajasthan was the site of several battles between the Rajputs and the Islamic invaders.

Muslims started attacking India within a few decades of the birth of Islam. For a few hundred years they had no success. Mohammed Bin Qasim was able to defeat Dahir in Sindh but was routed by Bappa Rawal. Qasim attacked Chittore, which was ruled by Mori Rajputs, via Mathura. Bappa, of guhilote dynasty, was a commander in Mori army and so was Dahir's son. Bappa defeated and pursued Bin Qasim through Saurashtra and back to Sindh. After this resounding defeat of the caliphate at the hands of Bappa, for next few hundred years there were no more Islamic incursions into India. (note Muslim historians rarely recorded the defeats of their kings).

Then Mahmud started his raids and was successful in looting Somnath.


Prithviraj Chauhan

Muhammad Ghori attacked India multiple times. First time he was routed in present day Gujarat by Rajputs. Mularaja-II was not even a teen yet and his mother organized the defences of Pattan. Battle was fought at Kayadara near Mount Abu and Ghori was resoundingly defeated. After this defeat he never entered India through Gujarat. In first battle of Taraori in 1191 Prithviraj Chauhan captured Ghori and Ghori begged for his life. Prithviraj allowed him to go despite his generals asking him not to do so.
Prithivraj lived at Taragarh fort which was also known as Ajaymeru after which the town of Ajmer got its name.
Prithviraj Chauhan lived at Taragarh fort which was also known as Ajaymeru after which the town of Ajmer got its name.

Following year Ghori came again. Prithviraj advanced with his army and sent a letter to Ghori. In this letter Ghori was asked to return as he had been defeated the previous year and was spared his life. Ghori replied that he was in India on the orders of his brother, Ghiasuddin, and that he could only retreat after he got a word from his brother. This letter was sent in the evening and Ghori moved his camp back a few kilometers. On receiving this letter and seeing Muhammad move his camp back Prithviraj assumed that Ghori was not interested in fighting. Ghori also knew that rajputs did not fight in the night and only started fighting after sun had come up. (This is an ancient Kshatriya practice e.g mahabharata was also fought mostly in day time). He attacked in the early morning hours when Prithviraj and his army were sleeping and was able to win this war.


Hammir Dev Chauhan

Ranthambore
Ranthambore fort of Hada Chauhan dynasty

Prithviraj's descendant, Hammir Dev Chauhan ruled Ranthambore. Jalore was ruled by another branch of Chauhans, the Songaras. Ala ud din Khilji usurped Delhi from his father-in-law, Jalal-ud-din Khilji, by killing him in cold blood. In 1299 Ala ud din's mongol general Ulugh Khan sought to quell Hindu resistance in Gujarat and besieged Junagadh and sacked the temple at Somnath. Ulugh Khan had broken the shivalinga of Somnath and was carrying it back to Delhi. Kanhad Dev Songara, ruler of Jalore, attacked and defeated Ulugh Khan. His son Biramdeo and Jaitra Deora were the generals who commandeered Kanhad Dev's army. They captured the fragments of the Shivalinga. Kanhad had the shivalinga washed in Gangajal and had the fragments placed at various Shiva temples around Jalore. One of Ala ud din's generals was a neo-Muslim, Muhammad Shah, who had helped Kanhad Dev. This general later went and stayed with Hammir Deo in Ranthambore. Ala ud din wanted him dead, and asked Hammir to hand him over. Hammir replied that he knows how to draw his sword, and anyone who has taken shelter in his fort would not be turned over. Hammir did not consider Khilji king of India. Ala ud din attacked Ranthambore in 1299, but his armies were defeated. He finally came himself in 1301, and there was a long siege. Hammir was very well prepared. When the fort did not fall after repeated bloody skirmishes Khilji resorted to diplomacy. Hammir was very suspicious but he heeded to his councillors who told him that sword is not always the best recourse. Ratipal and Ranmal, who were close confidants of Hammir, were sent to the Khilji camp. Ranmal's father was hung by Hammir for treachery and his property was confiscated. Ranmal earned the trust of Hammir by being brave in battles that Hammir fought but perfidy was in his blood. Khilji bribed these two generals of Hammir's army and consequently Ranthambore fell.


Rawal Ratan Singh,Gora,Badal

Palace of Queen Padmini
Palace of Maharani Padmini

Khilji wanted to win Chittor because sisodiyas of Chittor never accepted the rule of Islam. Another reason was Rani Padmini. He laid a siege but Chittor would not fall. Then he requested Rawal Ratan Singh, husband of Rani Padmini, that if he is allowed a glimpse of Rani he would leave. By this time the situation inside the fort was getting bad. Rawal discussed this with his advisers and they agreed that they can show Padmini's face in a mirror to the sultan. The meeting took place and afterwards out of courtesy when Ratan Singh was walking Khilji out of the palace, Khilji's men captured Rawal Ratan Singh. Khilji sent a message to the fort that Rawal can be spared by exchanging Rani Padmini. Padmini discussed this with Gora, her maternal uncle, who was a Chauhan rajput. Gora told her not to worry and that he would go and bring back Rawal Ratan Singh. Padmini's nephew Badal who was just sixteen also assured her. A message was sent from the fort to Khilji that Padmini would come with 700 of her servants in "palanquins" (palki in hindi) and that no Muslim soldier should peek inside the palki to outrage the modesty of the women. Letter also said that before Padmini meets Khilji she would like to talk to Rawal. Khilji agreed. All the palki's had the best rajput warriors with two swords each. When Padmini's palki, which was occupied by Gora, reached Rawal's tent he asked Rawal to mount the horse and go back to the fort. Then Gora gave a signal and every rajput came out of the palki and attacked the Muslims who were cut to pieces. Gora reached Khilji's tent and was about to kill the sultan when Khilji moved his concubine in front of himself. Gora, being a rajput could not kill an innocent women and these few seconds were enough for Khilji's guards to kill Gora from behind.


Maharana Hammir

Jag Niwas, the summer abode of the Ranas of Mewar, in Udaipur Rajasthan
Jag Niwas, the summer abode of the Ranas of Mewar, in Udaipur Rajasthan

After Ratan Singh's death his successor Laxman Singh tried to capture Chittor and fought a battle with Tughlaq near Chittor. He died along with his son Ari. His second son Ajay was severely wounded but was taken away from the battlefield by other soldiers and survived. Ajay was not a powerful ruler and his sons were likewise. Ajay knew that Ari had a son Hammir and he called Hammir to come to him. Hammir, along with his mother came to see his uncle. Ajay said that he had grown weak and a dacoit, Munja Balicha, was wreaking havoc in Rana Ajay's domain. Hammir vowed that he would take care of Munja. Hammir took seven warriors with him and set out to finish Munja. Hammir at this stage was just a teenager. Munja was tracked. When Munja was riding with his band to plunder a village, Hammir stood in his way on his white steed. Munja asked him to leave the way or die. Hammir challenged him to a duel and seeing that Hammir was just a teenager Munja readily agreed. Hammir killed Munja and brought his head and put it at Rana Ajay's feet and told his uncle that Munja will never be a problem again. Rana Ajay realized Hammir should be the ruler and he coronated Hammir as the new ruler of Mewar. Ajay's sons were unhappy with this and decided to move to Maharashtra. Do note that Chittor was called Khijarabad at this time as Ala ud din had renamed it after his son and at Hammir's coronation was ruled by Muhammad bin Tughlaq. Hammir captured Chittor. Tughlaq became very unhappy and launched a massive campaign against Hammir which he led himself. Hammir knew as soon as he captured Chittor that Tughlaq would attack him. He rallied all nearby rajput states to join him and they did. Battle was fought and Tughlaq was badly defeated and captured. After he paid a hefty fees and surrendered all of Mewar's territory he was let go. After this defeat Mewar was never attacked by Tughlaq.


Maharana Kumbha

Vijay Sthamb (Victory Tower) built by Maharana Kumbha
Vijay Sthamb (Victory Tower) built by Maharana Kumbha


Later Rana Kumbha repeatedly defeated sultans of Malwa and Gujarat and built 32 forts in Rajasthan. Even the combined armies of sultans of Malwa and Gujarat could not beat Kumbha. To commemorate his victory over these Muslim rulers of Malwa and Gujarat, Maharana Kumbha built the victory tower in 1440 A.D.

Kumbhalgarh fort built by Maharana Kumbha
Kumbhalgarh fort built by Maharana Kumbha


The tower has nine-stories and is covered with exquisite sculputres of Hindu Gods and Godesses depicting episodes from Ramayana and Mahabharata.

Rana Sanga

In Kumbha's lineage was Rana Sangram Singh or Sanga. Ibrahim Lodi, ruler of Delhi, was defeated by Man Singh Tomar of Gwalior but being a Hindu Kshatriya, Man Singh out of magnanimity let Ibrahim go back to Delhi. Man Singh's descendants fought at Haldighati along with Maharana Pratap against Akbar and showed exemplary bravery. Lodi was defeated by Babur later. Now Babur was having sleepless nights because of Sanga. Babur sent about 1500 choice cavalry to attack Sanga. These were butchered by Sanga's rajputs.
The Chittorgarh fort in Rajasthan was the site of several battles between the Rajputs and the Islamic invaders.
The Chittorgarh fort in Rajasthan was the home of Sisodiya clan of Rajputs and was also the site of several battles between the Rajputs and the Islamic invaders.


Babur wanted to discuss peace terms. For discussions Sanga sent his general Silhadi (Shiladitya). Babur won this general by promising him independent kingdom. Silhadi came back and reported that Babur does not want peace and he wants to fight. Fight started and Babur's army was being knocked out of the field and victory was certain for Sanga. At this juncture Silhadi and his army just left the field and this tilted the war in favor of Babur and he won.


Rao Maldeo Rathore

Humayun, Babur's son was defeated by Sher Shah Suri, a Pathan. Humayun was forced to leave India and he took refuge with Safavid king of Persia. Sher Shah became ruler of Delhi. The Sesodias of Mewar had not yet recovered from Rana Sanga's treacherous defeat. In Marwar the Rathores were becoming very powerful. The Rathore king Rao Maldeo had extended his territory to within a couple of hundred kilometers of Delhi. Sher Shah attacked Maldeo. Maldeo came with a force of 40 thousand and Sher Shah had 60 thousand. In the evening Sher Shah sent forged letters to Maldeo's camp. In these letters it was stated that few generals from Maldeo's army were buying arms from Sher Shah's army. This caused great consternation in Maldeo who thought there is treachery and that some of his generals had crossed over to Sher Shah. Maldeo left with 20 thousand men.
Mehrangarh Fort, Home of Rathore rulers of (Rajasthan, India)

Mehrangarh Fort, Home of Rathore rulers of (Rajasthan, India)


In reality there was no treachery. Later when Maldeo's generals Kumpa (his progeny are Kumpawat rathores) and Jaita (his progeny are Jaitawat rathores) found out what happened they did not loose cool and decided they would not leave the field even though they just had 20 thousand men and had to face 60 thousand Pathans of Sher Shah. Finally battle of Sammel was fought and Sher Shah was shocked by what he saw. Sher Shah's top generals lost there lives and his army suffered heavy losses. After this Sher Shah commented that "for a few grains of bajra [a grain crop that grows in Marwar] he had almost lost the entire kingdom of India". It is a moot point now but had Maldeo not retreated because of the fake letter Rathores/Rajputs would have defeated Sher Shah. In my bhoomi (Rajasthan) Deoras are considered the most stubborn, Hadas the most brave and Rathores the invincible warriors on the battlefield (Ranbanka Rathore).


Maharana Pratap


Humayun's son Akbar was born in the palace of a Hindu king, at Amarkot, who had given Humayun shelter when he was being pursued by Sher Shah. Akbar realized that he can never subdue Rajputs and become sole ruler of India. He decided to pursue diplomacy and was able to convince the Kacchwaha Rajput rulers of Amber(modern day Jaipur) about a matrimonial alliance. King of Amber agreed and Maan Kunwar became Akbar's queen and the mother of Prince Salim, who later became the Mughal emperor Jahangir. Soon other Rajput kingdoms in Rajasthan also gave their daughters to Akbar. This was the darkest period in the history of Rajputs.



Maharana Pratap of Udaipur
Maharana Pratap of Udaipur

Only two kings remained against this. The sisodiyas of Mewar and Hadas of Ranthambore. Hada are Chauhans. Finally Kunwar Man Singh of Amber and Akbar went and met Surjan Hada that he should become friends with Akbar. Surjan some how agreed but one of his conditions of friendship was that no daughter of Hadas would ever be asked to marry mughals and Akbar agreed. Surjan was very saddened by this friendship with Akbar and the fact that he could not help Maharana Pratap against Akbar. He felt so ashamed that he moved his residence to Banaras and made sure that Hindus in the holy city had no problems at the hands of Muslims. So there remained just the house of Mewar the sole bearer of Rajput pride in the face of immense opposition from Mughals as well as other rajputs who had sold there souls essentially to mughals by giving there daughters.

Looking down from the Chittorgarh fort.
Looking down from the Chittorgarh fort.

Maharana Pratap, the Sesodia ruler of Mewar, passed a law in his state that none of his followers will intermarry with Rajputs who have given their daughters to Muslims. This rule was followed by his loyal band of Rajputs, which included Rathores, Chauhans, Sesodias, Parihars, Tomars, Kacchwaha and Jhalas. Maharana Pratap never accepted Akbar as ruler of India, and fought Akbar all his life. Akbar first tried diplomacy to win over Maharana Pratap but nothing worked. Pratap just said he has no intention to fight with Akbar but he cannot bow down to Akbar and accept him as the ruler. Some scholars argue that there is some chance that Maharana could have become friends with Akbar but in the siege of Chittor when Akbar killed 30,000 civilian, unarmed residents of Chittor, because they refused to convert to Islam, left a lasting impression on Maharana's mind and he decided he cannot bow to such an unjust and cruel human being as Akbar was. (People should note that when Hindu Kings fought with each other unarmed civilians were never killed in the loosing king's territory).


Haldighati
Haldighati


Finally Akbar attacked Maharana Pratap at Haldighati. Akbar's general was Man Singh Kacchwaha of Amber, leading an army of 40 thousand men. Maharana had about 8 thousand men and some Bhil warriors. One of Maharana's generals was Hakim Khan Sur, who was from the line of Sher Shah Suri, a pathan. Pathans are the only faction of Muslims that Rajputs do not mind befriending because a Pathan would rather give his life then his word. During the first attack Maharana Pratap's army routed the Mughals and Mughals ran for there life. Maharana Pratap decided to kill Man Singh, and Maharana Pratap's horse Chetak put his front feet on the trunk of the elephant that Man Singh was riding and Maharana threw his lance. Man Singh ducked, and the elephant driver was killed. Finally the numerical superiority of the Mughal army was too much and the battle ended in a stalemate. When Mughal army entered the nearby town of Gogunda they were so mortified that Maharana would attack them again that no one would venture out of the camp for months. They ran out of food and conditions were just miserable in the Mughal camp. They killed there own horses and ate them to survive. Finally help arrived many months later. Akbar was very unhappy with his generals and his army and he refused to see his generals for months.

Akbar kept sending expedition after expedition against Maharana Pratap but never succeeded. He lost lot of money and men in trying to defeat Maharana Pratap. For 30 years Pratap remained ahead of Akbar and in last ten years of his life was able to free most of his kingdom. The only fort Pratap could not recover was Chittor and that saddened him a lot. His son, Amar Singh, won that fort after Pratap's death.


Chetak Smarak
Chetak Smarak

It is said that somebody told Akbar that Pratap wanted to accept Akbar as the king. Akbar was very happy to hear this. One of Akbar's general was Prthviraj Rathore who was a very good poet. He told Akbar this is a lie (incidentally Prithviraj's mother and Pratap's mother were real sisters. Pratap and Prithviraj played together as kids in there maternal grandfather, Akshay Raj Songara's home who was a Chauhan rajput). Prithviraj wrote this letter to Pratap:

The hopes of the Hindu rest on the Hindu yet the Rana forsakes them. But for Pratap, all would be placed on the same level by Akbar; for our chiefs have lost their valour and our females their honour. Akbar is the broker in the market of our race; he has purchased all but the son of Udai (Singh II of Mewar); he is beyond his price. What true Rajput would part with honour for nine days (nauroza); yet how many have bartered it away? Will Chittor come to this market ...? Though Patta (an affectionate name for Pratap Singh) has squandered away wealth (on warfare), yet he has preserved this treasure. Despair has driven man to this market, to witness their dishonour: from such infamy the descendant of hammir alone has been preserved. The world asks, from where does the concealed aid of Pratap emanate? None but the soul of manliness and his sword .. The broker in the market of men (Akbar) will one day be surpassed; he cannot live forever. Then will our race come to Pratap, for the seed of the Rajput to sow in our desolate lands. To him all look for its preservation, that its purity may again become resplendent. It is as much impossible for me to believe that Pratap has called Akbar his emperor as to see the sun rising in the west. Tell me where do I stand? Shall I use my sword on my neck or shall I continue my proud bearing?

Pratap replied to him:

By my god Eklinga, Pratap would call the emperor Turk alone and the sun would rise in the east. You may continue your proud bearing as long as Pratap's sword dangles on the mughal head. Pratap would be guilty of Sanga's blood, if he was to tolerate Akbar. you would have the better of it, no doubt Prithviraj, in this wordy quarrel.

Prithviraj was overjoyed on getting this letter.

Maharana Pratap's son, Amar Singh, fought 17 wars with the Mughals but he finally accepted them as rulers. At this time a large chunk of Maharana Pratap's band of loyal Rajputs became disillusioned by the surrender and left Rajasthan. This group included Rathores, Deora Chauhans, Pariharas, Tomaras, Kacchwaha and Jhalas. They are called "Rors" and settled mostly in Haryana, with some in Uttar Pradesh. Until today they do not intermarry with other Rajputs but "gotra permitting" with other Rors only.


Maharaja Jaswant Singh

Umaid Bhavan Palace is the abode of Rathore rulers of Marwar
Umaid Bhavan Palace is the abode of Rathore rulers of Marwar

In the Battle of Dharmatpur, Jaswant Singh opposed Aurangzeb. The battle was fought on 15th April 1658, fifteen miles from Ujjain. Jaswant could have attacked Aurangzeb but he allowed Murad's armies to join Aurangzeb. He was desirous of beating both mughal princes at once. This delay allowed Aurangzeb to win over the mughal general, Kasim Khan, who was sent by Shah Jahan to help Jaswant Singh. Kasim Khan defected as soon as the war started but 30,000 rajputs of Jaswant decided that they would not leave the field. Some prominent generals in Maharaja's army were Mukund Singh Hara of Kotah and Bundi, Dayal Das Jhala, Arjun Gaur of Rajgarh in Ajmer province and Ratan Singh Rathore of Ratlam. Jaswant attacked both Aurangzeb and Murad and they barely escaped. According to James Tod in Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan:

"Ten thousand Muslims fell in the onset, which cost seventeen hundred Rathores, besides Guhilotes, Haras, Gaurs, and some of every clan of Rajwarra. Aurangzeb and Murad only escaped because their days were not yet numbered. Notwithstanding the immense superiority of the imperial princes, aided by numerous artillery served by Frenchmen, night alone put a stop to the contest of science, numbers, and artillery, against Rajput courage."

Jaswant Thada:Chaatri (Cenotaph) of Maharaja Jaswant Singh
Jaswant Thada:Chaatri (Cenotaph) of Maharaja Jaswant Singh

Finally the unequal contest ended and Aurangzeb named the place of victory Fatehabad. In this battle Durga Das Rathore changed four horses and lost about half a dozen swords (they broke due to intense fighting) and he finally fell down half dead. Maharaja ordered him to be carried away. After his wounds healed he promptly rejoined Maharaja's army. James Tod further writes in Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan:


"Rajputs, even in the moment of battle, worshipped the rising sun, and they sealed there faith in there blood; and none more liberally than the brave Haras of Kotah and Bundi. . . The annals of no nation on earth can furnish such an example, as an entire family, six royal brothers of Kotah, stretched on the field, and all but one in death. Of all the deeds of heroism performed on this day, those of Ratan Singh Rathore of Ratlam, by universal consent, are pre-eminent, and are wreathed into immortal rhyme by the bard in the Raso Rao Ratan."

Prithvi Singh was Jaswant Singh's son. It is chronicled in Marwar khyats that Aurangzeb presented Prithvi Singh a dress which was poisoned. On wearing this dress Prithvi died in great pain. Prithvi was a good leader and a brave prince. Jaswant could not get over the shock of his son's death. He was very saddened because he had no male heir who could seek revenge. Jaswant died in 1680. James Tod writes in his Annals and Antiquities of ancient Rajasthan:

"Sighs never ceased flowing from Aurang’s heart while Jaswant lived. . . had all the princely contemporaries of Jaswant- Jai Singh of Amber, Rana Raj Singh of Mewar, and Chattrapati Shivaji coalesced against their national foe, the Mughal power would have been made extinct. Could Jaswant, however, have been satisfied with the mental wounds he inflicted upon Aurangzeb, he would have had ample revenge; for the image of the Rathore crossed all his visions of aggrandizement. The cruel sacrifice of his heir, and the still more barbarous and unrelenting ferocity with which he pursued Jaswant’s innocent family, are the surest proofs of the dread which the Rathore prince inspired while alive."

Aurangzeb tried to kill Jaswant Singh many times. James Tod writes in his Annals and Antiquities:

"It was by the vigilance of this chief (Mokund Das Kumpawat), and his daring intrepidity, that the many plots laid for Jaswant’s life were defeated. He had personally incurred the displeasure of Aurangzeb, by a reply which was deemed disrespectful to a message sent by the royal "Ahadi" (royal messenger), for which the tyrant condemned him to enter a tiger’s den, and contend for his life unarmed. Without a sign of fear he entered the arena, where the savage beast was pacing, and thus contemptuously accosted him: "Oh, tiger of the Miyan, face the tiger of Jaswant"; exhibiting to the king of the forest a pair of eyes, which anger and opium had rendered little less inflamed than his own. The animal, startled by so unaccustomed salutation, for a moment looked at his visitor, put down his head, turned around and stalked from him. "You see" exclaimed the rathore, "that he dare not face me, and it is contrary to the creed of a true rajput to attack an enemy who dares not confront him".


It is written in Tarikh Mohammed Shahi that Aurangzeb, on hearing the news of Maharaja's demise, said, "Darwaja-e kufra shikast" i.e the door opposing the islamic faith in India is broken.

Soon after Maharaja Jaswant Singh's death, Aurangzeb imposed Jizyah. While Jaswant was alive Aurangzeb did not have the courage to impose Jizyah on non-muslims. V.A. Smith writes on page 438 of his book, Oxford History of India, "the death of Jaswant Singh emboldened the imperial bigot to re-impose the hated Jizyah, or poll-tax on non Muslims".
Durga Das Rathore

Durga Das Rathore


Durga Das Rathore

When Jaswant Singh Rathore died he had no son and this gave Aurangzeb a chance to appoint a Muslim as the ruler of Marwar. This upset Rathore Rajputs a lot. Two of Jaswant Singh's queens were pregnant when he died. One queen gave birth to Ajit Singh and other to Dalathamban. After Ajit's birth, Rathore generals, chief among them was Durga Das Rathore (a Karnot Rathore) went to Delhi along with the queens and the infants, and asked Aurangzeb that crown of Marwar should be given to Ajit Singh. Aurangzeb was very cunning and he had no intention of handing over the throne of Marwar. He suggested that Ajit should grow up in his harem but internally he wanted to kill them all.

Durga Das sensed this and they smuggled Ajit Singh out of Delhi to the outskirts of the city. When Mughal army came to capture them in Delhi, Durga Das and his men attacked the Mughals and started riding out of Delhi. Raghunandan Bhati and others soaked the streets of Delhi in crimson by flowing the blood of mughal pursuers. There were about three hundred Rajputs with Durga Das and there were thousands of pursuing Mughals. Every so often 15 - 20 Rajputs would fall behind attack the Mughal pursuers and in the process get themselves killed but it allowed the forward party to create some distance between Ajit and the Mughals. This continued till the evening by which time the Mughals had given up and Durga Das was left with just seven men out of three hundred he started with and reached Jaipur along with Ajit Singh.

Thereby started the 30 year Rajput rebellion against Aurangzeb. Mewar and Marwar forces combined together and almost killed Aurangzeb when he was trapped in the mountains of Rajasthan but the Mewar king out of magnanimity allowed Aurangzeb to escape.

All the trade routes were plundered by Rajputs and they started looting various treasuries of Rajasthan and Gujarat. To crush them Aurangzeb sent many expeditions but no success. These expeditions and drying up of revenue from trade routes running through Rajasthan had severe effect on his resources. In addition the lion of Maharashtra, Shivaji, had freed almost all of Maharashtra and was at constant war with Aurangzeb. Shivaji had some Rajput ancestry.
The historical city of Jaisalmer was founded by the Bhati clan of Rajputs.
The historical city of Jaisalmer was founded by the Bhati clan of Rajputs.

Finally, on his death-bed Aurangzeb complained that his life had been a complete failure. He was the sole reason for Mughal empire's crumbling. His war campaigns had practically left the treasury dry for his progeny.

Baron De Boigne payed tribute to rajput (rathaura) valor in his memoirs, which were published by his son in 18th century. De Boigne fought the rathaurs, as part of Mahadaji Scindia's army at Tonga, Lalsot and Medta.

James Tod describes the fate of Jaswant Singh's family and the birth of his son Ajit Singh. Following excerpt from Page 45,46 of Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan:

"When Jaswant died beyond the Attock, his wife, the (future) mother of Ajit, determined to burn with her lord, but being in the seventh month of her pregnancy, she was forcibly prevented by Uday Kumpawat. As soon as the tidings reached Jodhpur, the Chandravati queen, taking a turban of her late lord, ascended the pile at Mandore. The Hindu race was in despair at the loss of the support of their faith. The bells of the temple were mute; the sacred shell no longer sounded at sunrise. The queen was delivered of a boy, who received the name of Ajit. As soon as she was able to travel, the Rathore contingent, with their infant prince, his mother, the daughters, and establishment of their late sovereign, prepared to return to their native land. But the unrelenting Aurangzeb, carrying his vengeance towards Jaswant even beyond the grave, as soon they reached Delhi, commanded that the infant should be surrendered to his custody. Aurang offered to divide Maru amongst Marwar nobles if they would surrender their prince; but they replied, "Our country is with our sinews, and these can defend both it and our Lord." With eyes red with rage, they left the Aum-khas. Their abode was surrounded by the host of the Shah. In a basket of sweetmeats they sent away the young prince, . . . and prepared to defend their honour; they made oblations to the gods, took a double portion of opium, and mounted their steeds. Then spoke Rinchor and Govind, sons of Jodha, and Chandarbhan the Darawat, and the son of Raghu, on whose shoulders the sword had been married at Ujjain, with the fearless Baharmall the Udawat, and the Sujawat, Raghunath. "Let us swim," they exclaimed, "in the ocean of fight. Let us root up these Asuras, and be carried by the Apsaras to the mansions of the sun." Then spake Durga Das Rathore, son of Asakaran, "The teeth of the Yavans are whetted, but by the lightning emitted from our swords, Delhi shall witness our deeds".

As thus the chiefs communed, and the troops of the king approached, the Rajloka (wives and daughters of Maharaja Jaswant Singh) of their late lord was sent to inhabit Swarga. Their own wives and daughters, were placed in an apartment filled with gunpowder, and the torch applied—all was soon over. Lance in hand, the Rathores rushed upon the foe, then the music of swords and shields commenced. Wave followed wave in the field of blood. Every tribe and every clan performed its duty in this day’s pilgrimage to the stream of the sword, in which Durgadas ground the foe and saved his honour.
The Rajputs founded several cities of modern-day Rajasthan. The historical city of Jodhpur was founded by the Rathore clan of Rajputs.
The Rajputs founded several cities of modern-day Rajasthan. The historical city of Jodhpur was founded by the Rathore clan of Rajputs.

When these brave men saw that nothing short of the surrender of all that was dear to a Rajput was intended by the fiend-like spirit of Aurangzeb, their first thought was the preservation of their prince; the next to secure their own honour and that of their late master. The means by which they accomplished this were terrific. Accordingly, “the battle fought by the sons of Duharia (rathore king who ruled Marwar in ancient time) in the streets of Delhi” is one of the many themes of everlasting eulogy to the Rathores; and the seventh of Sravan, S.1736 (the second month of the Monsoon of A.D. 1680), is a sacred day in the calendar of Maru.

In the midst of this furious contest, the infant prince was saved. DurgaDas and a few chosen friends repaired to the isolated rock of Abu, and placed him in a monastery of recluses. There the heir of Maru was reared in entire ignorance of his birth. Still rumours prevailed, that a son of Jaswant lived; that Durga and a few associates were his guardians; and this was enough for the loyal Rajput, to be his rallying-word in the defense of his rights."

Protection of Hinduism

A point to note here is that lot of Muslims, Western and some Hindu historians think that Islam/Muslims did not do conversion of Hindus by sword. The argument they give is that there are so many Hindus still today in India. This is completely wrong because most Muslim rulers in India tried to convert as many as they could but it was the strength of Rajput sword and later Maratha,Sikh swords that kept Hinduism alive in India. If there were no Rajputs, Marathas , Sikhs in India, then India would be just like Iraq, Iran, Turkey, or Pakistan in terms of religion of the population.

The preservance of Hinduism in India by the Rajput sword against the entire might of Islamic rulers is the most glorious achievement by a race in the annals of world history and every one should know this fact, more so Indians and most definitely each and every Rajput. Presence of Rajput generals in Mughal army was a blessing in disguise for the Hindu population as the mughal army when headed by a rajput general could not engage in wanton destruction of Hindu temples as well as mass coversion of Hindus to Islam.

In his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan James Tod wrote:

"What nation on earth could have maintained the semblance of civilization, the spirit or the customs of their forefathers, during so many centuries of overwhelming depression, but one of such singular character as the Rajpoot? . . . Rajasthan exhibits the sole example in the history of mankind, of a people withstanding every outrage barbarity could inflict, or human nature sustain, from a foe whose religion commands annihilation; and bent to the earth, yet rising buoyant from the pressure, and making calamity a whetstone to courage. . . . Not an iota of their religion or customs have they lost. . . ".



Contrast this to how Muslims converted entire Iranian kingdom, where a very ancient religion of Zoroaster flourished, on the edge of the sword in a very short amount of time:

This section is from (THE PARSEES, THEIR HISTORY,MANNERS, CUSTOMS AND RELIGION. DOSABHOY FRAMJEE. First Published LONDON: SMITH, ELDER and CO., 65, CORNHILL: 1858.) [Page 3]



"Suffice it to say, that with Yezdezird, the forty-fifth king in the descent of the race of Kaimurs, ended the ancient Persian monarchy. The neighbouring and wealthy empire of Persia presented too tempting a prize to the fanatic and ambitious spirit, evoked by Mahomed, to remain long unmolested , and in the middle of the seventh century of the Christian era, the Arab sword invaded Persia, under Caliph Omar. In a fierce and well-contested battle with the Persians at the village of Nahavand, about fifty miles from the ancient city of Ecbatana, the fate of the empire was decided.....Yezdezird, abandoning his kingdom as lost, fled the country; and after wandering in solitude and disguise for a period of ten years, was at last treacherously slain by a miller to whom the secret of his identity had been confided (651 AD). ....

Thus on the conquest of Persia, the Mahomedan soldiers of the Caliphat of Baghdad traversed the length and breadth of the country, presenting the alternative of death or the Koran, and compelling the conquered nation to accept the one or the other. By these oppressive and cruel means, a hundred thousand persons are said to have daily abjured the faith of there forefathers; and the fire-temples and other sacred places were destroyed or converted into mosques."

References

# Beck, Dr. Sanderson (2004), India & Southeast Asia to 1875., World Peace Communications, ISBN 0976221004.

# Bhati, Hari Simha (2002), Annals of Jaisalmer: a pre-medieval history., Kavi Prakashan, ASIN B0000CPJC0.

# Bhati, Dr. Hukam Singh (2003), Bhati vamsa ka gauravamaya itihasa Vol I-II., Ithihass Anusandhan Sansthan, Chaupasani, Jodhpur.

# Bhati, Dr. Narayan Singh (1991), Maharaja Mansingh: the mystic monarch of Marwar., Maharaja Man Singh Pustak Prakash, Jodhpur.

# Bhati, Dr. Hukam Singh (1990), Maheca Rathaurom ka mula itihasa: Ravala Mallinatha ke vamsaja - Maheca, Baramera, Pokarana, Kotariya aura Khavariya Rathaurom ka sodhapurna itihasa., Ratan Prakashan, Jodhpur.

# Bhati, Dr. Hukam Singh (Editor) (1993), Mevara jagiradaram ri vigata : Maharana Amarasimha Dvi. evam Maharana Bhimasimha., Pratap Shodh Pratishtan, Udaipur 313 001.

# Bhati, Dr. Hukam Singh (Editor) (2001), Svatantrya vira Rava Chandrasena: Jodhapura ka sasaka 1562-1581., Rajasthani Shodh Sansthan, Chaupasani, Jodhpur.

# Bhati, Dr. Hukam Singh (Editor) (2002), Vira siromani Rava Amarasimha Rathaura : Nagaura ka sasaka, 1638-1644., Rajasthani Shodh Sansthan, Chaupasani, Jodhpur.

# Bhatnagar, Professor V.S. (), Essays on Bardic literature.

# Chauhan, Dr. Bindhayaraj (2003), Bharata ka Liyonidasa, Sonigira Virama de Chauhana, Jalaura: Lionidas of India Sonigira Viram de Chauhan., Arjun Singh Songara publication, Sanchore, Jalore, Rajasthan.

# Chauhan, Dr. Lal Bhadur Singh (ISBN 81-7043-429-7), Rashtra-gaurava suravira Maharana Pratapa., Atma Ram and Sons, New Delhi 110006, ISBN 81-7043-429-7.

# Choudhury, Bani Roy (2nd Ed. 1977), Folk tales of Rajasthan., Sterling Publishers, ASIN B0007ANEHY.

# Dua, Shyam (2004), The luminous life of Maharana Pratap., ISBN 8175738324.

# Gehlote, Sukhvir Singh (2000), Svatamtrata-premi Durgadasa Rathaura., Navbharat Publications, Jodhpur 342 001, Rajasthan.

# Harlan, Lindsey (1992), Religion and Rajput Women: The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary Narratives., University of California Press, ISBN 0520073398.

# Heinemann, S O (1990), Poems of Mewar., Vintage Books, ISBN 81-85326-40-1.

# Hunter, W.W. (1886), The Indian Empire, Its People, History and Products., London: Trubner & Co, Ludgate Hill, 1886, ISBN 81-206-1581-6.

# Joshi, Dr. Sanjay (2004), Unveiling Ajitsingh's Sanskrit biography : issues in Marwar history and Sanskrit poetics., Books Treasure, Jodhpur, ISBN 81-900422-1-1.

# Kadam, Vasant S (1993), Maratha confederacy : a study in its origin and development., Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, ISBN 81-215-0570-2.

# Mathur, Professor G.L. (2004), Folklore of Rajasthan., Publisher Rajasthani Granthagar, Sojati Gate, Jodhpur.

# Mathur, Dr. L.P (2004), War strategy of Maharana Pratap, its evolution and implementation., Publication Scheme, Ganga Mandir, Jaipur-1, ISBN 81-8182-016-9.

# Mishra, Jwalaprasad (1914), Jati Bhaskara., Khemaraj Shrikrishnadas.

# Nagar, Dr. (Kr.) Mahendra Singh (2004), The genealogical survey : Royal house of Marwar and other states., Maharaja Man Singh Pustak Prakash, Jodhpur.

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# Ojha, Dr. Gauri Shankar Hira Chand (First edition 1936, Second revised edition 1999), Sirohi rajya ka itihasa., Rajasthani Granthagar, Sojati gate, Jodhpur.

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# Ranade, M G (1962), Rise of the Maratha power., ISBN 1135403368.

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The perilous nexus between the media and political parties

It would be fair to say that our country is experiencing the greatest media revolution it ever had before since independence. The contemporary media looks like playing safe by associating itself with a particular political ideology or may be they don’t have any option. Personally, I refuse to buy that reason. There is a difference between relationship with politics and relationship with political parties. It is very much legitimate on part of the media to observe objectively the activities of politics and reporting the news and events to the audience without distorting the facts. When I say that the relationship of the media with political parties is dangerous then I mean to imply that the odds and ends are far more precarious than anything else.

We talk about self-regulation for almost all business verticals in our country but what about the media which is also an industry and the entities are incorporated with the prime motive to earn profits and not to forget the TRPs? Profit is not a bad word but I still believe that one can stick to social and business values and still run business in profits. It applies to media all the more as it is the mirror of society and carries a greater onus of reporting the truth and facts as they happen.

A classic example of how media and political parties can influence each other is as follows:
NDTV’s Chairman and President Dr. Prannoy Roy (no offence whatsoever) married Radhika Roy who is Brinda Karat's (Prakash Karat's wife) sister. Brinda and Prakash both are politburo members of the CPI (M). It is rumored that Prannoy Roy's seed capital for NDTV came from the comfy relationship he had with Bhaskar Ghose, then Doordarshan's head honcho. DD was fond of doing business with Roy at the exclusion of other contenders, which fondness Roy exploited to the detriment of DD's revenues but to his own advantage. Rajdeep Sardesai, former test cricketer Dilip Sardesai's son and was an anchor at NDTV, is married to Bhaskar Ghose's daughter Sagarika Ghose who writes columns for the Indian Express. Indian Express' Shekhar Gupta in return hosts a talk show on NDTV. Last but not the least, the stylish and sophisticated Dr. Prannoy Roy was known to be close to Rajiv Gandhi and now Sonia.

No wonder that the channel that initially hounded Natwar Singh on the Volcker Scam had raised its doubts on the opposition party’s intention of joining hands with Natwar Singh. Whoever has watched the parliament proceedings (I know most of us don’t waste time watching such a silly drama on TV) on DD will agree that the Speaker is clearly partial towards the government. To my surprise and utter dismay none of the channels condemned or gave an impartial reporting on that issue. Most of the talk shows and debates telecast are finely orchestrated to suit their favorites’ (Communists and Congress) interests.

The danger is clear. In the garb of sophistication, highly educated image, the image of holding high moral and social values these channels are cleverly selling the ideology of their favorites. They definitely wouldn’t like to be called mouthpieces. Therefore, this veil of intelligence and urbanity is a clever trick. I wonder why these so called ‘modern and liberal’ channels haven’t highlighted grave issues like illegal immigration from Bangladesh, Kashmiri Pundits’ lives as refugees in their own country, criminals in politics, vote bank politics in the name of caste, poor infrastructure etc? The amount of time or space given to these issues is either nil or very less, unless of course something like floods or other natural calamities strike in case of poor infrastructure. The worse thing is that these channels and newspapers do not shy away from covering ‘B’ grade or ‘C’ grade actors’ wedding ceremonies, Saurav Ganguly’s future in Indian cricket team, how many wives does a popular Bollywood singer has, the divorce drama between former leading Bollywood actress and her husband, vulgarity in a ‘C’ grade music album etc. No wonder people like Govinda are MPs. This is the kind of peril that media can make happen. I wouldn’t even suggest them to have reality checks or introspection for I’m sure that the kind of people that are in media are highly educated and whatever they are doing is their conscious decision.

Will the Indian media ever emerge above these inconsequentiality and nepotism? Save the nation!

TO discuss all trends in the world

Then the turning away from the religion of technology and the reemergence of spirituality as manifested in the religious revival are signs of great hope. Having vowed to make war and weapons of mass destruction obsolete, a renew humanity begins the task of healing the environment. (John Naisbitt - Megatrend 2000)

Here are some of the question Naisbitt raises:
Is the Millenium the symbolic struggle between Good verses Evil? Is the Millenium revival a metaphor of choice, where, on one hand man can destroy himself through: nuclear annihilation, bio terror, or the green house effect; and on the other hand, God destroys the wicked because of their willfull disobedience to his laws. What does it mean when we hear "God is Dead" espoused by the Greek Nietzsche philosophy of those who worship science? Are we prepared to embrace and accept both sides of human nature? Do we have to abandon our humanity too embrace science? Is the spiritual revival a quest to better our lives and our neighbors?

In times of religious persecution, economic hard times, social change people seek to escape out of history seek millennial promises of peace and plenty.

Science and technology do not tell us the meaning of life. One starts to rediscover the emotional side of life. There is a deep need for emotional fulfillment through religion. In tough times, people anchor down with either fundamentalism or spiritualistic experiences.

As stronger emotional needs start surface, more advocacy of millennial doctrine will occur with rhetoric centering on themes of apocalyptic destruction and the final return and reign of Christ. The end out come will be "Good" has over "Evil".

Fundamentalism will increase: Shinto, Islam, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Judism.

Joseph Cambell's in his book "Power of Myth" emphasized the importance and power of myth. Myth has power and influence on human behavior. Naisbitt indicates that in time of rapid change both inner-directed, "trust the feeling inside" and out-direction, "authoritive doctrine" will increase. "The Battle for God" further supports the idea of a religious revival with a vast potential to influence media, business, and politics.

Naisbitt observes, one Shinto priest known as the "miracle man of Japan" won 5 million members, in Japan, United States, and Brazil with 80 percent being non-Japanese. Fundamentalist Soutern Baptists have become the largest Protestant denomination. Naisbitt says, "The Catholic Church is reflecting the evangelical influence by tolerating a full-fledged charismatic movement that make some Southern Baptist look tame". In North America new religions outside of the Judeo-Christian framework are growing: Moslem, followers of Islam, Buddhism, and Korean religions.

The fundamentalist have used media to spread their message. Religion is targeting marketing, larger architectures to congregate, music, books and generating billions of dollars in business. The religous leader broadcast taylo made messages and content which are being modeled by feedback from what the people want. Fundamental religion authoritivately spells out the answers. The New Age of Channeling seeks to use meditation, chants, and dream works to increase human intutition.

The New Agers and Fundamentalist commonly dislike each other. "New Agers are tired of the tyranny of fundamental religions trying to take away the right of freedom of religion and the press," says Elizabeth Burrows. Harvey Cox says, "a global phenomenon that has to do with the unraveling of modernity" and marks the end of "a kind of faith where science would master all our problems."

All about anthropology

'Indian society is still interdependent'
The Rediff Interview | Dr Arjun Appadurai, anthropologist
http://www.rediff.com/news/2006/aug/08inter1.htm

August 08, 2006
Dr Arjun Appadurai, the Mumbai-born anthropologist, writer and professor at the New School University in New York says he is optimistic with Mumbai's message that attacks on its infrastructure and daily life will not become pretexts for internal witch-hunts and pogroms.